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AUTHOR: 


GRAY,  [ELIZABETH 
CAROLINE  ...] 


TITLE: 


THE  HISTORY  OF 
ETRURIA... 

PLACE: 

LONDON 

DA  TE : 

1 843-68 


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^  G?ay!^  m^i^^^^  ( Joliiistone)3  "Mr^.  Hanulton  '' 

TnnIlnn''^?T7f'',!  ^i^"^!^  -     ^^  ^^^^  Hamilton  Gray.  ' 
Liondon,  J.  Hatchard  and  son,  1843-44.68. 

5  V.    front  (fold,  map,  v.  2)  plan.    19J-.     • 

CoNTENTS.--pt  I.  Tarchun  and  his  times.    From  the  foundation  of  Tar 
qumia  to  the  foundation  of  Rome.-pt  II.  From  the  fouSoTnfPn^I 
to  the  general  peace  of  ajino  Tarquiniae  839  ^b^^  14^^      ^+    ttt      ^^hv. 

an  account  of  t'^e  mn'naTs  an^  ^usIUi^^d^^aM^^ 

1.  Etruria— Hist 


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Ihird  Edition 

TOUK  TO  THE  SEPULCHRES  OF  HTIU  KIA, 

IN   1839. 

By  Mrs.  Hamilton  Gray. 

Contents -.—Introduction — Veil— Monte  Nerone—Tarquinia—Vulci 
-Tuscan ia— Caere  or  Agylla— Castel  d'Asso—Clusium— Conclusion. 

With  numerous  Illustrations,  post  Hvo.  price  ^h.  clotli. 


THE 


HISTOUY   OF   ETRURIA. 


PART    I. 
TAKCHLN   AND   HIS  TIMES. 

IlloM   TKK  rOINI>.\T|iiN  OF    TAHmiNlA   T<i  THE  FOUNDATION  OF 

KOMK. 


f. 


BY 


MRS.    HAMILTON    GRAY. 


COI.COLL 

LONDON: 
J.  HATCHARD  AND  SON,  187,  PICCADILLY. 

1843. 


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LONDON : 
a.    J.    I'AI.MER,    PRINTER,   SAVOY    STREET,    STRAND 


PREFACE. 


We  beg  to  warn  the  readers  of  this  work,  that 
the  references  to  ancient  authors  quoted  in  it,  may 
often  appear  incorrect  as  to  paragraph  and  page. 
This  arises  from  different  editions  of  the  classics 
having  unavoidably  been  used  and  consulted,  during 
the  composition  of  the  work,  owing  to  a  frequent 
change  of  residence.  In  each  edition  the  pages  vary, 
and  in  some  of  them  the  paragraphs. 

The  courteous  reader  is  therefore  requested,  when 
at  fault,  to  look  into  the  index  of  the  works  in 
question,  and  there  he  will  almost  always  find 
those  references  given,  which  are  proper  to  his 
own  edition,  concerning  the  subject  under  con- 
sideration. 

20563 


1 


i 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction 


The  Rasena 


Thi:   Hyksos 


CHAPTER  L 


CHAPTER  II. 


CHAPTER  III. 
Tarchun  in  Italy 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Umbri  and  Sikeli 


CHAPTER  V. 


The  Pelasgi 


CHAPTER  VI. 
The  Twelve  Dynasties  of  Etruria   . 


Tages 


Voltumna 


CHAPTER  VII. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Page   1 


4 


26 


.   52 


.   74 


.   86 


.   113 


141 


.  169 


i\ 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Tarchun  and  his  Institutions. 

Augur — Aruspex — Lucumo  and  Noble — Kin^ — Senate — Clans 
— Feciales — Boundaries— Women       .  .  .     l«o 

CHAPTER  X. 
Tarchun  and  his  Institutions. 

Division  of  the  Land,  and  Classes  of  the  People  . 


208 


CHAPTER  XL 

Tarchun  and  his  Institutions. 

Army — Seculum — Political  Relations 


233 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Tarchun  and  his  Institutions. 

Written  laws— Religious  basis— Fate— Education  of  the  Lucu- 
moes — Castes— Coins  and  Monetary  System— Commerce — 
Roads — Hydraulic  operations  .  .  .     262 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Tarchun's  Death — Hercules— Saturn — Janus  21^3 

CHAPIER  XIV. 
^NEAS  AND  Tuscan  Heroes      .  .  .     .ilO 

CHAPTER  XV. 
Civilization  ofCentral  and  Northern  Umbria  34o 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Colonisation  of  Central  Italy.         .  -     366 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
Campania  and  Magna  Grecia. 


.     390 


Page  l-i. 
J2, 

i2y. 

•208, 

234. 

238, 

303, 

306, 

323, 

352, 

361, 

362, 

365, 

369, 

396, 


errata. 

line  I, /or  Vellijua  read  Vellejus. 

<jtli  line  from  top,/yr  spendor,  reoJ  splendor. 

13th  line  from  bottom,/or  styles  read  style. 

2d  line  in  note, /or  sone  read  son. 

4th  line  from  bottom, /or  chapter  read  chapters. 

2d  line  from  bottom, /or  nations  read  notions. 

12th  hne  from  bottom,/or  constitutions  read  institutions. 

^/th  line  from  bottom,/or  Macrobus  read  Macrobius. 

bottom  line,/or  him  rewl  ho. 

6th  line  from  top,  /or  enbalmed  read  embalmed. 

4th  line  from  bottom, /or  n  read  in. 

l(Kh  line  from  top,/or  from  Greece  for  Atria  read  for  Greece  from  Atria. 

bth  line  from  bottom, /or  Rhoeotia  read  Rhcetia. 

6th  ifne  from  top, /or  interest  read  intention. 

10th  line  from  bottom, /or  of  Sabines  read  of  the  Sabines. 

13th  Une  from  bottom,  obliterate  the  comma  after  the  word  CampanUn. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I  HAVE  undertaken  to  arrange  in  chronological 
order,  the  diffuse  and  abundant   notices  whicir  we 
have,  widely   scattered   through   classical   authors, 
respecting   Etruria  and   the  Etruscan   i)eopIe,  and 
which,  as  far  as  I   know,  have  never  yet  been  em- 
bodied in  one  history.     This  work  I  dedicate  to  my 
countrymen,  hoping  tliat  it  may  fill  a  void  in  litera- 
ture, and  i)rove  destitute  neitlier  of  interest  nor  im- 
provement ;  and   most  heartily  do  I  wish,  for  their 
sakes,  that  it  were  more  within  the  compass  of  my 
feeble  powers  to  do  full  justice  to  so  weighty  a  task. 
Those  who  know  what  it  is  to  write  a  history  and 
what  are  the  qualifications  necessary  for  an  historian, 
are  aware  tliat  it  requires  a   union  of  memory  and 
knowledge,  of  judgment  and  acuteness,  of  reach  of 
intellect  and  depth  of  thought,  which  are  very  rarely 
combined  in  one  person,  and  to  which  I  make  no 
pretensions.     But  what  lies  within  the  compass  of 
my    power,   I  have  done.     I   have  spared  neither 
study  nor  research  to  arrive  at  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth  ;  I  have  consulted  ancient  authors,  as  well 


INTRODUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 


as  read  modern  ones,  and  I  have  nowhere  inten- 
tionally misled  or  misrepresented,  in  order  to  sup- 
port a  favourite  theory.  I  have  found  the  field  un- 
occupied, and  mine  has  been  the  first  plough  to  break 
the  fallow  ground.  May  more  skilful  hands  culti- 
vate it  richly,  and  reap  a  golden  harvest ! 

The  authorities  which  have  been  consulted 
in  the  composition  of  this  work,  are  Livy  and 
Tacitus,  Virgil,  Varro,  Pliny,  Dionysius,  Diodorus, 
Herodotus,  Plutarch,  and  Strabo ;  the  English 
Ancient  History,  in  twenty  volumes,  to  which  I 
cannot  sufficiently  express  my  obligations ;  Demp- 
ster de  Etruria  Regali,  Bochart's  valuable  Treatise 
uj)on  the  Phoenicians,  Micali's  two  works  upon 
Italy,  MUller's  Etriisker,  and  Niebuhr's  Home  ;  be- 
sides a  multitude  of  lesser  authors,  and  the  Annals 
of  the  Archseological  Institute  of  Rome.  May  my 
countrymen  excuse  the  deficiencies  of  this  work, 
and  accept  the  information  which  it  contains. 

The  Etruscans  appear  not  to  have  been  a  native 
people  in  Italy,  but  to  have  arrived  there  in  ships 
from  some  foreign  country,  about  twelve  hundred 
years  before  the  Christian  sera.  Some  authors  call 
them  indigenous,  but  this  merely  means  that  they 
were  settled  in  Etruria  from  the  earliest  period  of 
Italian  historv  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge, 
and  that  the  first  dawn  of  civilization  and  literature 
in  that  land  may  be  traced  to  them.  In  the  same 
manner,  when  they  are  called  by  Pliny,  Diodorus, 
and  Dionysius,  the  inventors  of  handmills,  trumpets, 
prows,   and  of  many  arts  and    sciences,  it  merely 


means  that  they  were  the  first  introducers  of  these 
things  into  the  Peninsula. 

Their  history  naturally  divides  itself  into  four 
parts,  which  we  shall  treat  of  in  order. 

1st.  From  the  Settlement  of  the  Etruscans  in 
Italy  to  the  Foundation  of  Rome. 

2nd.  From  the  Foundation  of  Rome  to  the  Death 
of  Tarquin  the  Second. 

3rd.  From  the  Death  of  Tarquin  the  Second  to 
the  Death  ofSylla. 

4th.  From  the  Death  of  Sylla  to  the  Extinction 
of  the  Etruscan  Faith  in  the  Fourth  Century  of  the 
Christian  ^ra. 

To  conclude  with  a  short  account  of  the  man- 
ners  and  customs,  arts  and  sciences,  religion  and 
commerce  of  the  Etruscans. 

Every  nation  in  western  Europe  may  take  an 
interest  in  their  history;  for  though  unacknow- 
ledged, they  were  the  prime  originators  of  all  our 
civilization,  and  many  of  their  laws  and  customs 
exist  amongst  us  at  this  day,  and  will  continue  to 
influence  us  unto  the  end  of  time. 


B  2 


COL.C()TX. 

^.vofUv. 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  RASENA. 

Our  first  notices  of  the  Etruscans  are  from  Hesiod*    \^' 

CKS'T. 

and  Homer,t  who  call  them  the  mighty  Tyrseni,  xm. 
and  say  that  they  lived  in  the  days  of  the  Demi- 
gods;  Eschylus,  Euripides,  and  Herodotus,  who 
call  them  Tyrseni,  the  only  Italian  J  nation  known  to 
the  early  Greeks,  celebrated  for  their  dominion  of 
the  sea,  their  commerce,  and  their  piracy.  About 
a  hundred  years  later  than  Herodotus,  the  Greeks 
knew  that  they  were  a  different  people  from  the 
Latins,  and  Aristotle  §  and  Theophrastus  ||  wrote 
largely  upon  their  laws  and  government,  but  the 


♦  Hesiod.  Theog.  1015.  f  Herod,  in  lib.  de  vit.  Horn 

X  Dionysius  of  Halic.  1.  1,  says,  that  Italia  of  the  Latins  was 
Tursenia  of  the  Greeks. 

§  Athen.  Deip.  xii.  ||  Scholiast.  Find,  in  Pith. 


\ 


ii 


6 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


works  are  lost.     The  later  Greeks,  describing  the 
same  people,  call  them  Turrheni  or  Pelasgi,  and 
the  Latins  call  them  Etruri,  Etrusci,  Tusci.     It  is 
sin<rular  that  by  none  of  these  names  did  the  people 
cal?  themselves.     Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  made 
a  particular  study  of  them  and  their  institutions  in 
the  reign  of  Augustus,  and  wrote  their  history  in 
twenty  "books;  and   though  that  history  is  lost,  yet 
the  circumstance  of  his  having  wrhten  it  makes  his 
authority  of  more  weight  in  all  those  passages  of 
his  Roman  history  in  which  ho  treats  of  the  Etrus- 
can people  ;  and  he  affirms  that  they  called  them- 
selves Rasena,  as    he  supi^ses,  from   some  native 
hero.     The  word  Rasn,  Rasncs,  is  often  found  in 
their  inscriptions,  and  though  no  Latin  author  has 
thus  denominated  them,  it  is,  notwithstanding,  their 
distinctive    and   appropriate    appellation,   even    as 
Gael  is  that  of  the  Scottish  Highlanders,  although 
no  English  historian  has  made  mention  of  them  by 

that  term. 

The  name  of  an  ancient  nation  is  a  thing  of  much 
consequence  in  tracing  its  origin,  because  it  was 
never  arbitrary,  but  had  always  a  meaning  attached 
to  it,  implying  either  some  peculiarity  in  the  people, 
such  as  "  tall,  strong,  red,  fair  ;"  or  that  they  were 
the  descendants  of  a  certain  man,  or  that  they  came 
from  a  certain  country  or  city.  Of  this,  the  example 
best  known  to  every  one  is  the  Israelites,  who  took 
their  name  from  Israel,  and  who  were  besides  He- 
brews, from  Heber,  and  Jews,  from  Judah.  They 
were  al^^o  called  "  the  people  of  Moses,"  and  "  the 


THE    RASENA.  7 

seed  of  Abraham  ;"  and  they  evidence  to  us  the 
coiinuon  practice  of  the  Eiis.,  which  was  to  give 
many  names  to  the  same  people/*ind  frequently  to 
the  same  person,  but  each  name  for  its  own  peculiar 
reason.  Hence  the  Rasena  were  Tyrseui,  Turrheni, 
Etrusci,  and  Tusci,  and  each  had  its  derivation. 
Niebuhr  thinks  that  the  real  name  is  Ras,  or  Rus, 
and  that  Eua  is  a  Latin  termination.  But  as  Pursn, 
or  Pursenna,  is  unquestionably  Etruscan,  and  the 
n  or  enna  in  this  name,  is  not  a  Latin  addition, 
there  is  no  reason  why  it  should  be  in  Rasena,  nor 
much  probability  that  Dionysius,  who,  besides,  gives 
us  both  the  Latin  and  the  Greek  name,  would  have 
changed  the  native  pronunciation,  as  it  was  taught 
to  him.  The  name  of  Rasena,  the  radicals  of  which 
are  R.  S.  N.,  (for  in  Etruscan  the  vowels  seem 
always  to  be  a  matter  of  indifference,)  is  further 
confirmed  by  its  being  the  only  one  adopted  by  all 
the  early  Greeks,  who,  like  Dionysius,  must  have 
learned  it  from  the  people  themselves;  and  they 
called  them  Tyrseni,  or  tyRSNi.*  No  other  appel- 
lation, according  to  Niebuhr,  being  found  in  any 
Greek  author  before  the  time  of  Plato.  We  shall, 
therefore,  suppose  the  letters  R  S  N  to  be  proved  as 
forming  the  radicals  of  the  word  by  which  the 
people  called  themselves  ;  and  the  stock  from  which 
they  are  descended,  whether  man,  country,  or  city, 
is  likely  to  have  had  that  or  a  siniilar  pronun- 
ciation. 

The  Greeks,  in  like  manner,  called  their  country 
*  The  T  here  is  merely  a  servile  letter. 


i 


8 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TyRSeNa,  and  believed  it  to  include  the  whole  of 
Italy,  from  the  Alps  to  Magna  Grecia ;  because  in 
the  whole  of  th-afi-wide  space  from  Spina  to  Cape 
Gar"-anus,  and  from  Luna  to  Cuma  and  Paestum, 
they  knew  and  had  commerce  with  no  other  people. 
The  first  colonies  of  the  Greeks  in  South  Italy  bor- 
dered upon  the  country  of  the  TyRSNi,  and  some 
towns,  especially  Parthenope  Baia,  Pozzuoli,  and 
Nola,  were  composed  of  both  people.  The  later 
Greeks,  from  the  time  the  Romans  became  known 
in  Magna  Grecia,  i.e.  from  about  350  b.  c.  down  to 
the  second  century  of  our  sera,  called  the  people 
Tyrrheni  and  their  country  Tyrrhenia,  and  give  as 
a  reason,  that  they  were  great  tower-builders,  or  as 
Dionysius  says,  the  first  tower-builders  in  Italy — 
Twppoi,  whence  Turrhenoi.  The  real  reason,  how- 
ever, is  probably  derived  from  the  Roman  Etruri,  or 
the  name  they  themselves  called  their  country, 
Etruria,  Eturia,  Ature,  whence  the  Greek  Turi, 
Turroi,  Tyrrheni.  This  last  appellation  is  the  one  by 
which  they  arc  best  known  in  poetry  and  general 
history,  and  it  is  also  a  corruption,  as  Niebuhr  and 
Miiller  both  prove,  of  the  name  Tarchun,  or 
Tyrrhenus,  the  great  hero,  lawgiver,  and  leader  of 
the  Etruscan  people. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  quote  authorities  for 
these  various  names,  as  any  one  may  satisfy  himself 
of  the  correctness  of  the  statement,  by  looking  into 
any  of  the  Latin  or  Greek  writers  whom  we  have 
mentioned. 


THE    RASENA.  If 

Herodotus,  about  450  b.  c,  is  the  oldest  author 
who  attempts  any  history  of  the  TyRSNi,  or,  as 
they  name  themselves  in  their  inscriptions  to  be 
seen  in  Italian  museums,  the  "  Rasne."  He  gives 
a  very  curious  story,  and  doubtless  a  very  old  tradi- 
tion, current  amongst  themselves  in  that  age.  He 
says,  (lib.  i.  95,)  "  In  the  reign  of  Atys,  son  of 
Manes,  king  of  Lydia,  the  country  was  afflicted 
with  a  grievous  famine,  which  the  people  long  bore 
with  great  patience,  but  finding  that  the  evil  did  not 
cease,  they  sought  a  remedy,  and  each  one  imagined 
what  pleased  himself  best.  Upon  this  occasion  they 
invented  dice,  ball,  and  all  sorts  of  games,  except- 
ing 7re(T(Tot,  calculi,  a  sort  of  drafts,  of  which  they 
were  not  the  inventors ;  and  they  played  at  these 
new  games  one  day  and  fasted,  whilst  they  ate 
and,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  worked  on  the  day  follow- 
ing. In  this  manner  they  continued  to  live  for 
eighteen  years  !  But  at  last,  the  evil,  instead  of 
diminishing,  increased,  and  the  king  Atys  divided 
his  people  into  two  bands,  and  made  them  draw 
lots,  the  one  to  remain  and  the  other  to  quit  the 
country.  Those  who  departed  had  for  chief  the 
king's  son  Tyrsenus. 

"  The  banished  Lydians  first  went  to  Smyrna, 
where  they  constructed  vessels,  loaded  them  with 
furniture  and  useful  implements,  and  embarked  to 
go  in  search  of  food  and  habitation  elsewhere. 
After  coasting  along  several  countries,  they  landed 
in  Umbria,  wliere  they  built  cities,  which,"  says 
Herodotus,  "  they  inhabit  now.'* 

B  5 


10 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


It  is,  indeed,  remarkable  that  this  language  is 
still  so  far  true,  that  some  of  the  descendants  of 
Tyrrhenus's  colony,  which  settled  in  Italy  more 
than  three  thousand  years  since,  did  very  lately  in- 
habit, and  possibly  may  still  dwell  in  the  cities  which 
Tyrrhenus  colonised  ;  witness  the  Cecina  of  Vol- 
terra  and  one  or  two  more  Tuscan  families,  whose 
names  denote  an  Etrurian  origin.  Many  will  smile 
at  this,  but  let  them  ask  themselves.  Do  not  we 
know  the  descendantsof  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
nay,  even  of  Aaron,  at  this  very  hour  ?  Herodotus 
continues,  "  that  the  Lydians  quitted  their  former 
name,  and  took  that  of  Tyrseni,  from  Tyrsenus,  son 
of  the  king,  who  was  chief  of  the  colony."* 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  criticise  the  absurdity 
of  this  story,  which,  nevertheless,  Herodotus  cannot 
be  supposed  to  have  invented.  No  land  ever  suf- 
fered famine  for  eighteen  years.  The  longest  famine 
ever  known  upon  the  earth  was  the  seven  years* 
famine  mentioned  in  Genesis,  many  years  before 
the  date  of  the  Italian  Rasne.  The  story  is  not 
Lydian,  in  our  acceptation  of  the  name  Lydia,  as  is 
shown  by  Dionysius,t  confirmed  by  Mliller  and 
Niebuhr;  for  Xanthus,  the  historian  of  Lydia  prior 
to  Herodotus,  never  mentions  it.  The  Lydians 
never  were  either  a  maritime  or  a  commercial 
people.  They  had  no  navy ;  they  sent  out  no  colonies. 
Smyrna,  in  that  early  age,  did  not  exist ;  Tyrsenus 

*  Vel.  Paterculus,  lib.  i.,  who  repeats  the  story,  and  Strabo, 
hoth,  from  Herod.,  call  Lydus  and  Tyrrhenus  brothers, 
t  Lib.  1. 


THE   RASENA. 


11 


is  not  a  Lydian  name :  and  when,  in  the  reign  of 
Tiberius,  the  Lydians  claimed  kindred  with  the 
Etruscans,*  Tacitus  tells  us  that  the  senate  rejected 
their  claim.  This  story,  however,  omitting  the  de- 
tails of  the  famine,  is  repeated  by  Strabo,  Velleius 
Paterculus,  Virgil,  Horace,  and  Plutarch,  the  one 
borrowing  from  the  other,  and  all  deriving  their  in- 
formation from  the  father  of  Greek  history.  "  The 
ancients,"  says  Wilkinson,  speaking  of  his  own  ex- 
perience in  Egypt,  "  tell  us  little  of  any  land  ex- 
cepting Greece  and  Rome^  and  what  they  do  tell  us 
is  generally  wrong." 

Dionysius  examined  the  grounds  of  this  story, 
which  was  universally  believed  in  Rome  in  his  day ; 
and  he  says  that  the  Rasne  had  nothing  in  common 
with  the  Lydians,  neither  language  nor  religion, 
those  two  strongest  of  all  evidences,  nor  manners, 
nor  customs,  nor  laws,  nor  national  peculiarities. 
The  Rasne  being  from  the  beginning  a  trading  and 
commercial  nation,  which  the  Lydians  were  not. 
Some,  he  says,  called  them  "  Turrheni-Pelasgi," 
and  of  the  two,  they  resembled  the  Pelasgi  more 
than  the  Lydians,  though  most  unlike  to  both. 

It  thus  seems  proved  that  the  Etruscans  were  not 
Lydians,  and  yet  that  all  the  authors  quoted  agree 
in  their  having  arrived  in  Italy  by  sea,  from  some 


♦  Tacit.  Annal,  (lib.  iv.  §  24.)  Eleven  cities  disputed  the 
honour  of  raising  temples  to  Tiberius ;  the  Sardians  recited  the 
testimony  of  the  Etruscans,  that  they  came  from  Lydia  under 
Tyrrhenus,  but  the  senate  rejected  their  claim.  Dion,  repeats 
the  whole  of  the  story. 


12 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


other  country,  and  under  one  great  leader  of  royal 
rank,  called  by  the  Greeks  Tyrsenus,  by  Greeks  and 
Romans  Tyrrhenus,  by  the  Romans  also  Tarchon,* 
and  by  the  Rasne  themselves  Tarchun  or  Tarchu. 
Those  who  call  the  Etruscans  indigenous,  i.  e.  not 
tracing  themselves  beyond  their  settlement  in 
Italy,  equally  agree  as  to  their  first  great  ruler 
Tarchun. 

Dionys.  lib.  1,  after  relating  the  whole  of  Hero- 
dotus*s  story  and  confuting  it,  gives  the  version  of 
Xanthus,  that  king  Atys  had  two  sons,  Lydus  and 
Torebo,  both  of  w  hom  remained  in  Asia,  and  both 
of  whom  are  probably  Eponyms,  after  the  manner  of 
the  east,  to  signify  that  Lydians  and  Torebi  were  of 
the  same  stock.  He  then  goes  on  to  say,  that  he 
considers  those  authors  who  would  make  the  Etrus- 
cans indigenous,  scarcely  less  foolish  than  Hero- 
dotus and  his  legend  ;  because  the  people  and  their 
language  were  different  from  all  the  rest  of  Italy, 
though  they  influenced  every  state  between  the  two 
seas.  It  is  curious  to  see  Dionysius  lay  so  great  stress 
upon  language,  which  modern  criticism  has  proved 
to  be  the  real  key  to  the  extraction  of  a  people. 
He  thinks  the  Greeks  called  the  Raseni  Turseni 
from  their  Tvpaen:  or  fortresses,  and  Turrhenoi  from 
their  turreted  habitations,  or  from  some  great 
prince.  The  Romans,  he  says,  called  the  people 
Etruscus  from  their  country  Etruria,  and  Tuscus 
(which  is  a  false  idea)  from  the  pre-eminent  ex- 
cellence of  their  frankinsence  and  sacrifices ;  dvotrKoot^ 

*  Vide  ^neid  passim. 


THE   RASENA. 


13 


being  the  Greek  for  a  sacrificer,  from  0uoc,  a  sacrifice ; 
whence  the  Latin  word  for  frankincense.  Thus.    The 
Turrheni  and  Pelasgi,  Dionysius  says,  were  long  the 
only  names  connected  with  Italy  which  were  known 
to  the  Greeks.     Therefore,  though  the  Pelasgi  were 
conquered  by  the  Turrheni,  and  all  their  cities  taken, 
the  two  people  came  to  be  confounded  by  the  Greeks, 
and  supposed  to  be  the  same.     "  In  like  manner, 
they  included   under  the  name  Tyrseni  the  Latins, 
Umbrians,  and    Ausoni;    the  distance  of  the   two 
countries  rendering  accurate  information  very  dif- 
ficult." *      Nothing,   surely,   can    more    rationally 
and  satisfactorily  explain   the  confusion  in  ancient 
authors    between    the  Turrheni  and    the    Pelasgi, 
and  how  the  acts  of  the  one  are  continually  attri- 
buted to  the  other.      If  it  be  true,  as    Dionysius 
affirms,  that  Agylla,  Pisa,  and  many  other  cities  be 
Pelasgic,  can  we  wonder,  when  the  Greeks  found 
them  inhabited  and  governed  by  Turrheni,  that  they 
should  imagine  the  two  people  to  be  the  same  ?    The 
Greeks   excelled    in   imagination,    but    were   never 
famous  for  exactness  or  truth.     Hence  Helanicus  of 
Lesbos  says  that  Tyrsenus,  tlie  leader  of  the  Tyrseni, 
and  Pelasgus  were  the  same  person.     Hence  other 
authors,  according  to   Dionysius,    make    Tyrsenus 
the  son  of  Hercules    by    Omphale,  the    Queen   of 
Lydia.      A  poetical  version  of  Ilerodotus^s   story, 
that  Tyrsenus  or  Tarchun    was  a  royal  person  of 
great  courage  and  talent  from  Lydia.    Strabo  follows 
this  version,  which  yet  we  have  proved  to  be  false. 

♦  Dionys.  lib.  1. 


14 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


With  respect  to  their  antiquity,  we  have  seen 
that  Hesiod  and  Homer  could  not  trace  what 
had  existed  so  long  before  themselves,  and  that 
Herodotus  merely  gives  us  the  date  of  Atys,  king 
of  Lydia,  a  mythological  person,  whose  ancestors 
sprung  from  the  earth,  and  whose  era  is  not 
known.  Dionysius,  lib.  i.  says,  they  expelled  the 
Siculi,  whom  Niebuhr  makes  the  Itali,  the  first 
inhabitants  of  Italia,  three  generations  before  the 
Trojan  war  ;  i.  e.  about  12G0  b  c.  Strabo  says  that 
the  Pelasgi  expelled  the  Siculi  at  that  time, 
meaning,  very  probably,  by  Pelasgi  the  Turrheni ; 
but  if  otherwise,  he  must  by  implication  place  the 
settlement  of  the  Tyrrheni  still  earlier,  for  Diony- 
sius, i.  says,  that  they,  the  Etruscans,  taught  the 
Pelasgi  how  to  fight.  Ptolemy  and  Aristides 
say  that  they  were  cotemporary  with  the  Ar- 
gonauts and  Theban  Bacchus.  Athenaeus  *  and 
several  other  authors  say  that  they  fought  the 
Argonauts,  which  must  have  been  1266  b.  c,  ac- 
cording to  Sir  I.  Newton.  Appian  says,  they 
triumphed  1000  years  before  Rome  ;  and  as  the 
first  Roman  triumph  is  ascribed  to  Romulus,  this 
fixes  their  date  at  1700  b.  c,  and  can  only  mean 
to  express  their  great  antiquity  compared  with  the 
Romans. 

Dionysius  says,  they  conquered  the  Umbri  500 
years  before  Rome,  i.  e.  about  1253  before  Christ. 
Virgil  makes  their  hero  Tarchun  cotemporary  with 
^neas,   1177  b.  c,  when  they  were   a  settled  and 

*  Deipnosoph. 


THE    RASENA. 


15 


powerful  nation,  and  Vellijus  Paterculus  confirms 
this  date  by  placing  Tarciiun  in  the  same  age  with 
Orestes,  king  of  Argos. 

It  seems  then  established  by  Greeks,  who  were 
wholly  unacquainted  with  Etruscan  numbers,  and 
by  Latins,  who  were  acquainted  with  them,  that  the 
Turrheni  or  Rasena  arrived  in  Italy  about  1250  b.c. 
Now,  in  confirmation  of  this,*  Varro  tells  us  that 
the  Tuscan  annals  were  collected  together  and  made 
into  a  written  history  in  their  8th  saeculum  about  the 
year  347  of  Rome,  which  places  the  beginning  of 
their  sera  between  400  and  500  years  before  Rome. 
Cicero  gives  the  same  statement,  and  Plutarch  tells 
us  that  in  the  year  of  Rome  666,  an  Etruscan 
Aruspex  proclaimed  that  the  Etruscan  day  of  1100 
years,  during  which  Jove  or  Tina  had  given  them 
dominion,  was  near  an  end,t  and  this  again  brings 
us  to  the  same  reckoning. 

From  all  these  concurring  testimonies,  it  seems 
quite  clear  that  the  Rasena,  Tyrseni,  Turrheni  or 
Tuscans,  arrived  in  Italy  about  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  b.c.  ;  and  that  they  were  a  settled 
and  powerful  nation,  both  according  to  their  own 
records  and  the  early  Greek  authors,  about  1180 
B.  c. 

Before  discussing  the  precise  point  of  time  from 
which  the  annals  of  the  Tuscans  date,  we  will 
inquire  who  was  their  leader  ?  where  they  landed  ? 
what  inhabitants  they  found  in  Italy  at  the  time  of 

*  Varro  apud  Censorinum,  17 
t  Vide  Niebuhr  on  Seculum. 


16 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


their  arrival  ?  what  arts  and  sciences,  laws,  religion 
and  language  they  introduced  ?  and  lastly,  upon  this 
subject,  whence  they  probably  came  ? 

Herodotus,  lib.  i.,  says  that  they  sailed  from  their 
native  land,  and  established  themselves  in  Italy 
under  Tursenus,  and  all  the  numerous  Greek  writers 
who  follow  him  give  the  same  story,  changing  the 
name,  as  they  became  personally  acquainted  with  the 
people,  to  Turrhenus.  Dionysius,  who  alone  studied 
them,  examined  their  annals  and  wrote  their  history 
from  individual  research,  says  that  they  did  not 
name  themselves  Turrheni  but  Rasena,  and  that 
the  name  Turrheni  was  probably  derived  from  some 
great  prince,  whom  Miiller  and  Niebuhr  prove  to 
have  beenTarchon,or  asMicali  has  found  it  written  in 
inscriptions  preserved  in  Italy  \J\^QA  7^  Tarchu, 
and  again,  Tarkisa  and  Tarchina.  We  shall  spell  it 
Tarchun,  because  there  was  no  O  in  the  oldest 
Etruscan  alphabet,  and  in  the  same  manner  and  for 
the  same  reason,  we  shall  substitute  U  for  O  in  Etrus- 
can names  generally.  Cato,  Cicero,  Festus,  and 
Servius,  call  the  Etruscan  leader  Tarchon  ;  and  as  to 
him,  the  various  authors  quoted  attribute  the  found- 
ing of  all  the  Etruscan  states,  and  especially  of  Tar- 
quinia,  which  was  called  after  his  name,  the  promul- 
gation of  laws,  the  institutions  of  religion,  and  the 
formation  of  the  army,  we  may  consider  it  a  settled 
truth,  that  Tarchun  was  the  first  leader  and  ruler  of 
the  Etruscans. 

Our  only  testimony  as  to  where  they  landed,  is 
to  be  found  in  Herodotus,  i.  94,  and  his  followers. 


THE    RASENA. 


17 


who  call  the  country  Umbria,  and  this  is  confirmed 
by  Livy,  v.  33,  who  says,  that  "  They  first  settled  in 
the  country  between  the  Appenines  and  the  lower 
sea,  and  afterwards  sent  out  colonies  north  and 
south."  Umbria,  1200  years  before  the  christian 
aera,  included,  according  to  Pliny,  all  the  country 
from  the  Po  as  far  south  as  Mount  Garganus. 
This  account  of  their  first  landing  is  not  disputed 
by  any  ancient  writer,  and  the  internal  evidence  of 
which  such  a  matter  is  capable  is  all  in  its  favour, 
such  as  names,  dates,  and  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment ;  and  the  certainty  that  all  Etruria  proper 
was  once  called  Umbria,  that  the  Umbrians  were 
conquered  by  the  Etruscans,  and  that  several  of 
the  chief  states,  such  as  Perugia,  Arezzo  and  Cor- 
tona,  were  long  indifferently  called  Turrhenian  and 
Umbrian. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  this  matter  also  is  de- 
monstrated ;  and  that  we  have  gained  the  facts  that 
the  Rasena  under  Tarchun  landed  at  some  spot  in 
Umbria,  about  1250  before  Christ ;  the  period  at 
which  their  own  annals  commence,  being,  according 
to  the  best  scholars,  1187  before  Christ.  As  the 
country  was  called  Umbria,  it  must  have  been  in- 
habited by  the  Umbrians ;  and  as  they  conquered 
the  Pelasgi,  and  as  many  of  the  Turrhenian  cities 
were  also  called  Pelasgic  ;  so  it  would  seem  that  the 
inhabitants  with  whom  they  first  met,  were  Umbri 
and  Pelasgi,  of  whom  more  hereafter. 

The  arts  and  sciences  which  they  brought  with 
them,  consisted,  as  implied  by  all  the  authors  before 


18 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


quoted,  of  everything  which  in  that  age  was  known 
to  the  Lydians,  or  to  the  eastern  nation  which  is 
designated  by  that  name.  As  Tyrsenus  is  called 
the  son  of  Hercules,  his  people  must  have  been  a 
brave,  strong  and  warlike  nation.  As  they  built 
ships  and  fitted  them  out  for  long  voyages,  they 
must  have  understood  navigation  ;  and  as  orientals, 
they  must  have  loved  music,  dancing  and  feasting, 
pomp  and  ceremony,  dress  and  show. 

They  were  probably  inclined  to  love  of  ease  and 
luxurious  living;  they  must  have  cherished  a  pro- 
found respect  for  age  and  rank,  a  reverence  for  pa- 
rental autiiority,  a  religious  veneration  bordering 
upon  superstition  for  all  that  related  to  divine  wor- 
ship, a  love  of  order  and  an  aversion  to  change. 
The  story  of  the  famine  supposes  that  they  had  long 
patience  and  perseverance,  that  "  they  knew  how 
to  want,  as  well  as  how  to  abound,"  that  they  were 
rich  in  expedients  to  remedy  inevitable  calamities, 
and  that  they  introduced  into  Italy  an  unheard  of 
number  of  games  and  diversions,  the  origin  of  which 
with  them  was  not  so  much  to  consume  time,  as 
to  divert  sorrow.  As  the  eighteen  years  scarcity 
implies  that  they  supplied  themselves  with  food,  and 
did  not  depend  upon  their  neighbours,  we  gather 
that  they  were  an  agricultural  people  ;  and  as  Hero- 
dotus says  that  they  carried  with  them  furniture  and 
useful  implements,  we  presume  that  the  forms  after- 
wards in  general  and  ancient  use  amongst  them,  as 
well  as  the  peculiar  inventions  ascribed  to  them, 
were  introduced  into  Italy  first  by  them.     It  thus 


THE   RASENA. 


19 


appears,  that  when  they  landed,  they  were  an  eastern 
colony  of  cultivated,  refined  and  highly  civilized 
men,  well  skilled  in  war,  science  and  agriculture. 
Our  knowledge  of  their  dress  and  family  names, 
some  religious  ceremonies  and  many  domestic 
customs,  is  gathered  from  the  arms  and  ornaments, 
the  paintings,  urns   and   sculpture  found  in   their 

tombs. 

Before  detailing  the  Italian  life  of  their  great 
hero,  it  appears  natural  to  inquire  who  they  really 
were  ?  or  in  other  words,  w  hence  we  must  conclude 
them  to  have  come  ? 

Their  laws  and  religion  we  gather  from  the  Latin 
writers,  Cato,  Cicero,  and  Livy,  confirmed  by  the 
whole  Roman  history  ;  and  of  them  and  of  their 
marked  Syro- Egyptian  character,  even  to  the  very 
name  given  to  their  laws,  of  "  Tagetic  institutions," 
and  of  their  lawgiver  "  Tages,"  we  shall  treat  in  the 
sequel,  when  we  come  to  the  history  of  Tarchun  and 
his  times.  Their  language  is  only  known  from  in- 
scriptions found  upon  sarcophagi  and  bronzes  in 
their  tombs,  upon  statues  and  liturgical  tables  and 
marbles,  which  have  from  time  to  time,  within  the 
last  two  centuries,  been  dug  up  in  Italy,  and  are  now 
preserved  in  various  museums.  We  have  also  a  few 
Etruscan  words  in  Varro,  and  in  most  of  the  Greek 
and  Latin  historians.  And  from  these  various 
sources,  it  has  been  proved  that  their  alphabet  is 
Assyrian  ;  meaning  by  the  term  Assyria,  that  vast 
continent  which  lies  between  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  Indus,  the   inhabitants  of  which  originally  had 


20 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


one  common  character,  from  which  each  separate 
nation  has  made  its  own  varieties.  The  Etruscan 
language,  in  like  manner,  appears  to  be  a  branch  of 
Phoenician  or  Assyrian,  with  some  mixture  of 
Egyptian,  and  in  later  times  with  derivations  from 
the  Greek,  and  the  Oscan,  or  the  native  tongue  of 

Italy. 

The  use  of  investigating  a  language  and  the  rea- 
son of  laying  so  much  stress  upon  it,  may  be  ex- 
emplified by  the  English.  Supposing  a  learned 
eastern  philosopher,  who  knew  not  our  history,  were 
to  examine  our  language  now,  in  order  to  trace 
through  it,  our  origin  and  probable  relations,  he 
would  find  the  basis  of  our  tongue  Saxon,  our 
scientific  terms  all  Latin  and  Greek,  and  the 
language  of  our  upper  classes,  our  fashion  and  re- 
finement, largely  mingled  with  French.  He  would 
hence  conclude  that  the  people  were  a  German  race ; 
but  that  they  had  derived  their  literature  and  the 
greater  part  of  their  political  institutions  from  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  and  their  ruling  classes  from 
the  French.  They  appear,  in  short,  to  have  been  a 
race  of  Saxons,  civilized  by  the  Romans,  and  con- 
quered by  the  French.  Could  written  history  tell 
our  story  better  ?  It  is  thus  that  we  shall  reason 
with  reorard  to  the  Etruscans. 

Their  numerals,  as  will  hereafter  appear,  are  a 
variety  of  oriental  writing,  and  are  remains  of  the 
Zend  or  arrow-headed  character,  which  was  used  in 
the  Assyrian  part  of  Asia  from  the  earliest  times 
down  to  the  days  of  Darius,  but  not  later.    Niebuhr 


THE    RASENA. 


21 


calls  them  "  the  remains  of  a  hieroglyphic  of  the 
west."  But  he  should  rather  have  said  the  remains 
of  a  hieroglyphic,  which  proves  the  intercourse  of  the 
Etruscans  with  the  eastern  continent,  if  it  does  not 
demonstrate  the  very  spot  whence  they  emigrated. 

Their  astronomy  and  chronology,  in  like  manner, 
Niebuhr  terms  western  or  Mexican.  But  as  the  Mexi- 
cans are  very  clearly  traced   in   the  annals  of  the 
American   Archaeological    Society,   to    have    been 
colonists  from  Tartary  and  from  Malacca,  whose  an- 
cestors were  settlers  from  lands  to  the  west  and  north 
of  themselves,  our  investigations  pushed  far  enough, 
land  us  again  in  the  centre  of  Asia,  as  the  fountain 
spring  whence  the  Rasena  issued  forth.     Who  and 
what  then,  do  we  suppose  the  Rasena  to  have  been? 
We  think  it  not  doubtful,  borne  out  at  least  by 
every  collateral  proof,  that  they  were  a  colony  from 
the  great  and  ancient  city  of  Resen,or  RSN,  as  it  is 
written  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  the  capital  of  Aturia, 
in  the  land  of  Assyria.*    It  is  situated  on  the  Tigris, 
a  great  navigable  river,  and  the  name  is  by  some 
called  the  Chaldee  and  by  others  the  Egyptian  form 
of  pronouncing    Assyria,  the  Hebrew  S  (;^)  being 
sounded  in  Chaldee,  t  n.f    It  is  mentioned  by  Moses 
in  the  book  of  Genesis,  x.  12,  as  one  of  the  oldest 
and  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the  very  greatest  city, 
then  in  the  world.     He  says,  "  Out  of  that  land  (the 
land  of  Shinaar)  went  forth  Assur  (or  the  Assyrians, 
i.  e.  the  tribe  of  Assur)  and  builded  Nineveh,  and  the 

♦  Vide  Strabo  xvii. ;  Bochart,  Pliny,  v.  8. 
t  Vide  Bochart.     Phal.  1.  2. 


22 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUlilA. 


city  Rehoboth,  and  Calali,  and  ReSeN,  between 
Nineveh  and  Calah  ;  the  same  is  a  great  city/' 
This  was  written  by  Moses  the  prince  of  Egypt, 
brought  up  in  the  court  of  Pharaoh,  and  acquainted 
with'^Zoan  and  Memphis,  and  the  hundred-gated 
Thebes,  and  all  the  wealth,  power  and  spen.lor  of 
the  first  of  kingdoms.  Yet  does  he  place  R  S  N" 
in  its  early  glory  above  them  all,  using,  as  he  does, 
an  expression  of  wonder  in  mentioning  it,  which  he 
neither  uses  respecting  them,  nor  Salem,  nor  Tyre, 
nor  Nineveh,  nor  Babylon.  This  was  written  at 
least  14G()  years  before  Christ,  two  centuries  be- 
fore the  appearance  of  the  Rasena  in  Italy,  and  it 
refers  to   times   which    are    many   hundred    years 

earlier. 

It  may  be  objected  that  if  the  radicals  of  the  name 
Rasena  are  RSN,  which  are  preserved  in  tyRSeNi 
and  etRuScaN,  how  comes  the  N  to  be  wanting  in 
Etruria  andTusci,  the  Latin  names  for  the  Rasena  ; 
anddoesnot  this  rather  prove Niebuhr's  assertion  that 
the  radicals  were  RS?  But  this  argument  falls  to  the 
ground,  if  the  great  city  of  RS  N  itself,  in  course  of 
time,  or  by  Greek  orthography,  had  its  name  so 
changed  that  the  radical  N  was  omitted.  We  find 
in  Bochart's  profoundly  learned  work,  that  RSN 
was  probably  conquered  by  Cyrus,  and  that  it  is  the 
city  of  Larissa,  as  described  by  Xenophon.  It  was 
then  in  ruins,  but  it  had  been  a  mighty  and  im- 
portant town  when  in  possession  of  the  Medes. 
Bochart  says,  that  when  the  Greeks  asked  its  name, 
the  Orientals  would  answer  pi^,  LRSN,  or  in 


THE    RASENA. 


23 


Greek  euphony  Larissa.*  Still  more  does  Niebuhr's 
argument  fall,  if  tried  by  the  Roman  appellation  of 
Etrusci  or  Tusci,  for  he  thinks  that  the  N  was  itself 
a  Latin  addition.  Etrusci  and  Tusci  are  taken  from 
the  country  Etruria  or  Tuscia,  now  Tuscany  and  the 
adjoining  provinces. 

We  think,  from  the  striking  similarity  in  religion 
and  habits  between  the  Egyptians  and  the  Rasena, 
that  a  large  colony  from  the  eity  of  Resen  dwelt  for 
a  long  time  in  Egypt ;  and  that  about  1260  years 
before  Christ,  or  it  may  be  even  somewhat  later, 
they  sailed  from  some  pait  of  Africa  to  seek  new 
homes  and  new  fortunes  in  Italy.  And  we  think 
that  had  Herodotus  written  either  "  Ludin "  or 
"  Lubia  "  instead  of  "  Ludia,  "  and  "  Syrtes  "  instead 
of  "  Smyrna,"  his  account  would  have  given  the 
real  tradition  of  the  people.  It  is  almost  certain 
that  Herodotus  must  have  been  told  "Ludin,'' 
for  the  country  of  the  Rasena,  which  he  wrote 
"  Ludia  ;"  because  the  name  "  Ludin  "  is  found  upon 
the  Egyptian  monuments,  as  the  name  of  a  series  of 
nations  triumphed  over  by  the  Pharaohs  two  or 
three  times  before  the  days  of  Moses.f  And  as  it  is 
evident  that  the  story  of  Herodotus  is  not  Lydian 
in  the  sense  of  Lydia  proper,  so  we  must  suppose 
him  to  have  confused  the  Etruscan  account  with  the 
Lydian,  from  similarity  of  names. 

Concerning  the  events  of  a  very  remote  period  of 
ancient  history,  recorded  by  no  authentic    annals, 

*  Bochart,  iv.  123.         t  Vide  Rosellini,  M.  Storici,  vol.  iii. 


24 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


and  conjectured  rather  tlian  traced  through  the  mazes 
of  the  wanderings  of  a  mysterious  people,  discretion 
forbids  us  to  assume  the  tone  of  positive  assertion. 
We  trust,  however,  that  in  the  foregoing  as  well 
as  subsequent  pages,  hypothesis  will  be  admitted  to 
have  assumed  the  garb  of  probability,  and  that  we 
are  neither  deceiving  ourselves,  nor  misleading  our 
readers,  when  we  believe  that  we  can  point  out  the 
true  source  of  that  wonderful  race,  to  whom  Europe 
owes  so  much  and  has  acknowledged  so  little.     We 
think  that  we  can   discern    them,  a  stately  band, 
issuing  from  beneath  the  lofty  gateways  of  the  high 
walled  and  proudly  towered  Resen,  that  great  city, 
as  ancient  as  Memphis  and  Zoan.     Thence  we  fol- 
low them  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  behold  them 
mino-ling  in  fellowship  with  the  victorious  Assyrians, 
and  with  the  seed  of  Israel,  in  the  fertile  nomes  of 
Lower  Egypt.     Until  at  length  the  avenging  arm 
of  the  legitimate  Pharaoh    delivered    his    country 
from    Asiatic    o})pression,  and    drove    the    men  of 
Resen  to    seek  for   settlements  elsewhere.      After 
their  second  exile,  we  trace    them    to  a  welcome 
Italian  home,  whither  they    brought  the  arts,  the 
arms,    the    luxuries,   and  the    sciences  which   they 
had   originally  possessed  in   Ludin,  and  on   which 
they  had  engrafted   the   learning    of  the  wisest  of 

nations. 

Here  they  become  dominant  lords  of  the  soil,  and 
beneficent  victors,  conquering,  civilizing,  and  bless- 
ing the  ruder  people  of  the  west  ;  until   the  mys- 


THE    RASENA. 


25 


terious  times  of  their  dominion  being  ended,  and 
the  sand  of  their  promised  ages  of  glory  having  run, 
they  sunk  into  the  subordinate  state  of  a  conquered 
nation,  and  were  soon  absorbed  in  the  all-engrossino- 
'*  Senatus  Populusque  Romanus." 


ll 


I 

I 


26 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE   IIYKSOS. 


CoTEMPORARY  with  the  Etruscans  as  Rasena,  and 
closely  connected  with  them  in  their  original  Syrian 
home,  and   in  their   progress  through  Egypt,  was 
another  mysterious  people,  whom  the  annals  of  the 
ancient  world  introduce  to  us  as  the  vanquishers  ot 
the  most  civilized   of  nations,   and  founders   of  a 
powerful    monarchy,  which   flourished    for    many 
centuries.     In  investigating  the  early  history  of  the 
world,   the    Hyksos   cross   our   path    as  a  mighty 
shadow,  advancing  from    native  seats  to  which  it 
baftled  the  geography  of  antiquity  to  assign  a  fixed 
position,  covering  for  a  season  the  shores  of  the  Me- 
diterranean,  and    the  banks  of  the   Nile  with  the 
terror  of  their  arms  and  the  renown  of  their  con- 
quests,   and  at    length  vanishing  with    a    mystery 
equal  to  that  of  their  first  appearance. 

It  will  be  seen  that  we  regard  the  word  Hyksos, 
not  as  the  name  of  a  particular  nation,  but  as  the 
term  by  which  those  enemies  were  designated,  who, 
after  a  long  and  obstinate  usurpation,  continued 
always  to  dispute  the  palm  of  victory  with  the 
Pharaohs,  during  the  culminating  centuries  ofEgyp- 


THE    HYKSOS. 


27 


tian  glory,  and  who,  though  sometimes  vanquished, 
seem  never  to  have  been  totally  subdued  ;  for  even, 
after  ages  of  security  and  conquest,  they  reappeared 
again,  bringing  defeat  and  ruin  in  their  course. 

But  although  not  marked  out  as  any  one  particular 
people,  the  Hyksos  were  of  Asiatic  origin,  and  were 
inhabitants  of  the  western  part  of  the  continent  of 
Asia,  the  early  cradle  of  the  human  race.  From  the 
only  real  authentic  accounts  which  we  possess,  of  the 
most  ancient  history  of  man,  it  would  seem  that  the 
civilization  and  power  of  some  of  these  Asiatic 
people  were  not  inferior  to  those  of  Egypt.  And  this 
equality  is  confirmed  by  the  long  and  often  suc- 
cessful struggle  which  they  maintained  with  the 
Pharaohs  ;  while  it  is  illustrated  by  the  treasures 
of  pictorial  antiquity  which  the  researches  of  modern 
times  are  bringing  forth  from  the  palaces  and  tombs 
of  Egypt,  which  represent  Sesostris,  Sethos,  and 
other  conquerors  triumphing  over  enemies,  evidently 
not  inferior  to  themselves. 

But  the  Hyksos  have  a  nearer  claim  to  our 
interest  than  that  which  belongs  to  a  matter  of  his- 
tory foreign  to  our  subject.  Since  to  them,  as  the 
people  of  western  Asia,  belonged  the  great  city  of 
R^sen,  whence  issued  the  ancestors  of  the  Etruscan 
race. 

Roscllini,  in  his  "  Monumenti  Storici  d'  Egitto," 
vol.  iii.,  part  1,  page  438,  mentions  several  people, 
such  as  the  Tohen,  Romenen,  and  Scios,  as  coming 
from  the  land  of  "  Ludin,"  which  he  has  satisfactorily 
proved  to  be  the  Egyptian  name  for  the  west  and 

c  2 


28 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


south  of  Asia,  if  not  for  all  the  parts  of  that  conti- 
iient  which  were  intimately  known  to  the  Egyptians. 
A  remarkable  monument  of  King  Amenoph  the  1st, 
whom  liosellini  places    1822  years  before    Christ, 
speaks  '*  of  the  Scios  or  shepherds,  a  people  of  Ludin 
who  inhabited  the  fortresses  of  Canaan :"  and  amongst 
the   countries   of   Ludin    are   mentioned   by  name 
«  Canaan,  Mesopotamia,  and    Ionia."     He  further 
proves  that  the  Ludin  named  on  the  monuments, 
was  a  land  of  vast  extent,  divided   into   upper  and 
lower ;  and    that   it  is  the   Ludim  or  Dn^b  of  the 
Hebrew  Scriptures,  com])rehending  Asia  Minor,and 
the  whole  of  the  country  of  Assyria.*     Eratosthenes, 
the  geographer,  about  230  years  before  Christ,  was 
the  first  who  extended  the  name  Asia  beyond  Syria, 
Arabia,  and  Asia  Minor,  over  the  central  parts  of 
that  great  continent,  called  by  the  Hebrews  Ludim  ; 
and  Herodotus  is  proved,  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
by  the  rediscovery  of  the  hieroglyphics,   to   have 
given  us  a  real   tradition,  which  tho.e  who   related 
and  repeated  it  had  ceased  to  understand. 

We  will  now  inquire  whether  there  are  any  cir- 
cumstances in  Egyptian  history,  recorded  either  by 
the  ancients  or  on  the  monuments  as  explained  by 
Hosellini  or  Wilkinson,  which  make  it  probable  that 
a  colony  of  Assyrians  ever  did  settle  in  Egypt ;  and 
that  having  once  settled  there,  they  left  it  again 
about  the  ])eriod  when  the  Rasena  say  they  arrived 
in  Italy.    Rosellini,  Wilkinson,  Bunsen  and  Cham- 
pollion,  all  agree  that  the  Egyptians  were  early  in- 
*  Jeremiah  xlvi.  9 ;  Ezekiel  xxx  5. 


THE    HVKSOS. 


29 


vaded  on  their  eastern  borders  by  the  Assyrians  and 
Arabians,  that  Lower  Egypt  was  entirely  conquered 
and  long  ruled  by  them  ;  and  that  after  a  strife 
which  never  ceased  for  centuries,  the  legitimate 
sovereigns,  who  had  retired  to  the  south,  first  to 
Upper  Egypt,  and  then  into  Nubia  and  Ethiopia, 
regained  their  territory  and  expelled  the  invaders 
with  triumph.  The  names  of  these  strangers  is 
written  upon  Egyptian  monuments  "  Hyksos,"  and 
the  debate  amongst  scholars  is  not  as  to  any  of  the 
facts  now  stated,  but  only  as  to  who  the  "Hyksos" 
were,  and  how  long  they  ruled. 

Bunsen  *  gives  them  a  dominion  of  nearly  1000 
years  in  the  land,  from  2514  b.  c,  down  to  1501 
B.C.,  when  the  18th  dynasty  recovered  their  for- 
mer territories,  and  began  to  rule,  and  during  this 
time  Abraham  visited  Egypt,  and  Jacob  and 
his  descendants  established  themselves  in  Goshen. 
Bunsen  at  the  same  time  follows  Josephus  in 
thinking,  that  they  resided  in  Egypt  without  do- 
minion, or  with  uncertain  dominion,  much  longer, 
and  that  amongst  these  Hyksos  the  Jews  were  alsj 
numbered,  who  did  not  quit  the  land  until  the  time 
adopted  by  the  Hebrew  Bible,  viz.  in  the  year  1490 

*  We  do  not  believe  that  this  distinguished  antiquarian  has 
as  yet  published  his  views  on  the  subject  of  Egyptian  Chrono- 
logy. The  dates  quoted  in  the  foUowing  pages  refer  to  the 
Chevalier  Bunsen's  system,  as  communicated  to  the  author  in 
1838,  by  some  of  the  learned  members  of  the  Roman  Arch^o- 
logical  Society,  of  which  he  was  at  once  the  ornament  and 
patron. 


30 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


31 


B.  c.   or    thereabouts,    in    the    reign    of  Thutmes 

the  3rd. 

Rosellini  on  the  other  hand,  gives  the  Hyksos  ab- 
solute dominion   over  lower  and  middle  Egypt  for 
only   240   years,   re-establishes   the   legitimate   so- 
vereigns, in  the  person  of  Amenoph  the  1st,  in  1822 
I)efore  Christ ;  and  thinks  that  the   Israelites,  who 
were  also  Hyksos,  but  never  triumphant,  quitted 
Egypt  under  Ramses  the  3rd,  about  1560  before 
Christ.     Rosellini,  although  not  in  this,  follows  the 
Septuagint  chronology    in   almost    all  his   reckon- 
ings; and   Bunsen,  who  takes  his  dates  from  the 
monuments  only,  also  comes  much   nearer  to  the 
Septuagint  than  to  the  Hebrew,  in   his  calculations 
of  all  the  early  dynasties.     Indeed,  whilst  all  the 
principal  independent  chronologies  of  the  east,  the 
Chinese,  the  Hindustanee,   Egyptian,  and  Samari- 
tan,  have    a   general    agreement    with    the    Sep- 
tuagint, and  with   each  other,  none  of  them  can  be 
made  to  agree  with  the   Hebrew,  previous  to  the 
time  of  Solomon,  nor  is  that  Hebrew  chronology 
supposed  ever  to  have  existed   before  the   second 
century  of  our  sera. 

Spineto,  in  his  work  upon  the  Egyptian  hiero- 
glyphics, says,  that  for  127  years  after  Christ,  only 
one  chronology  was  used  by  Heathens,  Jews,  and 
Christians ;  and  that  this  was  the  chronology  of  the 
Hebrew  text,  as  it  then  stood,  followed  by  the  Sa- 
maritan, the  Pentateuch, and  the  Septuagint,  and  cor- 
roborated by  Josephus,  who  says  that  he  derived  all 
his  dates  from  the   Hebrew.     An  alteration   took 


place  A.  D.  130,  in  the  reign  of  Adrian,  when  some 
Jewish  Rabbis  and  a  heretic,  named  Aquila,  made  a 
new  translation  into  Greek.  The  Jews  then  altered 
the  Hebrew,  and  appealed  from  the  Greek,  which 
the  Christians  did  understand,  to  the  Hebrew,  which 
they  did  not  understand.  Still  the  Christians  kept 
to  their  old  dates,  until  Bede  adopted  the  Jewish 
reckoning,  not  knowing  its  origin.  And  this  altered 
reckoning  was  followed  at  the  Reformation,  by  all 
the  Protestants. 

The  name  Hyksos,  which  is  indiscriminately  ap- 
plied to  all  the  strangers  who  conquered  Egypt  or 
settled  in  it,  is  proved  by  Rosellini,  vol.  i.  page  177, 
to  have  meant  "  strangers  and  wanderers.''  Hence 
in  hatred  and  contempt,  "  vagabond,  wretch,  beggar, 
slave  ;"  and  in  indifference  or  respect,  "  shepherd 
kings,  and  their  people."  Thus  the  wild  Scythians 
and  Arabians,  the  trading  Edomites  and  Canaan- 
ites,  the  civilized  Phoenicians  and  Assyrians,  were 
all  Hyksos.  Josephus  says,  that  the  Hyksos  were 
Jews  ;  Eusebius,  that  they  were  Phoenicians ;  Afri- 
canus,  that  they  were  Greeks,  by  which  he  is  sup- 
posed to  mean  strangers  from  Asia  Minor;  and 
more  modern  writers  that  they  were,  without  doubt, 
Arabs  and  Assyrians.  And  all  these  assertions  are 
true.  The  Hyksos,  or  shepherd  race  which  invaded 
Egypt  before  Abraham,  arc  called  by  ancient  writers 
Cushim,*  that  is,  Ethiopians,  or  Babylonians.  Ro- 
sellini says,  that  the  tradition  of  the  ancient  Egyp- 

♦  Cush    lay    on    both  sides   of  the  Persian    Gulf.      Vide 
Bochart. 


32 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


33 


tians  was,  that  they  were  a  race  of  giants  who  lived 
between  the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates. 

This  has  a  singular    relation  to  the  children  of 
Anak,  the  Ben  Anak   or  Pen   Anak,  whence  the 
profound    Bochart   derives  the    word    Pheanic    or 
Phanician.     When  the  children  of  Israel  were  on 
the  borders  of  Canaan,  they  could  scarcely  be  per- 
suaded to  attack  these  dreaded  men,  of  whom  they 
had  doubtless  heard  the  most  fearful  tales  from  their 
nurseries  upwards.     They  said,  "  we  will  return  into 
Egypt ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  overcome  these  dread- 
ful giants,  the  Ben  Anak.     The  sons,  i.  e.  the  men 
of  Anak  come  of  the  giants,  and  we  were  as  grass- 
hoppers beside  them.   They  are  stronger  than  we,  and 
the  cities  in  which  they  dwell  are  walled  and  very 

great."* 

It  is  probable  that  every  nation  which  the  Egyp- 
tians ever  coftquered,  as  well  as  all  those  by  whom 
they  were  conquered,  were  called  by  them  Hyksos 
or  foreigners.     There  were  demonstrably  in  Egypt 
three  r^ces  of  them.    First,  The  wild  barbarians  who 
destroyed  the  monuments  and  overran  the  country, 
overwhelming  the  Egyptians  by  numbers  and  disgust- 
ing them  by  fanaticism  and  ignorance,  wasting  and 
ruTning  everything  in  their  course,  and  whose  image 
afterwards,  in  the  bitterness  of  hatred,  they  painted 
upon  the  soles  of  their  shoes.  Secondly.  The  scientific 
Assyrians, who,  according  to  Herodotus,  lib.  2,  builtf 

♦  Numb.  xiii.  28,  &c. 

t  Herodotus  ii.  125,  &c.      "The  shepherd  PhiUtes  and  his 
cotemporaries,  Cheops  and  Chephrenes,  built  the  Pyramids." 


tlie  pyramids  of  Cheops  and  Cephrenes,  and  fore- 
most among  whom  we  place  the  RSiNa,  who  ruled 
peacefully  over  a  great  and  flourishing  people  in  the 
days  of  Abraham,  Jacob,  and  Joseph.  Thirdly,  The 
quiet,  industrious,  well-ordered  Hebrews,  who  yet 
came  to  be  confounded  with  the  first  Hyksos.  be- 
cause they  left  Egypt  by  a  high  hand,  and  were 
hated  for  the  plagues  and  humiliations  they  had 
brought  upon  the  country. 

Now,   among  the   kings  of  that    early  dynasty, 
which  both  Eusebius  and  Africanus  call  Phoenician 
or   Assyrian,  are  two  celebrated    Etruscan  names, 
Archies  or  Erkle,  and  Janias  or   Janus.     Amongst 
the  towns  over  which  they  ruled   is  Eluthya,  the 
name    of    the    great    Etruscan    temple   at  Pyrgi. 
Amongst  the  people  buried  at  Eluthya,  is  a  great 
warrior     and     scribe,     or    literary     man,     named 
RaNSeNi,  remarkably  like  RSeNa;  and  another 
whom  Rosellini  calls  Phipe,  like  the  Etruscan  Pipe 
or  Vibenna.     And  in  these  tombs,  there  are  repre- 
sentations  of  a  Biga,  and  a  man  writing;  of  music, 
and   dancing,    and  of  agricultural  processes,    quite 
similar  to  the  Etruscan. 

The  emblem  of  victory  with  both  people  is  the 
same,  a  vulture ;  though  in  Italy  it  afterwards  be- 
came an  eagle;  and  the  idea  of  a  disembodied  soul 
is  represented  by  both  people  as  a  bird-like  animal 
with  wings.  Amongst  the  traditions  preserved  by 
Diodorus*  of  the  Hyksos,  is  one  that  240,000  of  them 
deserted  theirown  king  and  settled  in  Ethiopia,  where 

*  Vide  Wilkinson. 

c  5 


34 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


the  Pharaoh  gave  them  land,  and  where  they  built 
the  town  of  Esar,  and  lived  for  30()  years.  Esar  is  an 
Etruscan  word,  meaning  demi-god.  Amongst  the  per- 
sonal names  to  be  found  in  Rosellini,  are  "  Titi,"  one 
of  the  queens,  and  "  Phipi,"  one  of  the  kings, — Etrus- 
can "Tite  and  Fipi;"  Tachfn-es,  a  royal  princess,  like 
Tanchfl,  king  Tarquin*s  wife;  Sephtha,a  priest  of  Vul- 
can, like  Sethlans,  the  Etruscan  vulcan  ;  **  Mandu," 
the  god  of  destruction,  and  Mantu,  who  is  the  same 
person  in  Etruria.  Amongst  Anastasy*8  papyri,  as 
read  by  Young,  are  "  Pursnei,"  **  Tages,  the  son  of 
Chalome,'*  "  Muthes,  Pachytes  and  Phipes,"  all  of 
them  Etruscan  names,  and  three  of  them  familiar  to 
us,  as  "  Porsenna,  Mutius,  and  Vibius.'*  But  above 
all,  is  the  name  Tarchun,  or  Tarakun,  or  Tahraka,  as 
the  Egyptians  wrote  it,  an  African  name.  Tahraka, 
or  Tarchun,  or  Tirhaka,  was  an  Ethiopian  king  of 
Egypt.  The  name  is  found  in  various  Egyptian 
papyri,  and  the  people,  whose  leader  was  Tarkun, 
may  be  traced  from  Africa  with  the  same  probability 
that  the  people  whose  leader  was  George,  or  John,  or 
Pitt,  or  Fox,  may  be  traced  from  England.  What- 
ever may  be  liable  to  criticism  in  these  remarks  will 
be  treated  of  hereafter. 

As  to  the  wars  between  the  Assyrians  and  Egyp- 
tians, their  commencement  is  amonjjst  the  thino-s 
whose  memories  have  perished  from  the  earth  ;  but 
they  may  be  said  never  to  have  ceased  whilst  Egypt 
continued  to  be  a  nation.  According  to  Josephus, 
Africanus,  and  Eusebius,  six  Assyrian  kings,  whose 
names  have  been  preserved  to  us,  were  successive 


THE    HYKSOS. 


35 


i| 


i 


sovereigns  in  Lower  and  Middle  Egypt.  According 
to  the  plates  of  Wilkinson  and  Rosellini,  war  conti- 
nued between  the  two  people  throughout  the  17th, 
18th,  19th,  and  20th  dynasties,  with  various  success, 
sometimes  the  one  and  sometimes  the  other  be- 
coming vanquished  and  tributary.  In  the  days  of 
the  kings  of  Israel,  from  1060  down  to  620  b.c,  we 
find  frequent  mention  of  these  wars  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, particularly  the  submission  of  Pharaoh  Necho 
to  Nebuchadnezzar,  which  conquest  led  the  w^ay 
to  the  invasion  of  Cambyses  and  the  rule  of  his  six 
next  successors.  Egypt  then  recovered  her  own 
sovereigns  for  three  dynasties ;  but  her  power  being 
broken,  the  Persians  again  conquered  her  under 
Ochus,  339  B.  c,  and  ten  years  afterwards,  she  bowed 
at  the  feet  of  Alexander,  when  he  vanquished 
Darius ;  and  she  finally  became  a  Greek  kingdom, 
under  the  Lagidae.  With  these  latter  we  have  no- 
thing to  do,  and  we  merely  mention  them  to  show 
the  unbroken  communication  which  Egypt  always 
held  with  the  continent  of  Asia. 

Both  Wilkinson  and  Rosellini  quote  passages 
from  Manetho  to  prove  that  the  Assyrians  con- 
quered Egypt  before  the  time  of  Osortasen  the  2nd, 
more  than  1800  b.  c.  ;  that  the  Egyptians  afterwards 
not  only  reconquered  their  country,  but  subdued  the 
greater  part  of  Assyria,  and  that  each  nation  settled 
colonies  in  the  other,  and  employed  the  subject 
troops  of  the  other  in  their  armies.  Dionysius 
says,  that  a  colony  of  Egyptian  priests  was  settled  in 
Babylon,  and  some  authors  say  that  the  magi  of 


<^ 


36 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Egypt  were  Chaldeans— which,  during  the  domi- 
nion of  the  Assyrian   princes  in   Lower  Egypt,  is 
most  probable,    if  not    indeed    self-evident.       The 
native    high-caste    magi    would    surely  follow   the 
fortunes  of  their  lawful  princes.     Wilkinson  thinks, 
that  the  Egyptians  had  always  a  band  of  Assyrians 
amongst  their  troops,  either  as  allies  or  as  slaves, 
whence  it  follows  that  if  the  Kasena  were  in  their 
army,  they  would  be  versed  in  the  Syro-Egy ptian  dis- 
cipline, and  would  probably  adopt  and  transplant  to 
their  new  country  the  method  offighting  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, tlieir  arms,  and  many  of  their  military  customs. 
It  is  a  strong  confirmation  of  the  Rasena  having  been 
among  the  dreaded  adversaries  of  Egypt,  that  we  find 
a  people  with  their  countenances  and  dress,  painted 
in  the  tomb  of  Nevothph  at  Beni-Hassan.    This  man 
was  a  general  in  the  army  of  the  Pharaoh  Osortasen, 
who,  as  a  mark  of  royal  favour,  presented  him  with 
a  certain  number  of  the  captives  he  had  taken  in 
war,  along  with  their   leader,  and  with  the   thirty- 
seventh  portion  of  the  spoil.     These   captives  have 
much  the  appearance  of  the  Etruscans  in  the  tombs 
of    Tarquinia.      Manetho   says    that   the   Assyrian 
Hyksos  were  pent  up  in   Avaris  before  they    were 
finally  expelled. 

Rosellini,  vol.  i.  p.  1G9,  gives  us  the  account  of 
Manetho  and  Josephus,  that  the  Assyrian  or  Phoe- 
nician Salatis  ruled  in  Memphis,  and  quartered  his 
army  in  Avaris  or  the  Delta,  having  there  two 
hundred  and  forty  thousand  troops ;  and  that  he 
and  his  successors  held  a  yearly  fair  in  the  Avaris, 


THE    HYKSOS. 


37 


which  was  also  a  religious  feast,  when  he  went  to 
review  and  pay  his  troops,  and  to  see  that  their  dis- 
cipline was  properly  preserved.  The  Avaris  is  the 
same  land  which  is  called  Tifonia;  and  the  for- 
tresses of  the  Hykos-Assyrian  troops  were  sur- 
rounded by  strong  walls.  Rosellini  proves  that 
from  this  Tifonia,  or  the  enemy's  stronghold,  came 
the  Egyptian  evil  genius  Typhon  ;  and  Typhon  was 
the  name  which  the  Greeks  gave  to  the  evil  genius 
of  Etruria,  because  it  had  the  same  attributes  as  the 
Typhon  of  Egypt. 

Of  the  Hyksos  race,  says  Rosellini,  were  the 
Edomites  and  the  Phoenicians.  Now  Herodotus, 
in  his  first  book,  places  the  Phoenicians  on  the  Red 
Sea,  and  the  Rabbis  had  a  tradition  that  the  Rasena 
were  Edomites.  This  again  seems  to  bring  them 
from  Assyria  into  Egypt.  Valerius  Maximus,  ii.  4, 
says  that  they  were  Curetes,  or  Philistines  ;  and 
the  Philistines,  as  we  learn  from  Genesis  x.  14, 
were  a  Phoenician  people,  originally  from  Egypt.* 
We  shall  hereafter  see  that  the  Etruscans  intro- 
duced into  Italy  the  eastern  armour  and  battle 
array,  pay  for  the  troops,  walls  and  fortifications 
for  the  towns,  and  yearly  fairs,  which  were  botli 
political  and  religious  feasts.  It  is,  j)erhaps,  need- 
less to  remark,  that  Avaris  was  also  the  land  of 
Goshen,  which  the  Israelites  inhabited  for  upwards 
of  three  hundred  years ;  and,  probably,  both  from 
its  great  fertility  and  strong  fortifications,  was  able 

*  Gen.  X.   14.     Philistim,  the  son  of  Casluhim,  the  son  of 
Mizraim,  or  Egypt.     Son  means  colony. 


f 


38 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


to  maintain  and  rule  *  a  very  abundant  population. 
The  fortifications  were  all  Assyrian,  for  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  were  unwarlike  and  peaceful,  as  we 
find  mentioned  of  them  in  Exodus  xiii.  17,  and  do 
not  seem  to  have  attempted  defences  of  any  sort, 
whilst  they  considered  themselves  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Egyptian  government.  They  were 
equally  Hyksos  or  strangers  to  the  Assyrian  rulers 
of  the  time  of  Joseph,  and  to  the  Egyptian  rulers  of 
the  time  of  Moses,  and  equally  submissive  to  both. 

The  plates  of  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  in  the  "  Mo- 
numenti  Storici"  of  Rosellini,  copied  from  the  mo- 
numents in  Egypt,  show  us  much  of  the  people 
with  whom  the  Pharaohs  warred.  They  were  fully 
armed  with  helmet  and  shield,  sword  and  spear, 
bow  and  arrow,  battle-axe  and  dagger  ;  fighting  in 
close  ranks  on  foot  or  in  chariots,  and  sometimes, 
but  not  often,  on  horseback.  Their  towns  were 
walled  and  battlemented,  as  the  Etruscan  towns 
were  afterwards ;  their  gates  built  and  formed  in 
the  same  manner,  and  their  strong  forts,  which 
were  built  on  rocky  eminences,  were  attacked  by 
machines  and  scaled  with  ladders.f 

The  word  "  Avar,  Avari,"  Lord  Lindsay,  in  his 
Letters  upon  Egypt,  proves  to  be  the  Sanscrit  for 

•  We  say  rw/e,  because  no  doubt  the  walled  cities  of  Goshen 
rendering  dominion  over  the  inhabitants  easy,  was  one  reason 
why  the  Hebrew  colonists  were  permitted  to  remain  there. 

t  In  a  plate  of  the  wars  of  Menephtha  we  see  a  bridge  laid 
across  the  river,  battle-axes  in  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  and 
helmets  with  ostrich  plumes  upon  their  heads. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


39 


shepherd,  and  "  Goshen,  Goshenaya,"  to  mean  the 
shepherd  land.  His  researches  go  to  prove  that  as 
the  Assyrians  once  ruled  in  Egypt,  so  a  colony  of 
them  crossed  the  Himalayas  and  settled  in  the 
north  of  India.  The  Hindu  records  say,  that  a 
branch  of  the  Pali,  or  shepherds,  from  Palestina, 
conquered  Hindostan.  Hence  we  may  expect  to 
find  many  points  of  resemblance  between  the  Italian 
Rasena  and  the  early  Hindus,  and  such  is  most 
strikingly  the  case  in  many  passages  of  the  laws  of 
Menu,*  and  in  some  of  the  very  few  words  which 
have  been  preserved  to  us  of  the  Etruscan  language. 
For  instance,  augury,  the  Etruscan  solemn  manner 
of  consulting  the  gods,  which  comes  from  Aug- 
gurries,  the  Hindu  name  even  now  for  temple. 
Sir  William  Jones  tells  us  that  Menu  speaks  of 
the  laws  of  property  and  the  division  of  land,  the 
respect  due  to  women,  the  value  of  coin,  and  re- 
gulations concerning  trade  and  commerce.  Menu 
lived  certainly  800  years  b.  c,  and  compiled  his 
Institutes  from  the  Vedas,  which  were  300  years 
older,  about  the  time  when  the  Rasena,  or 
TuRSeNi,  were  a  great  Italian  nation.  Menu, 
however,  in  all  probability,  lived  and  wrote  480 
years  earlier,  i.e.  1280  b.  c,  at  the  time  when  we 
believe  the  Rasena  to  have  been  an  Assyrian  tribe 
in  Egypt,  and  when,  whether  in  Egypt  or  Assyria, 
they  probably  had  commerce  with  the  Hindus. 

It  is  the   tradition    of  Hindostan   that  the  first 
civilizers  came  from  the  north  across  the  Himalayas, 

*   Vide  Sir  William  Jones. 


40 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


(^ttiose  mice  b  I  jjgg,, 

taining.     It  is  very  possible  that  they  m  y 
driven  to  seek  a  new  country  by  some  of  the  sue 
Lsful  and  bloody  invasions  of  the  Esypt.ans^ 
"t  le  suppose  fhe  UaScNi  -  have  ente.e    Eg  P 
along  with  the  Assyrian  ^y-ty  and  a  so    e^  ..n^ 

-  other  to  '-7-;|;t  .i*^,     tcts  in  Egyptian 
tnust  uu,.nre  now  .   there  a  e      j  .^^^ 

l.Utorv  that  wou  d  lead  us  to  expect  an         o 
history  tuai  "  J  f,„,e 

thence  about  the  year    I2fi0   B.C.  or  j 

in  the  thirteenth  century.  , 

Now  it  is  a  very  difficult  matter  to  ascertain  and 
iNow  11  IS  a  »c  J  (Jreek  chro- 

to  reconcile  ancient  dates.       1  he  ^f^yj^ 
„olo.'y  is  all  imaginative,  and  much  of  the  Roman 
To^Jed  from  it!  whilst,  on   the  other  hand   until 
lb  tupicu  II V  .    .    1   ,.,:ti|   Fasten!   litera- 

we  become  better  acquainted  with  LasU-' 

ture,  we  have  very  few  other  sources  « ">   -^-; 
The    Hebrew  scriptures  supply   us  with  the   most 
a  dientS  especially  as  translated  by  the  Septuagint, 
:  d  we  h  ve\he  lusher  light  of  the  Egyptian  Papy 
Id  monuments,  corroborated  by  what  is  beginn.iur 
^le  known  of  the   Hindu  and  Chinese  record^   o 
help    us  forward   through  the  labyrinth.      It  wdl 
lowever,  always  be  a  labyrinth,  for  not  only  is  it    he 
ase  w  th  ancient  history,  but  with  all  history,  that 
Tea     seldom  verify   dates  which  belong  to  the 
i„,ancy  of  nations,  for  they,  in  most  instances,  de- 
fend   upon   an    unwritten    tradition,    winch    refers 


THE    HYKSOS. 


41 


every  event  to  one  great  sera,  or  to  a  few  successive 
heroes.     The  date,  then,  can  never,  in  the  absence 
of  monuments,  be  depended  upon;  but  the  tradition 
has  its  value  in  that  it  keeps  alive  all  great  facts 
and  embodies  them  in  the  spirit  of  its  own  nation, 
even  though  both  names  and  times  should  be  highly 
inaccurate,  and   the  deeds  of  twenty  different  per- 
sons  should    be    ascribed    to    one,    or    vice    versa. 
Niebuhr  holds  all  the  chronology  of  Greece  to  be 
false,  prior  to  the  Trojan  waj* ;  whilst  the  Kalenders 
of  Asia  can  be  verified   1905  years  before  the  en- 
trance  of  Alexander  into  Babylon,  i.e.  2200  b.c.  ;  and 
in  the  main,  all  these  kalenders  agree  with  the  Sep- 
tuagint.    Bunsen  carries  the  annals  of  Egypt  1000 
years  higher.     It  is  certain  that  in  those  annals  the 
acts  of  three,  if  not  four,  different  conquerors  are  con- 
fused together  and  ascribed  to  one,  which  makes  it  very 
difficult  for  us  to  fix  the  dates  of  any  of  the  actions 
referred  to  him.     This  one  is  Sesostris,  probably  a 
Pharaoh  of  the  twelfth  dynasty,  and    confounded 
with    Ramses  the   3rd,   Ramses   the    4th,    Sethos 
or  Egyptus,  and   Shishak  or  Sesonchis ;   leaving  a 
distance  of  1000  years  between  the  first  and  last. 

The  Hyksos  were  all  of  them  finally  driven  out 
of  Egypt ;  but  as  there  were  different  races  of  them, 
so  they  were  driven  out,  or  they  left  the  land,  at 
different  times.  Manetho  says  that  the  Egyptians 
being  unable  wholly  to  subdue  them,  made  a  treaty 
of  peace  with  them,  by  which  they  were  allowed  to 
depart  with  their  wives  and  families,  going  wherever 
they  chose.     In  this  manner  240,000  of  them  left  in 


42 


HISTORY    OP    ETRCRIA. 


the  reign  of  Thutnies  the  3rd,   and  took  the  road 
towards  Syria.* 

This  is  supposed,  with  great  reason,  to  be  an 
account  of  the  600,000  Israelites  who  left  under 
Moses,t  besides  women  and  children,  and  a  mixed 
multitude,  probably  amounting  in  all  to  two  millions 
of  souls.  Bunsen  and  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  place 
this  event  1491  B.C.,  the  Septuagint  dates  it  1639  B.C., 
without  naming  the  Pharaoh,  and  Rosellini  places 
it  under  Ramses  the  3rjJ,  about  1560  b.  c.  Again, 
Bunsen  places  Ramses  the  3rd,  under  whom  there 
was  one  emigration,  if  not  more,  about  1270  years  B.C., 
and  DiodorusJ  tells  us  of  an  emigration  of  the 
Hyksos,  240,000  in  number,  towards  the  south, 
many  centuries  later,  in  the  days  of  Psamnieticus, 
which  is  long  subsequent  to  their  latest  departure. 
This  figure  of  240,000  recurs  so  often,  that  we  im- 
agine it  to  be  an  Egyptian  expression  to  signify  a 
great  number.  Amasis  the  1st  has  it  inscribed 
upon  his  monuments  that  he  drove  out  the  Hyksos, 
and  his  reign  agrees  with  none  of  these  dates. 

There  were,  therefore,  many  different  exits,  and 
doubtless  by  many  different  ways.  The  most  im- 
probable is  the  one  which  we  know  to  be  the  most 
indisputable,  viz.  that  of  the  Jews,  who  marched 
completely  across  their  enemies'  country  to  enter 
Syria. 

Those  Hyksos  who  went   southward  are  said  to 


*  Manetho,   vide  Rosellini,  vol.  i.  p.  lOQ. 
t  Exod.  xxxviii.  26. 
I  Vide  Wilkinson. 


Josephus. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


43 


have  done  so  by  the  will  and  protection  of  the 
reigning  Pharaoh,  and  the  others  had  only  two 
methods  of  escape  which  to  us  appear  reasonable. 
Either  by  ships  to  Phoenicia  and  the  islands  adja- 
cent, like  Danaus,  or  into  Lybia,the  land  bordering 
upon  Egypt  and  Avaris  to  the  west,  which  way,  we 
think,  possibly  was  taken  by  the  Rasena.  The  in- 
habitants of  Lybia  were  constantly  at  war  with  the 
Egyptians,  for  we  find  upon  the  monuments  that 
Thutmes  the  1st,  Memnon,  and  Menephtha,  tri- 
umphed over  them.  They  were,  therefore,  well 
known  to  the  soldiers  quartered  in  Avaris,  and 
were  alternately  their  enemies  and  friends.  This 
part  of  Lybia  was,  moreover,  early  colonized  from 
Phoenicia,  as  we  learn  both  from  the  Greeks,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  copied  it  from  the  Carthaginian 
annals,  and  also  from  some  very  curious  traditions 
and  corroborating  circumstances  now  at  this  very 
time  existing  in  the  states  of  Morocco  and  along 
the  chain  of  the  Atlas. 

We  know  from  ancient  authors  that  the  Phoeni- 
cian tribes  early  possessed  and  colonized  the  whole 
of  the  north  of  Africa,  from  the  Delta  to  the  Straits 
of  Hercules,  and  even  beyond  those  Straits  both 
north  and  south.  At  this  moment,  in  the  south  of 
Morocco  and  the  states  of  Barbary,  there  are  tribes 
of  Phoenicians,  warriors,  calling  themselves  Beni 
Het,  and  Ait  Het,  and  Beni  Amor  and  Ait  Amor, 
or  the  sons  of  Het  and  of  Amor,  the  Hittites  and 
the  Amorites.  There  are  also  Ait  Emelk  or  Ama- 
lekites.     Their  tradition  is,  that  they  are  the  de- 


44 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


scendants  of  the  Canaanites,  who  were  driven  out  of 
their  country  by  the  Hebrews  under  Joshua.  Their 
language  is  supposed  to  be  a  dialect  of  Plioenician, 
because  some  of  the  few  known  Phoenician  words 
are  in  use  amongst  them.  And  in  their  country  are 
the  noble  ruins  of  a  town  called  Kassar  Farown, 
or  the  City  of  the  Pharaoh.  They  say  that  it  was 
destroyed  by  the  Ethiopian  Tirhakah,  thus  evi- 
dencing that  they  warred  with  the  Pharaohs,  and 
they  have  besides  traditions  of  several  of  the  other 
Egyptian  kings. 

The  Shelluhs  who  live  in  the  Oasis  of  Jupiter 
Amnion  also  say  that  they  were  driven  out  of 
Canaan  by  Joshua,  and  in  the  province  of  Haha  in 
Fez,  they  are  divided  into  twelve  tribes.  They  have 
houses  and  castles,  though  the  Arabs  amongst  whom 
they  live,  continue  to  dwell  in  tents.  And  they 
speak  a  language  which  they  call  Tamazirgt,  which 
predominates  all  along  the  chain  of  the  Atlas,  and 
is  found  in  the  island  of  Lancerote,  one  of  the  Cana- 
ries. It  is  the  tradition  of  the  people  that  Arabic 
(i.  e.  an  Asiatic  tongue)  was  the  language  of  Fez 
when  Tirhakah  conquered  Kassar  Farown. 

Champollion  le  Jeune,  in  his  thirteenth  letter, 
mentions  that  Tirhakah  conquered  all  the  north  of 
Africa,  and  the  distinguished  historian  Hammer 
writes  that  the  information  here  given  agrees  exactly 
with  Ibn  Cheldoon's  relation  of  the  traditions  of 
the  Barbary  states  in  his  day.  Traditions  which  he 
treated  as  romance  ;  nevertheless  the  language  and 
the    old    and    strange     literal    characters    remain 


1 


THE    HYKSOS. 


45 


amongst  them  to  prove  the  fact.     Several  of  these 
tribes  are  in  clans,  and  have  before  their  names  the 
prefixes  O  and  Mac.     Mr.  Grey  Jackson,   British 
consul   at  Muggadore,  from  whom  this  account  is 
taken,  and  who  visited  them  towards  the  close  of  the 
last  century,  knew  one  chief  Macneen,  and  another 
OBryhen.      The  alphabet  of   these  people  is  the 
Ogham,  which  was  the  first  alphabet  of  the  Milesian 
Irish,  and  from  which  the  numerals  of  the  Etrus- 
cans are  formed,  as  we  shall  show  when  we  come 
to  their  arts  and  sciences.    The  Ogham  is  an  arrow- 
headed  alphabet,  which   ceased  in  Asia  in  the  time 
of  Darius,  but  has  continued   in   use  with  these  far 
separated  tribes.     The  Irish  language  is  termed,  in 
the  native  idiom,  the  Bearla  na  Fene  or  Phoenician 

speech. 

As  to  the  better  known  colonies  of  the   Phoeni- 
cians, Carthage,  according  to  Petavius,  was  founded 
137  years   before  Rome,   and  Utica,  according  to 
Aristotle,  is  287  years  older  than  Carthage,  or,  ac- 
cording to  Eusebius,  300  years  older;  and  Velleius 
says  that   Cades  in  Spain  is  of  the  same  age    as 
Utica.     That  is,  they  were  founded  at  least  in  the 
year  1171   before  the  christian  aera,  perhaps  1190, 
which  is  very  near  the  time  when  the  Rasena  ap- 
peared in  Italy,  having,  as  we  think,  sailed  from  the 
Lybian  coast.    But  as  the  Ancient  History  observes, 
the  date   of  these  cities  is  most    probably  not   of 
their  foundation,  but  of  their  dedication.     There- 
fore we  must   suppose   them    earlier,  and  the  As- 
syrians or  Rasena  of  the  Avaris  would,  in  that  case, 


46 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


i 


be  inhabitants  of  the  same  line  of  coast  with  the 
long-established  Assyrian  colonies  which  had  fled 
from  Joshua  in  the  year  1450  B.C.,  and  of  the  new 
Assyrian  colonics  from  Phoenicia,  about  1190  b.  c, 
and  wouhl,  very  probably,  when  obliged  to  quit 
Avaris,  be  glad  to  join  them  and  take  temporary  re- 
fuge in  the  same  land.  In  proof  of  the  great  anti- 
quity of  the  Phoenician  colonies  in  Africa,  Eusebius 
says  that  the  Phoenician  Hercules  conquered 
Antaeus  fifty  years  before  the  founding  of  Utica, 
which  is  a  more  recent  city  than  Tingis,  now  Tan- 
giers,  the  oldest  known  Assyrian  settlement  in 
Africa.  In  another  place,  Eusebius  gives  the  tra- 
dition, confirmed  by  tbe  Egyptian  monuments,  the 
reading  of  which  has  been  so  recently  discovered,  that 
the  Lybians  were  defeated  by  the  Egyptians  393 
years  before  the  fall  of  Troy,  or  1577  B.C.,  in  the 
reio-n  of  Amnion*  or  Amenophis  the  3rd.  The 
date,  as  usual,  is  not  correct,  but  the  Lybians  were 
conquered  by  Amenoj)h,  very  long  before  the  de- 
struction of  Troy,  and  by  Thutmes  the  1st,  100 
years  earlier  still,  before  Troy  was  even  founded.f 

If,  as  we  think  likely,  the  Rasena  sailed  from  Sy rtis, 
in  Lybia,  their  course,  in  a  direct  line  north,  would 
land  them  in  Umbria.  And  this  idea  seems  strongly 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  whilst  tbey  carried  on 
no  trade  at  any  time  with  the  Phoenicians,  they  for 

♦  According  to  Bunsen's  chronology,  Ammon,  or  Amoeis, 
reigned  15G1  b.  c,  and  Amenoph  1536  B.C.,  which  is  not  far 
from  Eu8ebiu8*s  account. 

t  See  A.  Hist,  in  Lybia. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


47 


ages  sent  ships  to  Egypt,  Carthage,  and  the  Egyp- 
tian colonies  in  Greece.  Herodotus  says  that  the 
people  bordering  upon  Avaris  w^ere  the  Lybian 
Nomades,  or  wandering,  unsettled  Lybians,  and  that 
their  great  goddess  was  Minerva,  the  peculiar  pa- 
troness of  Etruria.  In  another  place,  he  says  that 
they  worshipped  the  sun  and  moon,  or  Jupiter  and 
Juno  and  Minerva ;  and  these  three  divinities  were 
the  three  great  gods  of  Etruria. 

Our  notion  is  somewhat  further  confirmed  by  the 
tradition  of  Eusebius,  corrected  by  the  monuments  of 
Egypt,  that  Antaeus  of  Lybia  was  defeated  by  the  great 
warrior  Hercules,  with  an  army  of  natives  and  Ethi- 
opians, 1587  years  B.C.,  when  it  is  really  most  pro- 
bable that  Hercules,  or,  in  other  words,  the  strength 
and  power  of  the  Assyrians,  ruled  the  land.  Lybia, 
however,  was  not  subdued,  and  the  Lybians  con- 
tinued to  invade  Egypt,  and  were  often  defeated, 
until  the  reign  of  Sethos  in  the  thirteenth  century 
before  Christ,  when  he  overran  their  land  and  an- 
nexed it  to  his  own  territories.  Two  centuries  earlier, 
the  Israelites  exterminated  or  drove  away  the 
Canaanites,  and  many  of  the  present  inhabitants  of 
Africa  believe  that  they  are  descended  from  them. 
An  idea  no  more  incredible  than  that  the  Hebrews 
should  be  the  children  of  Isaac,  or  the  Arabs  the 
seed  of  Ishmael.  The  Phoenician  tribes  upon  the 
coast  would,  without  doubt,  take  to  their  ships,  and 
trust  to  their  ancient  knowledge  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean ;  and  it  is  at  this  period  that  Cadmus  is  said 


10 


48 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    HYKSOS. 


49 


to  have  fled  into  Greece,  and  to  have  carried  with 
him  the  Ph(Enician  letters. 

Four  exits  of  the    Hyksos  from  Egypt   appear 
to   be  perfectly   well  ascertained,  besides    the   de- 
parture  of  many    colonies,    either    purely    Egyp- 
tian, or  Syro.  Egyptian,  for  other  lands.     The  first 
great  and  forcible  departure  of  these  foreigners  was 
under  the  king  xVmosis  or  Amenoph,  head  of  the 
18th  dynasty.     The  second  under  Thutnies  the  3rd, 
in  the  year  b.  c.  1491,  or  rather  earlier.     The  third 
was  under  king  Menephtha,  160  years  later.     And 
the  fourth  was  about  fifty  years  before   the  Troja 
war,  in  the   days  of  Thuoris,  Uerri    or    Remerri, 
father  to  the  great  Ramses  the  4th,  the  Sesostris* 
Sethos  and  Egyptus  of  the  Greeks.     He  was  called 
Egyptusfrom  his  comparatively  fair  complexion,  for 
Gypt    means  in  Coptic,  a  fair   person.     Uerri   or 
Remerri  was  driven  from  his  throne  by  the  Hyksos, 
who  overran  his  whole  country,  and  obliged  him  to 
take  refuge   far  in  Ethiopia,  where  he  died  after  a 
most  disastrous  reign  of  thirteen  years,  leaving  all  his 
riohts  to  his  son,  then  a  child.     Sephtha,  the  priest 

*  It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  name  of  Sesostris,  to- 
gether with  the  glory  of  that  conqueror,  has  been  attributed  to 
various  Pharaohs,  lie  to  whom  it  is,  perhaps,  the  most  ge- 
nerally ascribed,  and  to  whom  Rosellini  gives  it,  was  Ramses 
the  3rd,  great-great-grandfather  of  llamses  the  4th  Sethos,  and 
whose  reign  terminated  about  twenty-three  years  before  that  of 
Remerri  commenced.  The  second  of  the  above-mentioned  exits 
of  the  Hyksos  was  that  of  the  Hebrews,  and  the  fourth  was  that 
of  the  Rasena. 


of  Vulcan,  usurped  the  power  which  still  belonged 
to  the  Pharaohs,  and  ruled  for  some  time  in  the 
Thebaid  ;  but  not  being  able  to  retain  the  sceptre, 
he  was  set  aside,  and  probably  put  to  death,  and  the 
young  Ramses  was  re-established. 

Sephtha  must  have  been  related  to  the  royal  family 
of  Egypt,  and  probably  stood  in  the  same  relation  to 
the  crown,  which  the  Orleans  branch  did  to  Charles 
X.  of  France.  There  are  some  interesting  repre- 
sentations of  him  in  the  plates  of  Rosellini's  great 
work,  where  he  is  seen  presented  to  the  divinity 
Amonrc,  by  Menes  and  Sesostris,  the  ancestors  of 
the  Pharaohs ;  an  honour  which  he  could  not  have 
presumed  to  claim  had  he  not  been  of  the  royal  race. 
It  is  probable  that  during  the  exile  of  the  real  so- 
vereign, and  the  infancy  of  the  heir  apparent,  Seph- 
tha may  have  considered  no  one  so  justly  entitled  to 
sway  the  sceptre  as  the  high  priest  of  Egypt,  him- 
self sprung  from  the  reigning  house. 

It  was  about  the  date  of  these  revolutions  and 
times  of  struggle,  that  we  suppose  the  Rasena  to 
have  quitted  Egypt  and  to  have  appeared  in  Italy. 
It  is  almost  superfluous  to  remark,  that  if  the  Hyk- 
sos forced  Remerri  to  retreat  into  Ethiopia,  and 
if  his  son  recovered  the  whole  of  Egypt,  and  with 
all  the  pride  of  conquest,  reduced  and  expelled  his 
enemies,  carrying  his  arms  into  every  Hyksos  land, 
which,  during  his  long  life  he  had  time  to  overrun ; 
there  must  necessarily  have  been  in  the  thirteenth 
century  before  the  christian  aera,  a  great  emigration 
from  Egypt  of  that  people,  both  by  sea  and  land. 


50 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


4 

TO 

1^ 


Lybia  also  was  then  completely  subdued,  and   an- 
nexed to  his  dominions. 

We  have  thus  carried  on  the  train  of  probable 
conjecture,  which  already  led  us  to  the  anc.ent  city 
of  Resen,  as  the  early  home  of  the  Etruscan  nation, 
and  thence  to  lower  Egypt  and  the  Lyb.an  coast, 
which   we   believe  to  have  received  the  Rasena  m 
their   progress   from  Asia  to  Italy,  and  we  have 
brought  our  colony  to  the  point  o/thei^  departure 
for  their  Ausonian   settlement.     We  w.  1  only  add 
to  the  reasons  on  which  our  Syrian  and  Egyptian 
theory    is    founded,   one    corroborating    proof  not 
hitherto  mentioned,  and  that  is  the  extraordinary 
similarity,  almost  identity,  which  is  shown  by  their 
most  authentic  monuments,  to  have  subsisted  be- 
tween the  Etruscans  and  the  refined  people  of  Asia 

and  Africa. 

On  examining  the  feasts,  the  dresses,  the  orna- 
ments, the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Etruscans, 
as  they  are  depicted  in  their  paintings,  and  on  their 
precious  utensils,  we  at  once  recognize  an  Asiatic 
people.  While  in  the  style  of  their  art,  in  their 
sacred  rites,  and  in  many  of  the  objects  of  their  re- 
ligious veneration,  we  discern  with  equal  accuracy, 
the  impress  of  ancient  Egypt.* 

.  To  adduce  examples  of  this  is  almost  superfluous.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  visit  an  Etruscan  museum  to  be  convmced  of 
it  A  few  years  since,  the  late  Prince  of  Canino  discovered  a 
tomb  at  Vulci,  of  which  the  contents  were  Egyptian.  The 
author  possesses  a  large  and  beautiful  scarabaeus  of  root  of 
emerald,  of  Etruscan  form,  and  found  at  Chiusi,  but  of  which 


THE    HYKSOS. 


61 


the  engraving,  a  grove  of  Lotus  and  Isis  giving  suck  to  Horus, 
is  as  purely  Egyptian  as  the  same  subject  given  in  Rosellini's 
Monument!  d'Egitto.  Etruscan  ecarabaei  too  have  been  seen 
engraved  with  the  royal  cartouche  of  a  Pharaoh.— Ros.  vol.  iv. 
tells  us  that  Ludin  upon  the  monuments  is  often  called  the 
Land  of  the  North,  and  Ethiopia  and  Nubia,  the  Land  of  the 
South. 


D    2 


52 


TARCIILN    IN    ITALY. 


53 


B.  f. 

CENT. 

XIII. 


CHAPTER  III. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


We  now  leave  the  region  of  probable  conjecture, 
and   approach  that    of   historical  certainty  ;   since 
from  whatever  quarter  of  the  world  the  Rasena  may 
have  come,  or  from  whatever  race   they  may  have 
deduced  their  origin,  the  fact  of  their  arrival  in  Italy 
is  undoubted.     I  would  venture  to   add  that  the 
fact  of  their  having  come  from  an  eastern  country  is 
equally  undoubted  :    and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
how  so  great  an  author  as  Mliller,  who  has  done 
more  than  any  other  writer  in  our  day  to  illustrate 
Etruscan  history  and  antiquity,  could  have  assigned 
a  cradle  among  the  rude  and  stormy  crags  of  the 
Rhoetian  Alps,  to  the  refined,  luxurious,  and  scien- 
tific race,  whose  manners  and  customs  recall   the 
idea  of  Babylon,  and  whose  elaborate  religious  cere- 
monies and  artificial  calculations,  remind  us  of  the 
wonderful  inhabitants  of  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 

Let  us  now  proceed  to  inquire  what  notices  we  have 
among  the  principal  authors  of  antiquity,  concerning 


the  first  settlement  of  the  Rasena  in  the  permanent 
European  home  which  they  occupied  with  so  much 
glory  during  their  fated  Saecula. 

If  the  tradition  of  Herodotus,  which  we  doubt  not 
he  learned  from  the  Rasena  themselves,  through  the 
medium  of  the  Italian  Greeks,  may  be  depended  upon, 
they  are  represented  as  having  been  driven  to  colonize 
originally  by  a  famine,  or  some  other  plague,  during 
which  they  made  a  vow  to  observe  a  sacred  spring. 
Festus  *  gives  us  the  full  account  of  this  institution 
which  they  introduced  into  Italy,  and  which,  at  the 
time  that  Rome  was  founded,  was  observed  by  every 
nation   with  whom   they  were   in  communication. 

When  a  town  or  province  was  aflilicted  by  some 
general  calamity,  the  inhabitants  made  a  vow,  that 
if  the  gods  would  remove  it,  they  would  dedicate  to 
their  service  all  the  children  born  in  that  year,  and 
all  the  cattle  born  in  the  spring  of  the  year  upon 
which  the  dedicated  children  were  old  enough  to 
colonize.  This  age  was  fixed  at  eighteen  years,  the 
time  when  young  men  were  eligible  for  the  army, 
and  we  must  suppose  that,  along  with  the  youthful 
colony,  some  older  heads  were  usually  sent  to  guide 
them,  especially  as  their  numbers  were  fixed,  and 
were  always  expressed  roundly  by  tens,  as  30,  90, 
100,  1000;  and  as  the  presence  of  an  augur  along 
with  them  was  considered  as  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, and  no  man  was  capable  of  being  an  augur 
under  the  age  of  five-and-twenty.  These  colonies 
were  considered  as  being  in  a  peculiar  manner  under 

•  In  Ver.  Sac. 


54 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUniA. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


55 


the  divine  protection,  and  the  land  which  received 
them  was  held  to  be  blessed. 

The  tradition  then  may  be  considered  to  read  thus, 
and  it  seems  in  all  points  to  agree  with  the  col- 
lateral evidence  [)reserved  to  us  in  ancient  authors, 
or  opened  up  to  us  by  the  recent  discoveries  amongst 
the  Necropoleis  in  Italy. 

"  About  sixty  or  eighty  years  before  the  Trojan 
war,  and  some  time  about  the  reigns  of  Uerri  and  of 
Ramses  4th,  i.  e.  Sethos  in  Egypt,  the  RaSeNa,  a 
people  of  Ludin,  dwelling  in,  or  upon  the  borders  of, 
Lybia,  which  was  then  to  a  great  extent  under  the 
power  of  the  Assyrians,  fitted  out  a  fleet  and  sent 
forth  the  colony  of  a  sacred  spring,  to  sail  north- 
wards, and  fix  themselves  in  some  new  land.  This 
colony  vras  supplied  with  all  useful  instruments  for 
agriculture,  with  provisions,  arms,  and  furniture, 
and  had  for  its  chief  Tarchun,  who  conducted  them 
to  the  land  of  Umbria,  on  the  west  coast  of  Italy." 

They  landed  atGravisca,  as  appears  to  be  proved  by 
the  foundation  in  its  immediate  vicinity  of  Tarquinia 
or  Turchiua,  the  town  which  bore  Tarchun's  name, 
and  which  was  the  seat  of  government,  and  the  me- 
tropolis of  Etruria  Proper.  Probably  he  made  a 
treaty  with  the  inhabitants,  and  was  permitted 
peaceably  to  land,  to  draw  up  his  ships,  to  disembark 
all  his  goods  and  persons,  and  to  entrench  him- 
self on  some  limited  spot,  which  he  was  allowed  to 
consider  as  his  own.  Standing  upon  the  heights 
ofCorneto,  we  may  imagine  ourselves  to  be  upon 
the  very  ground  where  Tarchun  first  pitched  his 


tents,  and   drew   his  lines,   and   arranged   around 
him  his  well-ordered,  and,  as  he  thought,  sacred 

colony. 

We  suppose  him  to  have  landed  in  peace  for  two 
reasons.  First,  because  there  was  no  tradition 
amongst  the  Rasena  of  any  opposition  on  their  first 
appearance,  or  of  any  battle  or  victory,  which,  had 
it  taken  place,  they  would  naturally  have  kept  in 
remembrance  by  some  pillar  or  monumental  stone, 
after  the  manner  of  the  east,*  and  also,  by  some 
yearly  feast  ever  after.  Secondly,  because  almost 
every  Phoenician  and  Egyptian  colony  seems  at 
first  to  have  established  itself  with  the  good-will  of 
the  natives,  and  almost  every  maritime  settlement 
in  Italy,  from  whatever  quarter,  preserves  that 
tradition. 

The  Pelasgi  are  said  to  have  come  in  peace. 
iEneas,  whose  history  by  Virgil,  is  probably  in  many 
parts  drawn  from  that  of  Tarchun,  is  hospitably  re- 
ceived, and  has  immediately  a  grant  of  land  made 
to  him.  Carthage  is  founded  in  the  same  manner, 
and  all  the  earliest  towns  in  Sicily  and  Africa. 
What  was  the  means  of  communication  between  the 
TyRSNi  and  the  Umbri,  we  do  not  know,  for  if,  even 
afler  centuries  of  intercourse,  their  languages  were 
unlike,  they  must  have  been  hopelessly  unintelligible 
to  each  other  at  the  beginning.  But  it  is  probable 
that  the  settlement  granted  to  the  strangers,  was  little 
more  in  its  commencement  than  an  absence  of  op- 

♦  Josh.  iv.  7.     Josh.  xxiv.  25;  Gen.  xxviii.  22;  xxxv.  14. 


;| 


56 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


position,  and  that  the  Umbri  retired  before  the 
foreign  tribe  of  glittering  arms  and  gay  apparel,  with 
sentiments  of  amazement  and  fear. 

The  navy  of  Egypt  was  at  thai  period,  in  so  very 
flourishing  a  state,  that  a  few  years  afterwards 
Ramses  sent  his  ships  round  the  coast  of  Africa,  and 
took  infinite  pains  to  build  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Red  Sea,  vessels*  of  as  large  a  burden  as  had,  under 
his  flag,  already  for  a  very  long  time  navigated  the 
Mediterranean,  f  Raujses*s  brother,  Danaus  or 
Armais,  fled  from  him  into  Greece,  and  as  the  ship 
he  appeared  in,  was  the  first  ever  seen  there,  and 
named  from  him  the  Armais,  so  we  must  suppose 
Tarchun's  vessels  to  have  been  the  first  ever  beheld 
by  the  Umbrians ;  and  in  that  case,  they  were  pro- 
bably regarded  by  them  as  great  birds  descended 
from  the  moon,  or  as  Demi-gods  careering  over  the 
sea ;  as  the  South  Sea  islanders  have  often  considered 
the  vessels  and  persons  of  the  English.  The  idea 
thatTarchun's  ships  were  the  first  ever  seen  in  Italy, 
is  confirmed  by  the  Italians  universally  attributing 
the  invention  of  the  prow  J  to  the  Etruscans,  whilst 
we  know  that  without  prows  they  could  not  have 
made  their  voyage  to  Umbria.  The  next  idea,  that 
they  were  regarded  as  beings  of  another  species,  is 
confirmed  by  the  tradition  that  Jove  or  Tina  him- 

♦  See  Rosel.  vol.  v.,  119.  Herodotus  ii.  Ramses  the  3rd  sent 
400  large  ships  into  the  Erythrean  Sea  to  navigate  the  Arabian 
Gulf  and  Indian  Ocean. 

t  Vide  Diodorus,  Rosellini.  %  Vide  Pliny. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


57 


self  gave  them  the  land,  and  that  they  were  his  pe- 
culiar children.* 

We  will  now  enumerate  some  of  the  testimonies 
of  the  Greek  and  Latin  authors,  as  to  the  acts  of 
Tarchun  and  his  colony  upon  their  first  establish- 
ment in  Italy.  Livyt  says,  that  they  originally  settled 
in  Etruria  Proper,  and   afterwards  sent  colonies  to 
the  north  and  south.     Livy  is  an  author  upon  whom 
we  place  the  same  reliance  as  upon  Dionysius,  be- 
cause he  also  studied  the  history  and  antiquities  of 
Etrtiria,  which  the  Emperor  Claudius,^  his  pupil, 
wrote  under  his  inspection,  and  gave  to  the  world 
in  twenty  books,  all  now  lost.     Livy  was  himself  an 
Etruscan,  and  must  therefore   have  known  many 
things  relating  to  his  country  without  study,  and  as 
he  devoted  himself  to  writing  and  embellishing  the 
history  of  Rome,  and   nowhere    gives  evidence  of 
being  proud  of  his  own  people,  who  were  then  sadly 
fallen  from  the  pre-eminence  which  they  once  en- 
joyed, his  testimony  has  yet  greater  weight,  for  it  has 
every  appearance  of  being  free  from  all  partiality. 
He  gives  us  the  idea  of  a  Scotchman  or  Irishman 
writing  about  sixty  years  since,  in  courtly  tone,  the 
history  of  his  country  ;  and  not  wishing  to  offend  the 
ruling  power  by  any  attempt  to  raise  his  own   great 
heroes— his  Douglases  and  Bruces,  his  0*Niels  and 
O'Briens,  to  an  equality  with  the  first  historic  names 
of  England.     Considered  in  this  view,  Livy's  works 
contain  some  very  extraordinary  passages  relating 

♦  Varro.  t  Lib.  v.  33. 

X  Suet,  in  Claud,  c.  41. 

D   5 


V. 


58 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


I 


(( 


(1 


to  Etruria,  and  such  as  we  may  suppose  to  have 
been  universally  and  unquestionably  acknowledged 
as  true,  by  the  Roman  people  in  the  days  of 
Augustus. 

At  the  time  of  ^Eneas's  arrival,  the  Etruscans  were, 
according  to  Livy,  book  i.  2,  "  wealthy  and  powerful, 
not  by  land  only,  but  by  sea,  extending  the  whole 
length  of  Italy  ;  which  from  the  Alps  to  the  straits 
"  of  Sicily,  was  filled  with  their  fame.  Their  towns 
"  were  walled  and  their  armies  numerous."  Again 
(in  Book  v.  33)  he  says,  "The Tuscans  ruled  Italy 
"  before  the  Romans,  and  their  dominions  extended 
"far  by  sea  and  land,  even  to  the  upper  and  lower 
"  seas,  by  which  Italy  is  surrounded,  as  if  it  were 
an  island.  The  appellations  of  these  seas  show  us 
the  vast  power  of  that  people,  for  the  Italians  call 
"  the  one  Tuscan  from  their  name,  and  the  other 
"Adriatic,  from  Adria,  a  Tuscan  colony.  The 
"  Greeks  name  them  Turrhenian  and  Adriatic. 
"  This  people,  divided  into  twelve  states,  inhabited 
"  the  country  extending  to  both  seas,  and  by  sending 
"  colonies,  equal  in  number  to  the  mother  cities, 
"  first  on  this  side  of  the  Appenines  to  the  lower 
sea,  and  afterwards  on  the  other  side,  possessed 
all  the  tract  beyond  the  Po  even  to  the  Alps, 
'*  excepting  a  corner  belonging  to  the  Venetians, 
"  who  dwelt  on  the  sea.  Nor  can  it  be  questioned 
"  that  this  is  the  origin  of  the  Alpine  nations,  es- 
"  pecially  of  the  Rheati,  though  from  their  un- 
fortunate situation  they  have  become  barbarians, 
and  now  retain  nothing  of  their  original,  except- 


(( 


C( 


i( 


C( 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


59 


a 


(» 


"  ing  some  remains  of  the  language,  and  even  that 

"  is  corrupted.*' 

Strabo  in  his  5th  book  says,  that  Tarchun  founded 

the  twelve  states  of  Etruria  Proper,  and  was  king 

of  the  whole.     Also  that  Turrhenia  took  its  name 

from  him.     Dionysius,  lib.  1 ,  says,  that  the  Ty rrheni 

conquered  Agylla,  Pisa,  Saturnia,  Alsium,  Faleria, 

and  Fescennium,  from  the  Pelasgi,  or  the  aborigines, 

i.  e.  the  Urabrians,  and  that  these  Pelasgi,  whose 

power  began  to  decay,  and  who  were  driven  out  of 

Italy  before  the  fall  of  Troy,  learnt  in  their  latter 

days,  navigation  and  fighting  from  the  Turrheni. 

The  only  traces  that  remained  of  them  in  Italy,  he 

says,  were  some  few  cities,  such  as  Cortona  and 

Perugia,  which  they  possessed  in  common  with  the 

aborigines   or  Umbri.     Some  say  that  the  Pelasgi 

were  driven  north  of  the  Tiber  by  Tyrrhenus,  the 

son  of  Hercules.    Pliny  says,  that  the  Turrheni  took 

300  towns  from  the  Umbrians,  and  that  all  Etruria 

Proper  was  conquered  by  them   from  the  Umbri. 

Cato  (ap.  Servium)  affirms  that  Tarchun  founded 

Pisa,  Tarquinia  and  Perugia,  and  Silvius  Italicus  ^ 

says  that  he  both  founded  Cortona  and  also  lived 

there. 

Cicero  de  Div.  informs  us,  that  Tarchun  promul- 
gated to  the  Etruscans  the  laws  and  constitutions  of 
Tages,  which  were  the  fundamental  rules  of  their  go- 
vernment and  polity,  and  which  treated  of  Tribes, 
Curiae  and  Centuries,  the  founding  of  cities,  the  con- 
stitution of  the  army,  the  laying  out  of  camps,  the 
♦  Vide  Dempster  de  Etr.  Reg. 


I 


60 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


division  of  lands,  the  ceremonies  of  peace  and  war, 
the  duties  of  subjects,  the  rights  of  strangers,  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil,  the  laws  of  augury,  many  de- 
tails of  domestic  life,  and  above  all,  the  forms  and 
rites  of  religious  worship.  Festus  says,  that  he  gave 
the  Aruspices  to  the  twelve  people  of  Etruria. 
Virgil*  makes  him  the  great  military  chief  of  the 
Etruscans,  calling  forth  their  forces,  marshalling:  and 
headinj^:  their  army,  conquering  Mezentius,  assi  ting 
iEneas,  and  at  length  offering  to  resijjn  to  him  the 
li-truscan  crown — a  poetical  expression  of  Etruscan 
Virgil  to  intimate  that  his  nation  obeyed  the  Ro- 
mans, not  from  inability  to  resist,  but  because  they 
believed  it  to  be  the  will  of  the  gods.  Virgil  names 
all  the  principal  states  as  then  acknowledging  the 
rule  of  Tarchun,and  as  bringing  their  trooj)S  to  join 
liim  by  sea,  as  if  every  state  of  Etruria  Proper  were 
maritime.  Servius,  in  his  annotations  on  the  iEneid, 
quotes  Flaccus  and  Cecina,  two  Etruscan  historians, 
who  say  that  Tarchun  crossed  the  Apennines,  and 
founded  the  twelve  states  of  north  Etruria.  And 
Virgil,  in  common  with  some  other  Latin  authors, 
asserts  the  same  thinjr. 

Here  then  is  the  data  upon  which  we  found  our 
account  of  the  life  and  times  of  Tarchun,  the  leader 
and  lawgiver  of  the  Etruscan  people.  "Now  Tarchun 
and  his  might,  and  how  he  warred,  and  his  deeds 
which  he  did,"  we  must  tell  of  them  even  as  we  find 
them  incidentally  and  traditionally  mentioned,  in 
the  annals  of  Greece  and  Kome:  for  we  know  but 

♦  .Eneid,  vii.  ix. 


i 


TARCHl'N    IN    ITALY. 


61 


little  of  their  date  and  sequence,  excepting  only  the 
amount  of  the  conquests,  and  the  chief  of  the  insti- 
tutions, which  are  by  concurring  and  unvarying  tes- 
timony referred  to  him. 

Tarchun  landed  in  Umbria  and  effected  his  de- 
barcation  in  peace,  but  he  did  not  long  remain  so,  as 
is  proved  by  the  number  of  cities  he  founded,  the 
tract  of  country  he  conquered,  and  the  settled  state 
in  which  he  left  the  land  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
The  numbers  of  his  colony  we  cannot  pretend  to 
determine,  but  as  240,000  is  the  sum  of  every  re- 
corded exit  of  the  Hyksos  from  Egypt,  and  as  He- 
rodotus's  tradition  says,  that  the  Turseni  consisted 
of  half  the  Ludim  or  Lydian  population,  we  must 
presume  their  amount  to  have  been  considerable. 
They  consisted  also  of  women  as  well  as  men,  which 
we  know,  not  only  because  such  was  the  law  of  the 
sacred  spring,  and  such  the  story  in  every  instance 
but  one  of  the  retirement  of  the  Hyksos  from  Egypt ; 
but  also  because  of  the  internal  evidence  which  we 
derive  from  the  respect  uniformly  paid  by  the  Etrus- 
cans to  their  women,  which  argues  an  equality  from 
the  first,  certainly  of  mental  cultivation,  and  possibly 
of  equal  daring.  The  honour  which,  as  we  shall 
hereafter  see,  the  Etruscans  uniformly  rendered  to 
the  weaker  sex,  would  not  have  been  thought  of  to 
the  conquered,  and  could  not  have  been  yielded  to 
the  barbarous ;  whilst  it  was  the  established  custom 
of  the  countries  from  which  they  came.  In  Egypt 
and  in  Syria  the  women  were  always  rulers  of  the 
house,  and  sometimes  sat  upon  the  throne,  witness 


/-.> 


62 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  account  of  Herodotus*  as  to  what  he  saw  him- 
self; the  stories  of  Nitocris  and  Semiramis,  and 
the  ascertained  facts  of  Miriam  and  Deborah, 
Amense    and    Tmaumoth,t     Dido,    Jezebel,   and 

Athaliah. 

We  have  reason  to  think  that  Tarchun  laid  out  a 
portion  of  ground  200  feet  square,  which  was  his 
sacred  inclosure,  for  augury,  where  he  might  consult 
the  gods  upon  all  his  proceedings,  and  that  he  en- 
camped his  people  around  him  in  tens,  and  fifties,  and 
hundreds,  such  being  the  law  of  their  after  settle- 
ment in  the  conquered  country,  and  such  the  cus- 
tom of  Egypt,  of  the  Hebrews  when  they  left 
Egypt,  J  and  of  the  Hindus  of  the  Assyrian  stock. 
His  first  step  would  doubtless  be  to  found  a  city,  in 
which  his  people  might  live,  and  as  this  was  done 
by  marking  out  its  limits  with  a  plow,  he  probably 
drove  the  instrument,  a  bronze  Egyptian  plow,  him- 
self, whilst  it  made  the  first  furrow.  There  is  an 
ancient  bronze  in  the  Jesuits*  Museum  at  Rome,  re- 
presenting this  scene,  and  giving  us  the  form  of  the 
plow,  which  never  afterwards  varied;  and  that 
which  had  belonged  to  Tarchun  was  probably  for 
many  centuries,  held  to  be  sacred  in  Etruria. 

We  know  not  whether  Tarchun  invented  the  cere- 
monies used  on  the  foundation  of  all  Etruscan  cities, 
or  whether  he  transplanted,  as  far  as  he  was  in- 
formed of  them,  the  customs  of  his  fathers.     It  is 

«  Liij,  ij.  t  Vide  Rosellini. 

X  Vide  Rosellini,  and  Sir  William  Jones. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


63 


scarcely  possible  that  he  could  have  been  present  at 
the  foundation  of  a  city  in  Egypt  or  Lybia,  suppos- 
ing him  to  have  been  in  the  flower  of  his  age  when 
he  led  forth  his  colony.  But  he  took  care  that  none 
of  his  acts  should  ever  seem  to  be  arbitrary,  and 
therefore  he  affected  to  proceed  under  divine  inspira- 
tion, and  had  his  forms  and  ceremonies  written  down 
and  engraved,  that  they  might  serve  for  the  laws  of 
his  people  to  the  latest  posterity. 

We  know  these  ceremonies,  because  they  were  all 
used  upon  the  foundation  of  Rome,  and  are  fully 
described  by  Plutarch,  in  his  life  of  Romulus. 

"  First,  a  circular  ditch  was  dug,  about  w^hat  is 
now  called  the  Comitia,  i.  e.  the  market-place,  and 
the  first  fruits  of  everything  that  is  reckoned  either 
good  by  use,  or  necessary  by  nature,  were  cast  into 
it,  and  then  each  one  bringing  a  small  quantity  of 
the  earth  of  the  country,  threw  it  in  promiscuously," 
to  show,  says  Isidorus,  to  the  heads  of  the  colony, 
that  it  ought  to  be  their  chief  study  to  procure  for 
their  fellow-citizens  all  the  conveniences  of  life,  and 
to  maintain  peace  and  union  amongst  themselves. 
"  This  ditch  had  the  name  of  Mundus  in  Etruscan," 
whence  has  been  derived  that  of  Mundus,  the  Uni- 
verse, and  it  was  probably  in  its  origin  a  sacrifice  to 
Mandu  or  Mantus,  and  designed  to  appease  the  gods 
of  the  Shades.  "  In  the  next  place,  the  city  was 
marked  out  like  a  circle  round  this  centre,  and  the 
founder  having  fitted  to  a  plow  a  bronze  plow- 
share, and  yoked  a  bull  and  cow,  himself  drew  a  deep 
fufrow  round  the  boundaries."     The  bull  and  cow 


64 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


r  I 

11 


are  said  to  be  emblematical  of  fecundity,  though  we 
think  it  likely  they  implied  that  male  and  female 
should  always  labour  together  as  true  yoke-fellows 
for  the  prosperity  of  their  city.     "  The  business  of 
those  that  followed  was,  to  turn  all  the  clods  raised 
by  the  plow  inward  to  the  city,  and  not  to  suffer 
any  to  remain  outward  ;  implying,  by  turning  them 
inwards,  that  the  walls  should  never  be  destroyed. 
This  furrow  described  the  compass  of  the  city,  and 
between  it  and  the  walls  was  a  space  called  by  con- 
traction Pomairium,  as  lying  behind  or  beyond  the 
wall.     Wherever  they  designed  to  have  a  gate,  there 
they  took  the  plow-share  out  of  the  ground,  and  lifted 
up  the  plow,  making  a  break  for  it ;  thence  they  look 
upon  the  whole  wall  as  sacred,  excepting  the  gate- 
ways.   If  they  considered  the  gates  in  the  same  light 
as  the  rest,  it  would  be  deemed  unlawful  either  to  re- 
ceive the  necessaries  of  life  by  them,  or  to  carry  out 
through  them  anything  considered  unclean.'*     All 
this,  says  Plutarch,   "  was  done  at  Rome   by  the 
Etruscan  Aruspices  or  priests,  according  to  stated 
ceremonies  and  written  rules,  as  is  usual  in  their  sacred 

mysteries"  * 

These  rules  and  ceremonies  were  the  laws  of 
Tages,t  which  Tarchun  said  were  divinely  taught 
to  him.  According  to  this  account,  all  the  Etruscan 
cities  were  walled  and  fortified,  the  walls  were  held 
sacred  never  to  be  violated, |  and  the  cities  were 

*  Plut.  in  Rom.  t  Macrobius,  Sat.  8. 

X  The  plow  was  used  for  the  purpose  of  desecration,  as  well 
as  that  of  consecration. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


05 


entered  by  gates.  The  Pomaerium  or  Postmurum, 
is,  according  to  Niebuhr,  a  suburb  taken  into  the 
city,  i.e.  included  within  the  limits  for  auspices, and 
surrounded  by  a  slight  wall  and  ditch,  but  not  in- 
cluded within  the  high  and  holy  walls  of  the  fortified 
city.  According  to  Livy,  i.  44,  this  name  was  also 
given  to  an  unoccupied  space  between  the  wall  and 
the  nearest  houses  within,  equal  in  extent  to  that 
without,  which  it  was  unlawful  to  cultivate,  and  which 
was  therefore  devoted  to  pasture.  Now  as  Romulus 
followed  the  laws  of  Tarchun,  so  we  doubt  not  that 
Tarchun  acted  exactly  and  really  as  his  follower, 
nearly  ^ve  centuries  later,  is  said  to  have  done.  He 
founded  all  the  cities,  and  most  especially  the  first 
city,  with  auguries,  and  he  himself  was  the  augur  or 
high  priest  of  his  own  colony. 

The  auffur  held  in  his  hand  a  small  crooked  staff, 
without  knots,  called  a  Lituus,*  and  going  apart 
from  the  crowd  with  the  few  chiefs  or  Lucumoes, 
whom  he  judged  to  be  the  most  interested,  he  made 
lines  in  the  air  with  his  Lituus,  in  this  form  _}_,  due 
north  and  south,  east  and  west;t  and  marked  upon 
the  ground  the  point  where  the  lines  crossed  each 
other.  He  and  his  chiefs  then  sat  down  upon  the 
spot,  covering  their  heads,  and  waiting  until  they 
should  have  some  manifestation  of  the  will  of  the 
gods.  At  length  the  looked-for  sign  was  given, 
and  we  presume  that  it  consisted  in  this  instance  of 
ten  large  birds  which  appeared  upon  the  right  hand, 
and  which  Tarchun  called  vultures,  the  Egyptian 
•  liv.  i.  18.  t  Miiller  and  Niebuhr. 


66 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURTA. 


bird  of  victory.  As  tradition  says,  that  twelve  vul- 
tures appeared  upon  the  foundation  of  Rome,  inti- 
mating, according  to  the  Etruscan  augurs,  twelve 
centuries  orsaecula  of  dominion,  so  vultures,  or  crea- 
tures resembling  them,  are  more  likely  than  any 
other  sign,  to  have  been  the  omen  from  which  they 
inferred  that  Tina  had  given  them  dominion  in  the 
new  country  of  Umbria,  for  ten  s8ecula,or  1 100  years, 
an  Etruscan  sseculum  averaging  110  years ;  and  this 
period  they  named  by  the  remarkable  Hebrew  term 
of  one  day — their  one  day  of  prosperity  and  rule. 
This  prophecy  was  constantly  current  amongst  the 
Rasena,  and  is  more  than  once  noticed  in  the  Latin 
writers,  so  that  when  forced  to  submit  to  Sylla, 
the  people  believed  they  were  only  bowing  to  a  pre- 
determined fate  :  and  whilst  this  does  not  appear  to 
have  broken  their  courage,  or  to  have,  in  any  de- 
gree, relaxed  their  opposition  to  tyranny  at  the  last, 
it  certainly  must  have  greatly  animated  them  and 
have  filled  them  with  an  enthusiasm  for  their  leaders, 
and  a  confidence  in  themselves,  at  the  first,  that 
would  secure  to  them  victory. 

For  three  or  four  years,  we  may  suppose  them  to 
have  been  very  busily  occupied  in  building  their  new 
city  and  cultivating  the  small  territory  round  it,  and 
as  they,  according  to  Dionysius,  were  the  first  erectors 
of  fortifications  in  Italy,  so  it  is  probable  that  this 
innovation  upon  the  Umbrian  custom  of  unwalled 
villages,  or  rude  towns  surrounded  by  high  polygonal, 
but  not  towered  or  turreted  walls,  may  have  first 
excited   the   displeasure  of  their  neighbours,  who 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


67 


w^ould  not  like  to  see  this  new  people  rooted  and  fixed 
amongst  them,  so  that  they  could  not  be  driven  away 
again.  Whatever  might  be  the  cause,  Tarchun  was 
soon  engaged  in  war,  a  situation  which  he  would 
most  carefully  avoid,  until  he  felt  prepared  for  it. 

Being,  however,  attacked  or  insulted,  he  drew  out 
his  troops  to  punish  the  aggressors,  and  it  could  be  no 
very  difficult  task  for  the  son  of  Assyria,  and  the  tribe 
out  of  Egypt,  with  their  rich  dress  and  polished 
armour,  to  conquer  and  drive  before  them  the  com- 
paratively uncivilized  Umbrians,  or  their  subjects 
the  already  subdued  Pelasgi,  or  the  few  Sikeli,*  the 
inhabitants  of  Italy  in  general,  who  might  come  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Umbri. 

It  seems  probable  that  Tarchun  first  conquered 
the  region  which  afterwards  formed  the  state  of 
Tarquinia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  own  first 
town,  because  that  state  ever  after  bore  his  name, 
and  contained  within  it  the  holy  fane  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, at  which  they  held  their  yearly  parliaments, 
and  in  which  they  dedicated  a  temple  to  national 
union  or  concord.  They  probably  held  their  annual 
meetings  here,  even  before  the  country,  afterwards 
theirs,  had  been  wholly  won  by  their  swords, and  ceded 
to  them  in  perpetuity.  As  we  do  not  imagine  Tarchun 
to  have  had  any  allies  in  his  first  conquests,  and 
as  there  is  no  example  of  the  states  of  any  ancient 
Italian  people  proving  treacherous  to  each  other, 
though  they  were  frequently  neutral :  we  must  ima- 
gine Tarchun*s  conquests  to  have  been  gradual,  and 

♦  That  is  Itali,  according  to  Niebuhr. 


68 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


% 


to  have  occupied  some  years,  even  though  each  town 
or  state  he  conquered  would  so  far  increase  his  force, 
that  a  portion  of  their  men  would  be  obliged  to 
make  war  with  and  for  him,  and  to  serve  as  allies  in 
his  future  expeditions.  His  ships  would  probably 
subdue  with  ease  the  rude  and  poor  towns  upon  the 
sea  coast,  and  he  would  march  against  his  enemies 
according  to  the  points  from  which  they  attacked 
him,  or  towards  which  they  retreated. 

We  are  told  that  he  took  the  Pelasgic  towns  of 
Agylla  and  Alsium,  Pisa,  Faleria,  and  Fescennium, 
and  the  Umbro-Pelasgic  towns  of  Perugia  and 
Cortona.*  Of  these  we  can  only  dispute  Agylla, 
which  from  other  evidence,  appears  not  to  have 
been  subject  to  the  Etruscans  during  the  lifetime  of 
Tarchun,  but  to  have  been  taken  into  alliance  only, 
and  may  possibly  have  been  bound  to  furnish  him  with 
troops,  and  to  receive  with  friendship  any  Etruscan 
families  who  wished  to  settle  within  its  precincts. 
We  are  further  informed,  that  the  whole  of  Etruria 
Proper  was  conquered  from  the  Umbrians,  and  that 
within  this  space,  300  of  their  towns  or  villages  were 
taken  and  destroyed.  It  is  very  probable  that  Tar- 
chun first  conquered  northwards  to  Pisa,and  that  then 
he  ascended  the  Arno  to  Fiesole,  whence  he  turned 
south,  and  fell  upon  the  Camerti  and  Sarsinati,  two 
distinct  tribes  of  his  brave  and  energetic,  though 
half-civilized  foes.  However  slow  and  gradual  might 
have  been  his  first  conquests,  the  Umbri  now  fled 
before  him  like  the  leaves  of  autumn  driven  by  the 

♦  Dion.  i. 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


69 


wind,  and  finding  themselves  powerless  to  resist  a 
foe  who  did  not  seek  for  conquest,  but  only  for  se- 
curity, they  were  glad  to  sue  for  peace  with  the 
Rasena,  who  offered  them  a  treaty  on  such  just  and 
equal  terms,  that  it  was  never  afterwards  broken. 

The  land  which  became  theirs,  and  which  was  sub- 
ject wholly  and  solely  to  their  laws,  extended  from 
the  Apennines  to  the  Tiber,  and  from  the  Turrhene 
Sea  to  the  confines  of  Umbria  Proper.  But  the 
Umbrians  conceived  such  a  respect  for  their  allies, 
and  were  so  pleased  with  the  terms  granted  to  them, 
that  they  adopted  gradually  much  of  their  religion 
and  most  of  their  laws  and  customs,  and  they  never 
afterwards  attacked  the  Etruscans  nor  deserted  them, 
nor  made  any  conquests  separate  from  them.  We 
learn  from  the  Eugubian  tables,  that  they  joined 
them  annually  in  one  common  worship,  and  we  find 
Umbrian  families  buried  in  the  Etruscan  necropoleis 
all  throughout  Etruria.  Cato*  calls  Umbria  a  part  of 
Tuscany,  and  Stephanus  of  Byzantium  speaks  of  all 
the  Umbrian  cities  as  Turrhene.  Each  people  dwelt 
indifferently  in  the  towns  of  the  other ;  the  Tuscan 
language  was  understood  and  spoken,  as  we  have 
reason  to  know,  throughout  Umbria,  and  the  Rasena, 
as  their  history  proves  to  us,  had  the  wise  and 
singular  policy  of  making  with  those  whom  they 
conquered,  such  a  peace  as  gave  them  a  share  in  the 
government,  and  an  equal  interest  in  the  perma- 
nence and  prosperity  of  the  state  ;  thus  nullifying  all 
feelings  of  humiliation  and  hostility,  and  convert- 

♦  Cato  apud  Servium,  xii.  753. 


70 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


J| 


ing  them  from  fierce  and  bitter  enemies,  into  grate- 
ful allies  and  indissoluble  friends. 

Herodotus  says,  "  They  built  cities  in  the  land  of 
Umbria,  and  inhabit  them  still."  We,  who  write 
three-and-twenty  centuries  later  than  Herodotus, 
are  tempted,  to  our  own  amazement,  to  use  the  same 
words.  To  this  very  hour  the  Tusci  dwell  side  by 
side  with  the  Umbri,  and  the  small  tribes  of  the 
Sarsinati  or  Sarteanati,  and  the  Camerti,  or  people  of 
Camers,  inhabit  their  ancient  soil;  and  it  is  this 
almost  incredible  connexion  with  the  olden  time, 
this  undestroyed,  however  often  broken  chain,  that 
renders  Italy  so  interesting  beyond  all  other  lands 
to  the  historical  tourist,  and  that  makes  it,  as  it  were, 
the  neutral  soil,  where  the  ages  before  and  after 
Christ  harmonize;  and  where  Europe  and  Asia, 
Greece  and  Germany,  cultivation  and  barbarism, 
Christianity  and  heathenism,  meet  and  melt  into 
each  other. 

It  may  be  proper  to  say  a  few  words  in  proof  of 
some  of  the  assertions  just  made.  We  know  that 
Tuscan  was  spoken  in  Umbria,  and  we  are  inclined 
to  call  it  the  court  language ;  because,  when  the 
Romans  wished  to  send  ambassadors*  to  the  Um- 
brians,  they  sought  out  as  interpreter,  a  man  who 
could  speak  Tuscan.  We  know  that  Umbrians  were 
entombed  in  the  Tuscan  burying-grounds,  because 
they  are  found  there  now,  and  have,  sometimes,  like 
the  Sentinati  at  Chiusif  and  Tarquinia,  the  word 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


71 


*  Livy,  1.  Ix. 


t  See  Archaeologia  for  1827  and  1836. 

10 


"Umbrana**  aflSxed  to  their  names;  and  we  know 
that  the  Umbrians  shared  with  them  the  government 
of  such  towns  as  they  assisted  to  found  or  to  con- 
quer, because,  Plin.  iii.  notices  it  in  Campania, 
and  says  that  Acerra  and  Nocera  were  named  from 
them.  Strabo  (1.  v.)  mentions  it  of  Acerra  and  Di- 
onysius  of  Halicarnassus  (1.  viii.)  associates  them  in 
Cuma. 

It  appears  extraordinary  that  the  Etruscans,  ex- 
cited by  opposition  and  flushed  with  victory,  should 
not  have  carried  their  conquests  further,  and  either 
have  crossed  the  Po  and  gone  forward  to  the  Alps, 
or  have  subdued  Campania,  as  far  as  its  utmost  cape. 
If  the  only  two  people  in  Italy  with  any  pretensions 
to  civilization,  the  Pelasgi  and  the  Umbri,  could 
not  withstand  them,  what  could  there  be  further 
south,  to  oppose  their  conquering  career?  But 
Strabo  (1.  v.)  tells  us  that  they  were  not  an  am- 
bitious people,  and  that  they  did  not  fight  from  the 
lust  of  conquest.  They  had  gained  as  much  as 
they  could  well  settle,  and  they  never  seem  to  have 
desired  a  widely  extended  empire.  Where  they 
did  fight,  Strabo  says,  "  it  was  not  for  sole  pos- 
session, but  for  dominion,  for  lands  and  soldiers, 
money  and  slaves ;"  such  things  as  they  supposed 
they  could  not  now  prosper  nor  be  safe  without. 
Some  writers,  as  Flaccus  and  Cecina,  do  indeed  say 
that  Tarchun  crossed  the  Po  and  founded  twelve 
states  and  chief  cities  between  the  Po  and  the  Alps, 
but  we  know  from  Livy  and  Virgil,  that  these  cities 
were  colonies  from  Etruria  Proper,  and  it  is  alto- 


72 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


gether  incredible,  that  during  the  lifetime  of  one 
man,  Central  Etruria  could  have  grown  to  such 
maturity  as  for  each  state  to  send  out  its  own  in- 
dependent colony.  Tarchun  is  here  used  in  an 
eastern  manner,  to  express,  not  the  man,  but  his 
tribe ;  and  as  we  say  that  Israel  founded  Jerusalem 
and  Jericho,  though  Israel,  i.  e.  Jacob,  was  dead, 
centuries  before  the  Israelite  foundation  of  either; 
so  we  may  say,  that  Tarchun  founded  the  twelve 
states  north  of  the   Po  as  well  as  within   the  Ap- 

penines. 

To  this  it  may  be  objected  that  if  Tarchun *s  people 
and  not  himself  founded  the  states  of  the  north,  so 
his  people  in  later  times,  and  not  himself,  may  have 
founded  the  states  of  the  centre.  But  Strabo  says, 
that  he  was  king  of  the  whole  of  Central  Etruria, 
and  Virgil  gives  it  as  the  tradition,  that  400  years 
before  Rome,  each  state  was  settled  and  under  its 
own  prince,  but  all  bowed  to  the  authority  of  Tar- 
chun, and  led  forth  their  troops  at  his  call. 

We  shall  suppose,  therefore,  that  Tarchun  is  now 
monarch  of  this  new  country,  and  that,  according  to 
the  usual  custom  of  the  east,  he  has  changed  its  name, 
causing  that  which  had  been  Umbria  to  be  hencefor- 
ward the  Tarchunian,  or  TuRSeNian  Etruria.  Let 
us  stop,  before  inquiring  into  the  ditferent  aspect  which 
it  must  necessarily  have  assumed  under  its  new  go- 
verment,  to  make  some  few  observations  upon  the 
people  over  whom  his  arms  triumphed,  and  with 
whom  he  was  successively  engaged.  Let  us  inquire 
what  had  been  the  previous  state  of  Italy,  and  who 


TARCHUN    IN    ITALY. 


73 


were  its  inhabitants;  and  in  our  backward  researches, 
let  us  begin  with  the  nation  from  whom  the  Etrus- 
cans won  their  settlements,  and  ask  who  were  the 
Umbri  ? 


74 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI. 

We  will  devote  a  short  chapter  to  an  inquiry 
concerning  two  races,  with  whom  tlie  Rasena  were 
brought  into  collision  during  this  first  period  of 
their  Italian  rule,  and  who  are  important  rather  for 
their  continued  existence  in  their  descendants,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Italian  peninsula  and  its  adjacent 
island,  than  from  their  early  historical  celebrity. 
The  Umbri  and  Sikeli,  though,  in  the  times  of 
which  we  are  treating,  comparatively  obscure  and 
uncivilized,  possess  greater  claims  to  the  original 
paternity  of  the  existing  Italian  people  than  the 
more  illustrious  Etruscans  and  Pelasgians,  to  whom 
Italy  owes  its  institutions  and  civilization.  Even 
as  the  descent  of  the  people  of  England  may  with 
greater  certainty  be  mainly  traced  from  the  ancient 
Britons  and  their  Saxon  successors,  than  from 
the  conquering  Romans  or  the  lordly  Normans. 

I.  The  Umbri. 
According  to   Dionysius  i.  19,  Pliny  iii.  14,  and 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI. 


75 


Floras  iii.   17,   the   Umbri    were    native    Italians, 
which  we  presume  to  mean   regular  colonists  from 
Istria,  Carinthia  or  Dalmatia,  who  had  at  first  settled 
in   small    numbers    upon    unoccupied   ground,    but 
when  they  increased  and  became  so  numerous  as  to 
require  more  room,  they  attacked  the  Sikeli,  who 
are  the  first  known  inhabitants  of  Italy,  and  driving 
them    southwards,   took    possession    of  their   land. 
According  to  Niebuhr,  they  are  the  oldest  people  in 
Italy;  but  we    cannot    understand    how  the  oldest 
people  can   have  driven  away  a  people  still  older. 
They  warred  with  the  Pelasgi,  who  had  intruded  into 
their   country,  and   finally   triumphed   over   them, 
and  at  the  time  the  Etruscans  landed  in  Italy,  they 
ruled,    according  to  Niebuhr,    from   the  river  Inn 
northwards,  to  the  mountains  ofGarganus,  south- 
wards, including  the  whole  of  the  country  on  both 
sides  of  the  Po,  and  over  all  the  centre  of  Italy. 
Now,  in  proof  of  their  southern  boundary,  a  valley 
in  the  centre  of  the  Garganus  is  still  called  by  the 
peasants  "  Valle  degli  Umbri ;"  and  close  to  this 
valley  is  a  wood  called   Umbricchio,  and  another 
rather    more   to    the    north    is   called    "  Cognetto 
d'Umbri,"and  as  a  testimony  to  their  former  posses- 
sion of  Etruria,  the  two  rivers,  Ombrone  and  Umbro, 
which  are  named  from  the  Umbri,  run  through  the 
centre  of  Tuscany.     Pliny  (iii.  5)  says,  that  they 
ruled  over  the  country  between  the  Alps  and  Apen- 
nines, as  far  south  as  the  Anio,  also  the  southern 
part  of  Picenum  and  the  districts  of  Palmenze,  Pre- 
tutianus,  and  Adrianus,  all  of  which  they  conquered 

E  2 


r 


76 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELl. 


77 


from  the  Siculi ;  and  Zenodotus  of  Trezene,a  Greek, 
names  Reati  (afterwards  of  the  Sabines)  as  their 
chief  settlement. 

The  Umbri  are  by  many  authors  called  a  tribe  of 
the  Oscans.  meaning  by  Oscans,*  simply  the  in- 
habitants of  Italy  or  of  the  land  of  Ausonia,  called 
also  Auruncia,  Osci,  and  Opici.  Niebuhr  thinks 
that  the  Sabelli,  that  is,  the  Sabines,  the  Marsi,  the 
Samnites,the  Volsci,  and  their  offsets,  were  probably 
all  of  the  sjirae  Oscan  blood,  though  separated  into 
tribes  by  mountains  and  rivers,  until  they  became 
stransjers  and  sometimes  enemies  to  each  other. 
Tiie  Umbri  were  warlike, for  they  were  conquerors; 
settled,  for  they  had  more  than  300  towns  when  the 
Etruscans  invaded  them  ;  and  agricultural,  other- 
wise they  could  not  have  maintained,  as  they  did,  a 
large  population  in  their  mountainous  and  stormy, 
though  fertile  land.  After  their  subjugation  by  the 
Etruscans,  they  continued  to  be  their  faithful  and  in- 
separable allies,  sharing  in  all  their  conquests  and 
all  their  colonies,  as  we  shall  afterwards  show ; 
adopting  most  of  their  customs,  and  sacrificing  in 
token  of  union,  at  the  same  altars  and  to  the  same 
divinities.  Nevertheless,  it  was  a  Tuscan  maxim, 
that  "  no  people t  should  change  its  gods  or  forsake 
the  worship  of  its  ancestors  ;"  therefore,  the  Umbri 
retained  their  national  divinities  without  images, 
and  in  Umbria  Proper,  always  continued  to  be 
governed  by  their  own  laws,  and  their  native 
rulers.  Their  coins  are  Etruscan,  and  their  letters, 
*  Micali  Storia,  viii.  f  Vide  Miiller,  b.  vii. 


as  shown  on  the  Eugubian  tables,  are  a  mixture  of 
Tuscan  and  Latin.  Their  capital  became  Ikuvine 
or  Iguvium,  the  k  and  g  sounding  alike  "  ig,'*  and 
it  is  now  Italianized  to  Gubbio,  the  chief  town  of  the 
duchy  of  Urbino,  or  the  ancient  land  of  Umbria 
Proper. 

The  treaty  which  they  made  with  the  Rasena  was 
the  following : — "  There  shall  be  peace  between  the 
contracting  powers,  the  Rasena  and  the  Umbri,  so 
long  as  the  heavens  and  the  earth  retain  their 
places  :  neither  shall  attack  the  other,  nor  yet  suffer 
the  other  to  be  attacked  : — neither  shall  raise  up 
enemies  to  the  other,  and  if  one  suffer  loss,  the  other 
shall  afford  him  protection,  help,  and  support. 
They  shall  share  one  common  danger,  and  divide 
one  common  booty ;  and  if  causes  of  complaint  arise 
between  them,  they  shall  be  decided  within  ten  days 
in  the  place  where  the  offence  happened.  Nothing 
shall  be  added  to  this  treaty  nor  aught  diminished 
from  it.'* 

This  curious  document  is  to  be  found  in  Dionys. 
vi.  95,  p.  415,  and  is  copied  by  him  from  Macer,  an 
older  author,  "  who  (says  Niebuhr)  seems  himself 
to  have  read  the  treaty,  and  who  describes  the  offer- 
ings, (all  of  them  Tuscan,)  made  upon  its  confirma- 
tion. We  have,  indeed,  here  changed  the  names 
Latins  and  Romans  for  Umbri  and  Rasena^  but 
this  and  no  other  was  the  form  of  treaty  used  through- 
out Italy,  from  the  days  of  Tarchun  down  to  the 
battle  of  Regillus ;  and  we  must  remember  that  it 
was  from  the  Rasena  that  the  Latins  learned,  in  the 
first  instance,  all  that  was  either  eastern  in  their 


78 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


style,  or  civilized  in  their  diplomacy.     The  Latins 
learned  from  the  Rasena,  and  did  not  teach  them. 
And  as  we  know  the  manner  in  which  Tarquinia 
was  founded,  because  we  have  the  records  of  the 
foundation    of    Rome,    according   to    the    written 
rules    of  the  Etruscans ;    so  we  know  the  Etrus- 
can treaties,  because  we  can  read  the  written  form 
of  the  ancient  Latin  ones.     This  will  be  proved  as 
we  advance.       Meanwhile,  we  may    observe    that 
for  some  ages  the  Etruscans  and  the  Greeks  were 
the  only  civilized  people  in  Italy,  and  that  it  is  the 
invariable  experience  of  mankind,  as  testified  to  us 
by  all  history,  that  law  and  order,  justice  and  equity, 
letters   and    refinement,  are   communicated  by   the 
civilized  to  the  barbarous,  and  not  by  the  barbarous 
to   the  civilized.      Tarchun  did  not  learn    how  to 
word  his  treaties  from  the  rude  tribes  of  Italy.    Nor 
did  he,  the  Oriental  chief,  change  his  words  and 
sentiments  for  theirs.     If,  therefore,  the  above  was 
the  form  of  all  the   Italian   treaties,  it  was  of  the 
Etruscan  ;  and  if  of  the  Etruscan,  it  was  originally 
derived  from  them,  and  not  imitated  by  them.     On 
the  subject  of  war  and  treaties,  we  may  add,  that 
Niebuhr  thinks  that,  in  the  case  of  allied  armies,  the 
chief  command  was  probably  alternated  between  the 
allied  powers. 

We  believe  the  Umbri  to  have  been  of  the  same 
origin  as  the  Sikeli,  and  all  the  other  tribes  of 
Ausonia,  but  differing  from  them  in  being  an  edu- 
cated and  regularly  appointed  colony  on  their  first 
arrival,  and  not  mere  stragglers  and  outsettlers  who 
had  multiplied  in  time,  like  the  race  they  drove 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI, 


79 


southwards.  It  is  evident  that  all  the  Italian  tribes 
came  from  the  north,  for  their  invariable  move- 
ment is  towards  the  south,  and  none  of  them  were 
maritime,  whence  we  conclude  that  they  entered 
Italy  by  land,  round  the  north  of  the  Adriatic,  or 
across  the  mountains.  The  Umbri  are  distinguished 
by  all  ancient  authors  from  their  countrymen,  be- 
cause of  their  indissoluble  alliance  with  the  Tuscans, 
during  the  whole  of  their  historical  existence.  It  was 
a  remarkable  state  of  union  without  ever  merging  into 
identity.  The  Umbri  never  became  the  children  of 
Tages,  nor  the  people  of  Tarchun,  though  they 
never  ceased  to  be  the  admirers,  imitators,  and  friends 
of  both. 


II.  The  Sikeli. 

We  will  now  ask  who  were  the  Siculi  or  Sikeli  ? 
Whatever  author  we  may  consult  concerning  the 
first  inhabitants  of  Italy,  we  always  find  the  Sikeli 
mentioned  as  the  people  dwelling  in  the  land  from 
the  beginning.  Hence,  they  were  the  first  who 
were  attacked  by  after  settlers,  and  being  early  driven 
from  their  aboriginal  homes,  they  are  said  to  have 
been  finally  hunted  through  all  the  tribes  of  the 
Italians,  until  they  took  refuge  in  Sicily,  an  island 
which  still  bears  their  name.*  They  were,  there- 
fore, neither  a  warlike,  nor  a  powerful,  nor  a  civilized 
people;  and  Sallustf  tells  us  that  they  were  utter 

♦  Vide  Strabo,  Dion.,  and  Diodorus. 
t  In  vit.  Catalini. 


80 


HISTOUY    OF    ETRURIA. 


savages,  feeding  upon  acorns,  and  clothing  them- 
selves in  skins. 

To  dress  in  skins  implies  either  that  they  hunted 
wild  animals   in  order  to  use  the  fur,  or  that  they 
kept  flocks  and  used  their  fleece.     They  were,  there- 
fore, in  so  far  as  this  account  is  true,  hunters  and 
shepherds  ;  and  we  cannot  have  the  smallest  douht 
that  they  lived   upon  chesnuts,  and  clothed  them- 
selves in  sheep  and  goat  skins,  and  fed   upon  the 
milky  produce  of  their  flocks,  such  as  Ricotta  and 
other  preparations  of  a  like  nature ;  because  they 
do  so  still.     They  were  not  a  commercial  or  manu- 
facturing people,  and  it  is  probable,  from  the  very 
marshy  state  of  early  Italy,  that  they  were  not  agri- 
cultural.     They  could,  therefore,  only  be  such  as 
historians    paint  them.      We   do    not    know    that 
they  had  any  towns,  and  they  are  represented  as 
dislodged    first    by    the    Umbri,  and   then   by  the 
Pelasgi,    till  in  very  despair   they  left   the    main- 
land   of   Italy,  and   took    refuge    beyond    the   sea. 
They  were  probably,  in  the  beginning,  not  a  regular 
colony,  but  stragglers  from  Illyria,  who  brought  for- 
ward their  flocks,  and  dwelt  in  a  wide  pasture  land 
on  either  side  of  the  Po,  which  no  man  disputed 
with  them,  until  the  regular  colony  of  the  Umbri 
required  their  room. 

In  process  of  time,  this  word  "Sikeli"  came  to 
be  applied  to  all  who  dwelt  in  the  provinces  whence 
the  Siculi  *  had  been  removed  ;  the  Umbri  called 
all  their  enemies  Siculi,  who  were  not  Turseni  or 

♦  Or  Sikeli. 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI, 


81 


Pelasgi,  and  Niebuhr  proves  that  the  other  nations 
of  Italy  did  the  same ;  so  that  Sikeli  or  Siculi  cauio 
to  mean  Italian,  and  is  only  another  name  for  all  the 
Italian  people  whom  we  do  not  choose  to  distinguish 
by  any  more  limited  appellation.  Niebuhr  (vol.  i. 
p.  51)  brings  examples  to  prove,  that  in  old  Italian 
S  and  V,  K  and  T,  are  interchangeable,  and  fre- 
quently used  for  each  other  in  different  dialects. 
Hence  Sikelus  is  also  written  Vikelus  or  Vitalus, 
Sitalus,  Italus.  This,  in  striking  opposition  to  the 
perished  Pelasgi,  shows  us  that  both  Italy  and  Sicily 
at  this  moment  preserve  the  names  of  their  oldest 
people.*  Italus  is  written  by  the  Etruscans  in  their 
inscriptions  Uitellia,  very  like  in  sound  to  the  pre- 
sent Italia,  and  they  called  all  the  nations  by  that 
name,  who  bordered  upon  them,  south  and  east. 
Uitellia  was  pronounced  and  spelt  by  the  Latins  and 
Sabines  **  Italika,"  and  at  the  time  of  Hannibal's 
war,  all  the  tribes  were  thus  called,  excepting  the 
Umbri  and  Turseni ;  and  in  many  Greek  and  Latin 
authors,  the  name  is  used  for  all  who  were  not 
Greeks  and  Tuscans.  Servius  tells  us  that  the  king 
of  the  Sikeli  was  Italus,  by  ^vay  of  a  figure  to  show 
that  both  were  one  :  and  Niebuhr  says,  that  Uitellia 
was  the  name  of  a  native  goddess,  and  that  all  the 
country  between  the  Tiber  and  the  Garganus  long 
bore  her  name.  Thus  the  Latins  of  the  Tiber  may 
be  said  to  have  dwelt  in  the  very  heart  of  Uitellia 
or  Italia.    The  Samnite  and  other  coins  struck  in  the 

•  Niebuhr  mentions  some  inscriptions  in  which  Latinus  is 
written  Lakinius. 

E  5 


82 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


social  war,  have  on  them  the  Etruscan  /lv|3t !  3 
Viteliu,  and  Servius  (viii.  328)  writes,  "  Italia  plara 

Domina    habuit,    dicta    est    eniin Vitalia." 

Latium  is  particularly  named  by  Varro  *  as  the 
seat  of  the  Siculi  ;t  and  probably  they,  i.  e.  the 
first  inhabitants  of  Italy,  found  a  resting-place 
there,  between  the  rule  of  the  Umbri  and  their 
wars  with  the  Pelasgi,  wlio  drove  these  Siculi 
farther  south. 

We  have  little  more  to  say  or  to  learn  concern- 
ing them,  for  nations  that  have  neither  monuments 
nor  written  annals,  can  have  no  history,  and  can  be 
considered  only  as  a  series  of  generations   or  in- 
dividuals, who  are  born  and  die,  however  long  any 
particular  spot  may  be  called  by  their  name,  or   re 
main  in  their  possession.     Excepting  as  Italians  in 
general,  we  know  not  how  to  designate  nor  to  dis- 
tinguish one  single  hero  of  Sikelian  blood,  nor  one 
single  work  of  Sikclian  production.     They  are  said 
to  Iiave  warred  with  the  Sicani  in  Sicily,  and  to  have 
so  far  gained  the  advantage  over  them,  that  besides 
establishing  themselves  in  the  enemy's  ground,  they 
caused  their  name  to  become  dominant  in  that  island. 
Common  sense  confirms  tradition  in  pointing  out  to 
us  the  i)robability,  that  Sicily  was  originally  peopled 
from  Italy,  and  therefore,  that  Italus,  as  Servius  says, 
was  king  of  the  Siculi ;  but  every  town  or  state  in  that 
island  that  figures  in  history  was  of  foreign  establish- 

♦  Lib.  iv.  and  Pliny,  iii.  5. 

t  For  Siculi,  vide  Dionys.  i.  10,  Varro,  Pliiiy,  Solinus,  c 
8,  Servius,  xi.  317. 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI. 


83 


ment,  and  was  a  colony  either  of  Phoenicians  from 
Carthage,  or  of  Greeks  from  Asia  Minor  and  Grecia 
Proper.  Hence  the  unillustrious  Sikeli  inhabited 
the  centre  of  the  island,  and  are  to  us  a  demonstra- 
tion, better  than  all  narrative,  and  all  quotations,  to 
show  us  what  was  the  original  state  of  Latium,  and 
what  the  real,  and  pure,  and   native  civilization  of 

early  Italy. 

The  Sikeli  had  no  army,  and  no  navy.  From  this 
we  gather  that  they  were  not  a  maritime  people,  and 
did  not  make  their  first  settlements  on  the  coast,  nor 
arrive  by  sea,  like  the  Rasena.  They  had  no  cities, 
no  forts,  no  walled  towns,  no  laws  commented  upon 
by  the  Greeks  nor  adopted  by  the  Romans,  like  the 
Rasena,  no  public  character,  and  no  grand  civil  in- 
stitutions. Yet  they  were  shepherds  and  hunters, 
and  probably,  in  so  far  as  necessary,  became  agricul- 
turists ;  they  in  time  learnt  letters  and  numbers  for 
the  common  uses  of  life,  from  their  neighbours  ;  they 
could  light  when  attacked,  and  run  their  boats  along 
the  shore,for  the  sake  of  fishing  and  change  of  habita- 
tion. They  had  a  religion,  so  far  as  we  can  trace,  of 
rude  stones,  and  holy  groves,  and  mysterious  caves, 
and  sacred  animals,  and  voices  in  the  wind  ;  and  they 
had  unwritten  laws  of  common  custom,  and  the  rule 
of  Head  men.  But  a  treaty,  such  as  we  have 
described  with  the  Umbri,  or  a  city,  such  as  we 
know  to  have  been  Tarquinia,  they  were  as  incapable 
of  imagining  or  of  executing,  as  of  flying  in  the  air, 
or  of  living  in  the  sea. 

It  appears  certain  that  the  first  colonists  of  Italy 


84 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


were  not  educated  men,  though  of  the  same  blood, 
and  with  the  same  original   powers  of  mind  and 
body,  as    the    most    distinguished   of  the    stock  of 
J aphet.     But  uneducated  men,  as  we  see  in  our  own 
island,  do   not  civilize  each  other,  and  are  usually 
quite  contented  in  all  ignorance  not  positively  in- 
convenient, being  all   the  while  proud  of  conscious 
ability  and  bodily  strength.     Moreover,  uneducated 
men  are  not  submissive  to  law  and  order,  except  in 
cases  of  extreme  danger,  and  cannot  endure  the  re- 
straints and  refinements  of  civilized  life.     This  was 
the  case  with  the  Sikeli ;  they  amassed  no  riches  to 
tempt  conquest,  they  exhibited  no  weakness  to  pro- 
voke contempt,  and  they  had  no  discipline  or  war- 
like force  to  excite  fear.     They  accordingly  dwelt  in 
general  peace  with  their  wealthier  neighbours,  and 
reniained  in  all   prominent   respects  as  they    had 
originally  been.     Whilst  such  of  their  race  as  did 
not  flee  from  the  mainland,  being    conquered    by 
nations  who  were  superior  to  themselves  in  culti- 
vation, or  being  forced  into  continual  and  unavoid- 
able communication  by  the  forts  upon  tiieir  borders, 
and  the  colonies  spread  throughout  their  territories,' 
enjoyed  the  advantage  of  gradually  becoming  assi- 
milated to  a  more  excellent  way,  and  of  adopting 
as  their  own,  institutions  which  raised  them  in  the 
end   to   be   the   greatest,   and    most   distinguished 
amongst  the  empires  of  the  earth. 

At  the  time  of  Tarchun's  landing  and  con- 
quests in  Umbria,  we  have  no  account  of  any  na- 
tions in  Italy  excepting  the  Pelasgi,  the  Umbri,  and 


THE    UMBRI    AND    SIKELI. 


85 


the   Sikeli,  or,  as  they  are  also   called,  the   Opici 
or  the  Oscans. 

We  shall  return  to  this  subject  at  the  period  when 
we  suppose  Italy  to  have  become  more  thickly 
peopled,  and  more  distinctly  divided. 


86 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE    PELASGI. 


We  now  come  to  that  very  difficult  question, 
who  were  the  Pelasgi  ? — that  people  with  whom  the 
Umbri  warred  before  tlie  arrival  of  the  Rasena,  and 
whom  they  finally  succeeded  in  driving  away  or 
rendering  tributary. 

If  we  ask,  who  were  the  Scythians,  the  Israelites, 
the  Egyptians,  Ethiopians,  Lybians,  Cartliaginians, 
Greeks,  Romans,  Persians,  Assyrians,  or  Phoenicians, 
any  of  these  ancient  nations  renowned  in  historv, 
their  localities  are  easily  pointed  out,  and  some  un- 
disputed information  concerning  them  is,  with  equal 
facility,  obtained.     If  we  ask,  who    were    the  less 
known  Umbri,  the  Etrusci,  the  Latins,  the  Sabines, 
or  the   Lucanians,  the  map  of  Italy  will   answer  us 
now.     But  if  we  ask,  who  were  the   Pelasgi?  who 
figure  in  all  the  early  annals  of  Greece,  Italy,  and 
Asia,  and  who  are  named  by  every  Greek  and  Latin 
historian,  we  read  such  different  and  irreconcilable 
accounts  of  them   as  to   make   us  doubt  if  such  a 


the  pelasgi. 


87 


])eople  ever  had  any  real  existence.  When  we 
look  over  the  maps,  whether  ancient  or  modern,  of 
the  wide  territories  which  they  overran,  and  the 
islands  which  they  colonized,  we  find  that  they  have 
left  not  a  single  province,  nor  stream,  nor  mountain  ; 
not  a  single  city,  nor  cave,  nor  fountain,  to  give  evi- 
dence of  their  being,  and  carry  forward  their  name. 
Yet  there  are  walls  both  in  Italy  and  Greece,  of  the 
same  construction,  built  of  immensely  large  poly- 
gonal blocks  of  stone,  the  angles  being  neatly  fitted 
to  each  other ;  and  there  is  a  line  of  towns  having 
these  walls,  and  gates  with  a  peculiar  symbol  on 
them,  which  are  ascribed  to  the  Pelasgi,  extending 
directly  across  Italy,  and  resembling  walls  and  gates 
ascribed  to  the  same  people  in  Greece,  such  as 
Lycosura,  Tyrins,  and  Mycene,  and  in  some  parts  of 
Asia  Minor.  The  architecture  is  as  massive  as  that 
of  the  Etruscans,  but  ruder,  less  laboured,  and  less 
regular.  Pausanias  (lib.  21)  distinguishes  the  styles 
both  from  the  Etruscan,  which  was  quadrilateral, 
regular  and  without  cement,  and  from  the  Cyclopean, 
which  was  massive,  but  irregular,  having  the  in- 
terstices filled  up  with  small  stones.  Now  as  these 
polygonal  walls  are  to  be  found  at  Spina  on  the  coast, 
and  strike  across  to  Amiternum,  Acquicola,  Alba, 
Arpino,  Preneste,  Alatri,  and  Atena,  and  as  they  are 
not  Etruscan,  it  is  impossible  not  to  believe  in  the 
existence  of  some  other  race  by  whom  they  w^ere 
erected. 

We  have  somewhat  contradictory  accounts  of  the 
Pelasgi  by  diflferent  writers ;    such   as,  that   they 


88 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


were  the  origin  of  everything  noble  and  refined  in 
the  Grecian  character,  and  on  the  other  hand,  that 
they  were  cruel  and  barbarous,*  ignorant,  weak,  and 
wild.  Herodotus  (lib.  1)  says,  that  they  were  a 
fixed  nation,  in  opposition  to  the  Helenes,  who  were 
always  wandering  ;  and  Dionysius,  that  they  were 
never  quiet,  and  that  they  derived  their  name  from 
Pelargos,  a  stork,  to  denote  that  they  were  for  ever 
on  the  move.  Herodotus  (lib.  8)  says,  that  they 
built  cities,  and  conquered,  and  prospered,  and 
spread;  Dionysius,  (lib.  1,)  that  the  first  set  who  came 
into  Italy  could  neither  build  nor  fight,  and  that  the 
second  set,  who  could  build,  learned  both  fighting 
and  navigation  from  the  Turrheni.  Homer  calls 
them  "  Godlike  ;"t  while  many  authors  J  say  they 
were  the  slaves  of  the  Enotri  in  Italy  ;  and 
Herodotus,  that  they  became  at  a  very  early  date 
the  slaves  of  the  Hellenes  in  Greece.  All  agree 
that  they  disappeared  both  in  Greece  and  Italy 
about  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war,  and  in  Asia  soon 
after ;  and  that  such  as  were  not  exterminated,  or 
enslaved,  became  then  amalgamated  with  other 
people. 

We  think  there  is  something  very  extraordinary 
in  these  first  fathers  of  the  great  works  of  Europe 
suddenly  disappearing,  like  the  genius  of  a  fairy 
tale,  into  thin  and  unsubstantial  air,  and  we  think 
also  that  the  various  accounts  of  them  are  as  irrecon- 
cilable as  those  of  the  barbarous  and  civilized  Hyksos 

*  Hecataeus,  Strabo,  Dion.  f  Odys.  xix.  177. 

X  See  Niebuhr,  i. 


THE   PELASGI. 


89 


in  Egypt,  whom  in  various  points  they  closely  re- 
semble. Indeed,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
Pelasgi  were  not  one  people,  but  many  people  :  and 
that  their  name  does  not  signify  a  nation,  but  is  the 
characteristic  of  some  class  of  men.  Such,  for  in- 
stance, as  "Pale-face"  expresses  to  the  North  Ameri- 
can Indian,  and  "  Children  of  the  Sea  "  to  the  men 
of  Hindostan.  They  know  not  of  the  white  stranger, 
whether  he  be  English  or  French,  Dutch  or  Portu- 
guese, Swedish  or  Italian.  He  is  a  "  Pale-face,"  and 
under  that  name  they  would  describe  all  the  nations 
of  Europe,  however  much  they  might  differ  from  one 
another  in  language,  religion,  and  habit.  Dionysius 
(lib.  1)  mentions  an  idea  that  the  name  Pelasgi 
might  be  derived  from  Pelagos,  the  sea,  and  it  no 
doubt  originally  meant  "maritime  stranger:"  for 
in  every  country,  numbers  of  them  seem  to  have 
arrived  by  sea,  and  to  have  made  settlements  upon 
the  sea-coast.* 

Herodotus  (lib.  viii.)  says,  that  they  were  the 
oldest  inhabitants  of  Hellas,  called  from  them  Pe- 
lasgia,  and  that  they  came  from  Thessaly,  and  had 
no  images.  Other  Greek  historians  say  that  their 
original  seat  was  first  in  the  Hellespont,  whence 
they  spread  into  Thessaly,  but  agree  with  Herodotus 
that  they  reigned  in  Argos,  Lacedemonia,  Attica, 
and  Arcadia,  and  that  they  peopled  Thrace,  Bceotia, 
Phocis,  Ionia,  and  the  islands  of  the  Egean  Sea. 
Strabo  (v.  221)  says  the  same.    And  Niebuhr  adds  to 

♦  Concerning  the  Pelasgi,  vide  Herodotus,  vii.  and  viii. 
Strabo,  vii.  ix.  xiii. 


90 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


this  enumeration,  Macedonia.     Herodotus  says  that 
their   tongue   was    burbarous,  that    is,    not  Greek, 
and   that   the  Atheni,   Lacedaemoni,   Argives,  and 
Arcadians,  had  all  turned  into  Hellenes  before  the 
return    of  those  Italian   Pelasgi,  whom  with   bro- 
therly kindness  they  made  their  slaves,  fifty  years 
or   two   generations   previous  to   the   Trojan    war. 
Menecrates  says  that  in  Asia  they  became  extinct 
as  unaccountably,  immediately  after  the  Trojan  war. 
Again,  Herodotus  says,  that  Argos  of  the  Pelasgi 
was  founded  by   Inachus,  son  of  Ocean  and  father 
of  Phoroneus,  who  built  a  temple  to  Hera  or  Juno; 
that  nine  kings  succeeded  him,  and  that  the  ninth, 
Pelasgus,  was  conquered  by  Danaus  the  Egyptian, 
whose  fifty  daughters  married  and   settled   in  fifty 
towns  of  the  Pelasgi.     Lynceus,  whom  others  make 
a  native  prince,  and  husband  of  one  of  these  daugh- 
ters, is  said  by  Herodotus*   to  have  been  an  Egyp- 
tian from  the  Thebaid,  and  to  have  built  Lycosura. 
Now    as    Herodotus    calculates    the    foundation    of 
Argos  two  hundred  years  before  the  introduction  of 
letters  and  numbers  by  Cadmus,  we  shall  beg  leave 
to  doubt  if  its  date  could  be  very  precisely  known. 
And  as  the  oldest  monument  in  Greece,  i.e.  the  statue 
of  Hera,t  is  attributed  to  Phoroneus,  the  grandson 
of  Ocean,  and  we  cannot  imagine  how  the  son  of 
Ocean  could  have  reached  Argos  without  a  ship, 
and  as  the  first  ship  ever  seen  in  Greece  was  that 
which  conveyed  Danaus  from  Egypt,  we  shall  sup- 


Lib,  ii. 


t  Vide  Herodotus. 


THE   PELASGI. 


91 


pose  that  Phoroneus  means  Pharaoh  Danaus*  him- 
self, the  brother  of  Pharaoh  Sethos  or  Sesostris, 
king  of  Egypt,t  who,  according  to  Manetho,  did 
really  lead  a  colony  of  civilized  men  into  Greece,  and 
imparted  to  that  land  the  rich  stores  of  knowledge 
and  refinement  which  had  long  been  the  portion  of 
the  nations  of  the  east. 

We  now  know,  from  the  concurrent  testimony  of 
Egyptian  scholars,  that  Danaus  emigrated  to  Argos 
during  the  rule  of  the  18th  or  19th  dynasties,  at  which 
period  Egypt  was  in  the  height  of  her  glory  ;  and  all 
the  arts  of  the  ancient  world,  architecture,  sculpture, 
en«"raving,  jewellery,  manufactures,  and  agriculture, 
were  carried  by  her  inhabitants  to  their  utmost  per- 
fection. Her  annals  were  most  carefully  kept,  and 
most  laboriously  repeated  in  writing  and  engraving, 
in  painting  and  in  sculpture,  and  the  kings'  sons  were 
always  scribes.J  Can  we,  then,  believe  that  Danaus 
the  prince  and  his  men  would  not  introduce  letters 
and  engraving  into  Greece  ?  Can  we  believe  that 
they  could  or  would  abstain  from  it?  We  may  say 
that  the  Greek  alphabet  is  evidently  Phoenician, 
and  that  the  universal  tradition  ascribes  it  to  Phoe- 
nicia. But  this  tradition  has  not  prevented  many 
learned  men  from  doubting  if  the  Greek  alphabet 
did  not  come  out  of  Egypt,  and  if  by  Cadmus  we 
were  not  to  understand  merely  DHD  (Kedim,)  or 

•  Herodot.  ii.  says  that  both  Danaus  and  Lynceus  came 
from  Chemnis,  a  city  of  the  Thebaid. 

t  Josephus  says  nine  generations  before  the  fall  of  Troy. — 
Vide  RoseHini,  vol.  ii.  X  Vide  Roselhni. 


92 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


the  east,  and  by  Cadmus's  alphabet,  the  k'd'mean 
or  eastern  alphabet  ?  It  is  very  remarkable  that 
the  Hebrews,  after  their  centuries  of  residence,  and 
all  the  other  colonies  which  have  issued  from  Egypt, 
have  always  used  the  Phoenician  alphabet,  and  not 
the  hieroglyphics ;  and  in  the  days  of  Danaus  we 
have  already  shown  that  it  had  been  for  a  thousand 
years  the  prevailing  character  through  all  the  north 
of  the  land  of  Misraira. 

Either,  then,  Danaus  introduced  that  alphabet, 
and  was,  as  is  most  likely,  the  founder  of  Boeotian 
Thebes — for  Herodotus  says  he  came  from  Thebes  in 
Egypt,  whence  the  tradition  of  the  Cadmean  alpha- 
bet introduced  by  the  founder  of  Thebes  came  to  be 
related  thus,  that  it  was  Cadmus  who  founded 
Thebes  ;  and  that  this  founder  brought  letters  into 
Greece.  Or,  on  the  other  hand,  seeing  that  we  can 
place  no  dependence  upon  the  early  Greek  chrono- 
logy, Danaus  may  have  found  that  Assyrian  alphabet 
already  introduced  from  Phoenicia,  and  understand- 
ing it  as  well  as  his  own,  he  would  certainly  not 
change  it.  No  German  settler  in  England  would 
ever  think  of  altering  our  character  for  either  the 
cursive  or  the  monumental  writing  of  Deutschland. 
When  the  Greeks  in  their  turn,  under  the  Ptole- 
mies, became  the  rulers  of  Egypt,  the  hieroglyphics 
were  held  as  too  sacred  to  be  used  by  any  save  the 
priests,  and  by  them  only  for  sacred  or  monumental 
purposes.  And  so  much  were  the  Grecian  monarchs 
regarded  by  their  subjects  in  the  light  of  the  old 
Hyksos,  that  as,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Wil- 


THE   PELASGl. 


93 


kinson  and  Rosellini,  no  name  of  any  Hyksos  ruler 
has  ever  been  found  in  an  Egyptian  tomb,  neither 
has  any  name  of  a  Grecian  or  Roman  sovereign  ever 
had  place  there,  any  more  than  those  of  the  ancient 
Assyrians  or  other  strann:'rs.  The  Ptolemies  are 
indeed  the  antitypes  of  Salatis,  Archies,  and 
Janias.  They  allowed  all  the  nationalities  of  the 
people  quietly  to  take  their  own  course,  and  with- 
out destroying  what  previously  existed,  they  super- 
added to  them  their  own  nationalities,  their  own 
literature,  and  their  own  faith.  This  is  a  mixture 
which,  passing  through  Greek  channels,  has  caused 
endless  perplexities  and  confusion  in  history,  but 
not  having  touched  the  ancient  religious  structure, 
seems  to  have  left  unaltered  the  Egyptian  principles 
and  Egyptian  mind. 

It  is  from  these  Egyptians  and  Phoenicians  that 
we  find  evidences  of  regular  walls,  and  of  arches  in 
approaching  courses,  as  atTyrins  and  Mycene  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Argos,  and  even  evidences  of 
bridges,*  amongst  the  enigmatical  remains  of  earliest 
Greece  :  and  "  the  fifty  daughters"  whom  Danaus 
brought  with  him,  is  merely  an  eastern  manner  of 
expressing  fifty  towns  which  he  colonized.  Danaus, 
or  Armais,  arrived  in  Greece  in  the  first  ship  ever 
seen  by  the  natives,  called  from  him  "  Armais,"  and 
after  the  model  of  which  the  renowned  Argo  was 
built,  which  carried  the  Argonauts  to  Colchis,  also 
an  Egyptian  colony   further  north.f     And    Hero- 

•  As  seen  by  Colonel  Muir  over  the  Eurotas,  near  Taygetus. 

t  Herod,  ii. 


94 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUUIA, 


THE   PELASGI. 


95 


dotus  says  that  he  introduced  the  worship  of  De- 
meter,  that  is,  Isis,  afterwards  identified  with  Sabine 
Ceres,  and  that  he  taught  it  to  the  Pelasgic  women. 
Rosellini  doubts  if  there  is  any  Greek  monument 
existing,  older  than  the  reign  of  Psammeticus, 
654  B.  c,  but  if  there  is,  he  considers  the  stamp  of  it 
to  be  Egyptian.  The  Greeks  he  proves  not  to  have 
invented  anything ;  and  indeed  why  should  they,  or 
how  could  they,  when  all  the  refinements  of  life 
were  already  abounding  in  India,  Assyria,  and 
Egypt  ?*  Herod.,  lib.  ii.,  says  that  the  Greeks  de- 
rived their  arts  from  the  Egyptians. 

In  the  work  of  Rosellini  we  have  the  quotations 
of  Josephus  from  Manetho,  and  the  independent 
testimonies  of  Herodotus  and  Diodorus  Siculus,  as 
to  Armais  or  Danaus  being  the  brother  of  Pharaoh 
Sethos,  against  whom  he  conspired,  and  was  conse- 
quently forced  to  flee  from  Egypt  by  sea.  He 
arrived  at  Argos  in  the  first  ship,  or  at  least 
in  the  first  large  and  powerful  vessel  ever  seen 
in  that  country ;  and  he  conquered  Argos  and 
Aro-olis,  and  reigrned  over  them.  Diodorus  calls 
him  HermvEUS,  whence  Hermes,  the  Greek  Mer- 
cury, the  same  as  the  Egyptian  god  Thoth,  whose 
worship  he  probably  introduced.  Rosellini  says 
that  the  only  representation  of  a  naval  armament 
to  be  seen  on  the  Egyptian  monuments  is  one  in 
the  reign  of  Sethos. 

We  have  said  that  Demeter  is  the  same  with  Isis. 
Isis  is  also    the   same   with   Juno,   and    no   doubt 

*  See  Ros.,  vol.  iv.  p.  72,  upon  Arts  and  Sciences. 

5 


Danaus  was  the  man  who  introduced  the  worship  of 
Hera,  whose  statue  Herodotus  saw.  Amongst  the 
nine  imaginary  kings  of  Herodotus  who  were  de- 
scended from  the  Ocean,  three  have  Egyptian 
names.  Apis,  Phoroneus,  and  Phorbas  or  Phorpi. 
Lynceus,  the  Egyptian,  who  built  Lycosura,  is  said, 
by  Pausanias,  to  have  been  a  Pelasgian,  and 
Lycosura,*  founded  after  the  conquest  of  Argos, 
according  to  the  usual  calculation,  1453  years  b.  c, 
he,  says  "  was  the  most  ancient  of  all  the  cities^of  the 
world" — meaning  by  the  world  doubtless  Greece — 
"  and  was  the  model  from  which  all  other  cities  were 
built."t  Tlie  fifty  daughter  towns  of  Danaus  were  all 
established  in  Pelasgia,  i.  e.  the  Peloponnesus,  and 
the  king  of  Argos  conquered  by  him  is  named  by  the 
fancy  term  "  Pelasgus,"  whom  Hellanicus  makes 
the  same  as  Turrhenus  or  Tarchun  ;  in  other  words, 
the  person  for  the  time  being  who  ruled  the  Pelasgi, 
wherever  they  might  settle.  Danaus  J  must  have 
been  Pelasgus,  or  a  sea  stranger  himself.  The  majo- 
rity of  Greek    Pelasgi  were    evidently  Egyptians 

•  That  is,  Lycosura  was  founded  after  the  conquest  of  Argos 
by  Danaus,  which  took  place  1493  b.  c. 

t  Thus  it  follows,  that  all  the  cities  of  Greece  were  built  after 
the  model  of  one  erected  by  an  Egyptian. 

X  Herodotus  says  that  Danaus  reigned  two  generations  be- 
fore the  coming  of  Cadmus  and  nine  before  the  Trojan  war. 
(lib.  ii.)  He  says  that  the  Cad  means,  i.  e.  the  eastern 
tribe,  drove  the  Hellenes  out  of  Phthiotides,  their  original  seat. 
Many  scholars  believe  the  th  in  Greek  to  be  derived  from  the 
barbarous  Pelasgic  tongue,  and  the  similarity  between  the  un- 
musical Phthiotides  and  the  name  of  the  Egyptian  god  Phtha 
cannot  escape  notice. 


96 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


and  Phoenicians  ;  and  the  first  colony  in  Italy— ad- 
mitting the  reality  of  such  a  colony— must  have 
been  the  rude*  inhabitants  of  Hellas,  whom  these 
polished  strangers  displaced. 

The  oracles  of  the  Pelasgi  were  Dodona,  Eleusis, 
and  Delphi,  and   hence  a  strong  evidence  for  one 
race  of  Pelasgi  having  been  Egyptians.    Dodona, 
according  to   Herodotus,  lib.   ii.,   was  founded    by 
priestesses  from  Egypt.     If,  therefore,  the  Pelasgi 
consulted    it,   they  consulted    an    Egyptian  oracle. 
Strabo,  lib.  ix.,  says  that  the  oracles  of  Delphi  and 
Dodona  were  originally  Pelasgic  ;  and  some  Greek 
authors  say,  that  at  Delphi  was  the  oracle  of  the 
Lybian    Neptune  and   Egyptian  Themis,  before  it 
was  dedicated  to   Apollo.     Eleusis  was   sacred    to 
Demeter   or    Ceres,    the    goddess    introduced    by 
Danaus :  and   Herodotus  says  that  it  was  founded 
by  Eumolpus,  the  Ethiopian,  who  came  from  Thrace. 
Now,  as  in  the  days  of  Danaus,  according  to  Ma 
netho,  his  brother,  the  king  of  Egypt,  Ramses  or 
Sesostris,   carried   his  arms  into  Thrace,    and    left 
colonies  there,  the  story  of  Eumolpus  is  quite  con- 
sistent with  history  and  probability,  and  the  priesthood 
was  continued  in  his  family  for  twelve  hundred  years. 
Delphi  was  consecrated  to  Apollo,  and  was  a  mean 
oracle  in  outward  semblance,  though  so  widely  re- 
nowned.    Its    Egyptian    origin  is  corroborated,    if 
not   proved,   by    the    circumstance,   that  when    in 

♦  Tluicydides  tells  us  how  rude,  unlettered  and  unrefined, 
were  the  first  inhabitants  of  Greece,  and  he  is  reproved  by 
Dionysius  for  telUng  truths  which  disgrace  his  country,  and 
which,  he  says,  would  have  been  much  better  concealed. 


I 


THE    PELASGI. 


97 


548  B.  c.  the  temple  had  been  burnt  and  the  Greeks 
wished  to  rebuild  it  with  stone  and  marble,  Amosis,* 
the  Pharaoh  of  Egypt,  sent  large  sums  of  money  to 
assist  in  its  erection ;  and  this  he  would  not  have 
done  without  a  belief  that  his  people  had  a  national 
interest  in  it,  and  that  Delphi  was  connected  with 
Egypt.  Apollo  of  Delphi,  the  "  Magnus  Apollo," 
was  the  Egyptian  god  Horus,  or  as  both  the  Greeks 
and  Egyptians  called  him,  «*  Aroere."t  The  pecu- 
liar deity  of  the  Pelasgi,  "Pan,"t  both  Rosellini  and 
Wilkinson  prove  to  have  been  an  Egyptian  god,  one 
of  the  eight  great  divinities  ;§  and  he  had  a  particular 
fane  at  Mendes,  where  his  sacred  goat  was  kept ;  his 
oracles  in  Greece  were  on  Mount  Lycaeus,the  settle- 
ment of  the  Egyptian  Linceus,  who  built  Lycosura, 
and  here  games  were  instituted  in  his  honour. 

Cecrops,  the  Egyptian,  and  Cadmus,  the  Phoeni- 
cian, are  said  by  Herodotus  both  to  have  conquered 
the  Pelasgi,  i.  e.  conquered  those  who  dwelt  in  the 
country  which  they  (the  sea-kings  of  their  day) 
made  Pelasgic.  The  first  Pelasgi,  ||  or  dwellers  in 
that  land,  had,  according  to  Herodotus,  no  images, 
and  only  one  supreme  god,  whose  name,  from  reve- 

♦  Vide  Rosellini. 

t  Vide  Rosellini's  Monumenti  Storici,  vol.  iii.  part  i. 

I  Pan  of  the  Egyptians  and  Pelasgians  was  also  a  God  of  the 
Turrheni.  Rutilius,  in  his  Itinerary,  speaks  of  "  Pan  Turrhenis 
qui  mutavit  moenale  silvis." 

§  Vide  Herodotus  ii.  46,  145. 

II  llie  Italian  Pelasgi  are  here  more  particularly  meant :  the 
people  who  were  driven  out  of  Greece  by  the  Egyptians,  and 
who  settled  in  Italy. 


98 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


rential  feeling,  they  never  pronounced.     Tins    s  so 
extraordinary  a  tostin.ony,  that  we  have  f-ftculty  .n 
believing  it,  especially  as  authentic  lustory  canno 
demonstrate  the  existence  of  any  such  .nonothe.st.c 
and  spiritually-minded  people;  and  "«  ^^ve  pre- 
.erved'to  us,  along  with  all  accounts  of  the  Peasg. 
also  the  names  of  many  Pelasgic  gods.      We  must, 
therefore,  suppose  that  they  worshipped  large  shape- 
less stones,  or  son.e  visible  object,  perhaps  some  bird 
or  beast,  which  was  not  a  graven  image,  and  which 
occasioned  the  Egyptians  to  remark  w.th    amaze- 
ment, that  they   had   no  sculptured  images.     The 
unpronounceable  name  of  their  one  god,  is  like  a 
garbled  tradition  of  the  Hebrew  Jehovah,  brought 
r„to  the   land  by    Cadmus,  (the    Hebrew    013   or 
k.d.ini,  the   men   of  the  East,)  who  probably  fled 
from  Syria  before  the  armies  of  Joshua. 

It  is,  indeed,  more  than   probable,  if  not  com- 
pletely  proved,  that  the  word  Pelasg-i,or  Pe  ast-.,is 
itself  Syro-Egyptian,  and  means  the  same  thing  as 
Hyksos,  or  "  wandering  stranger."      Lord  Lindsay 
gives  some  proofs,  in  his  Letters  from  Egyi)t,  of  he 
Philistines,  (an  Egyptian  colony  in   Canaan,)  the 
Egyptian  Hyksos,  and  the  Pelasgi    being  all  one. 
This  word  is  spelt  in  Hebrew  , r\^'7^0TV  l^is  L  I, 
and  Niebuhr,  vol.  i.  p.  51,  proves  that  in  numerous 
instances  the  K  and  T.  K  and  G    are  converUble 
into  each  other-Pelasti,  Pelaski.  Pelasgu     Calmet 
says  that  "Philasges"  or  "  Pelasgi,"  means  a  wanderer 
or  stranger.  Attica  was,  according  to  Herodotus  Pe- 
lasgic ;   yet  he  says  th«  Athens  was  founded  by 

7 


THE   PELASGI. 


99 


Cecrops  the   Egyptian,  who  arrived  with  a  colony  I 
from   Sais,  1556  years  b.  c,  and   who  introduced  ) 
agriculture    and    the    worship    of   Athena.      This 
Athena  is  now  known   to  scholars,  beyond  all  dis- 
pute, to  be  the  Egyptian  goddess  Neith.    Her  name 
in  Syrian  letters,  written  from  right  to  left,  would 
stand   thus,  HTIN;  and  as  the  Greeks  probably 
learnt  to  read  and  propagated  these  letters  the  reverse 
way,  this  name,  adding  the  Greek  particles  A  and 
E,  would  read  to  them  AHTINE,  whence  Athena 
In  like  manner,  Themis,  the  Goddess  of  Justice,  is  / 
derived   from   the  Egyptian    Thme.     Cadmus,  the'' 
Phoenician,  is  said  by  Herodotus  to  have  founded 
Thebes,  the   capital   city  of  Pelasgic   Boeotia,  yet 
Thebes  is  not  a  Syrian,  but  an  Egyptian  name  ;  and 
he  is  said  to  have  introduced  the  worship  of  Zeus, 
Hera,  and  Athena,  i.  e.  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva' 
who  are  the  chief  Egyptian  divinities.     Neptune  or 
Poseidon  was  also   a  great  Greek  divinity,  and  is 
proved   to   have    had   his    origin*    amongst    the 
Lybians,  the  neighbours  and  enemies  of  the  Egyp- 
tians.    The  Greek  and  Syrian  traditions,  and  the 
Egyptian  monuments,  inform   us  that  both  Egypt 
and    Phoenicia  were  in  the  habit    of  sending  out 
colonies  to  Europe  from  time  to  time,  many  centu- 
ries before  the  Trojan  war  ;  and  this  is  incidentally 
but  strongly  confirmed  by  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the 
Carthaginian   annals,  and    the  traditions    of   the 
Shelluhs  and  Amorites,  and  other  tribes  who  now 
inhabit  Mount  Atlas  in  Africa. 


Vide  Ancient  Hist.  vol.  xvii. 


f2 


100 


HISTORY    OF    ETTvURIA. 


It  is  scarcely  necessary,  in  the  present  advanced 
state   of   our   knowledge,   to  prove  that  the   chief 
Greek  gods   were  all  originally   Egyptian    but  if 
any  one  doubts,  he  may  see  this  matter  ably  de- 
monstrated in  Rosellini,  and  Spineto  ;  and  Homer 
./.vcs  his  testimony  to  their  foreign  origin,  by  telling 
us  that  the  language  or  terms  used  in   their  service 
was  not  Greek,  but  foreign      He  says  that '  the  Ian- 
gua-e  of  the  gods  was  different  from  the  language 
of  n°en,'-  i.  e.  from  his  language ;  and  the  first  Greek 
hymns,  the  Orphic,  are  said  to  have  been  brought 
by  Orpheus  out  of  Egypt. 

The  annals  of  Greece  also,  were  kept  m  the  Egyp- 
tian manner,  for  Tatian  says  that  the  Greeks  learnt  to 
write  history  by  copying  from  the  Egyptians ;  and 
Homer  has  been  accused  by  Tatian  of  stealing  the 
whole  of  his  noble  poems  from  the  library  of  Ptha, 
at  Naucratis,  in  Egypt,  and  giving  them  to  the  worhi 
as  his  own*     The  Greek  verse  of  these  poems  is  so 
indisputablv  original,  and  the  comparisons  and  the 
manner  of  relating  each  event  or  fable  so  individual, 
that  such  an  accusation  can  never  detract  from  his 
merit,  and  amounts  only  to  a  charge,  that  he  took 
his  facts  and  materials  from  the  best  kept  annals  in 
the  world,t  wl'ere  they  were  likely  to  be  most  ac- 
curately recorded,  and  that  he  gave  the  substance 
of  them  without  quoting  his  authorities,  at  a  time 
when  none  of  his  hearers  at  all  concerned  themselves 
about  the  proofs  of  the  things  they  heard. 

*  Vide  Spineto. 

t  Resell.,  vol.  iii.  Monu.  Stor.  part  , 


TUB    PELASGI. 


101 


*, 


f  ■■■• 


If  the  story  of  Troy  has,  as  we  are  persuaded,  a 
real  foundation, — if  it  began,  as  Herodotus  says,  by 
an  Egyptian  trading  vessel  taking  Helen  to  Egypt 
from    Argos,   the    largest   and    wealthiest    city    in 
Greece,— if  she  was  there  separated  from  her  lover, 
and  restored  to  her  husband  by  the  Egyptian  king, 
after  ten  years  of  exile  and  of  absence, — and  if  Mem- 
non,  an    Egyptian    general,   and    twenty  thousand 
troops,   (whom,    with    extraordinary   accuracy   and 
agreement  with  Egyptian  monuments,  Homer  calls 
Assyrians  and  Ethiopians,  i.  e.   Assyrians  and  na- 
tives   under   an    Egyptian  commander,)    fought  at 
Troy, — then  the  story  of  the   war   was   certain  to 
be    known     in     Egypt,    and    would    be    recorded 
among  the  events  of  that  day.     It  is  said  to  have 
happened  in  the  reign   of  Thuoris  or  Proteus,  the 
unfortunate  Uerri.     And  though  his  was  the  lesiti- 
mate  authority,  during  his  whole  lifetime,  in  Lower 
Egypt,  as  the  Great  Mogul  was  for  centuries  the 
only   sovereign    acknowledged    in   Hindostan,  yet, 
like  the  Great  Mogul,  his  did  not  continue  to  be 
the  power,  and  if  he  detained  Helen  upon  her  ar- 
rival,  he  might    have    been  himself  a   refugee   in 
Ethiopia  at  the  time  when  she  was  demanded  back, 
and  thus  be  wholly  unable  to  surrender  her.* 

•  During  the  first  and  protracted  domination  of  the  Hyksos 
in  Lower  Egypt,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  sovereigns  of 
the  native  dynasty,  were  not  permitted  to  retain  even  a  shadow 
of  authority,  but  were  confined  to  Upper  Egypt;  while  in 
Lower  Egypt  there  reigned  a  hne  of  Asiatic  monarchs  with  the 
title  of  Pharaoh,  under  whom  Abraham  visited  the  banks  of 


102 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


There  is  one  difficulty  which  may  strike  a  scholar, 
with  regard  to  the  Greek  gods  having  been  intro- 
duced from  Egypt,  viz.  that  the  seat  of  the  gods 
was  in  the  north.     So  it  was  also  in  Etruria,  and  so 
it  is  in  Hindostan.     Now,  if  they  came  from  the  far 
south  land  of  Egypt,  how  could  they  come  from  the 
north  ?     But  if  the  Egyptians  or  the  Syrian  Egyp- 
tians derived  their  gods  from  any  country  north  of 
themselves,  from  Chaldea,  for  instance,  the  father- 
land of  Ham,  and  of  the  first  Egyptian  sovereign 
Menes,  then,  wherever  their  gods  were  transported, 
the  same  language  would  continue  to  be  used  con- 
cerning them,  and  the  seat  of  the  gods  would  con- 
tinue to  be  placed  in  the  north,  though  in  fact  the 
term  meant  no  more,  than  the  north  of  that  land 
from  which  they  had  been  originally  derived  to  the 
daughter  colony.* 


the  Nile,  and  who  were  the  protectors  of  the  Hebrew  race.  But 
it  is  remarkable  that  during  the  short  restoration  of  the  Hyksos 
dominion,  in  the  reign  of  the  unfortunate  Uerri  or  Remerri,  he 
alone  continues  to  be  the  Pharaoh  of  the  monuments  and  au- 
thentic records:  no  mention  is  made  of  a  Hyksos  Pharaoh. 
And  even  after  his  death,  when  a  usuqjer  assumed  the  royal 
title,  that  usurper,  instead  of  being  a  Hyksos,  was  a  high  priest 
in  Upper  Egypt,  who  was  ere  long  dethroned  and  made  way  for 
the  vigorous  reign  of  Ramses  the  4th,  Uerri's  son,  who  over- 
threw the  armies  of  the  strangers,  and  forced  them  to  evacuate 
the  country. 

*  The  Normans,  who  conquered  England,  came  from  the 
south.  Yet  because,  when  they  conquered  Neustria,  they  came 
from  the  north,  they  had  ever  after  the  appellation  of  "  North- 


men. 


>> 


THE   PELASGI. 


103 


Again,  it  may  be  objected  that,  in  the  days  of 
Herodotus,  the  Egyptians  could  not  have  retained 
this  version  of  the  origin  of  their  gods,  as  they  made 
a  yearly  pilgrimage,  with  great  pomp  into  Ethiopia, 
carrying  thither  the  god  Ammon,  as  if  to  celebrate 
his  birthplace;  whence  it  has  long  been  a  fashion  to 
people  Egypt,  and  to  derive  her  science  from  the 
south,  and  not  the  north.  But  the  very  origin  of  this 
opinion  dates  no  farther  back  than  the  time  of  Hero- 
dotus. The  first  founded  city  of  Egypt  was  Memphis, 
in  the  north,*  and  not  in  the  south  ;  her  oldest 
works  are  the  Pyramids,  and  not  Thebes ;  and  the 
pilgrimage  into  Ethiopia,  was  not  to  celebrate  the 
birthplace  of  Ammon,  but  the  refuge  he  and  his 
people  found  there,  when  driven  away  by  the 
Hyksos,  from  the  land  of  their  ancestors,  their 
idolised  valley  of  the  Nile. 

It  appears,  then,  without  contradiction,  that 
Greece  was  civilized  by  colonies  from  Phoenicia  and 
Egypt,  between  1800  and  1200  b.  c.  ;  that  the  Pe- 
lasgic  remains  in  Greece  are  the  works  of  these 
nations,  or  of  the  natives  who  were  enslaved  by  them  ; 
and  that  the  chief  divinities  of  Greece,  and  all  the 
Pelasgic  oracles,  were  Egyptian.  Euripides,  who 
flourished  about  the  same  time  as  Herodotus,  says 
that  the  Pelasgi  of  Argos  were  called  Dan'aides,  or 

*  Vide  Egypt.  Published  by  Christian  Knowledge  Society. 
No  royal  name  is  found  in  Upper  Egypt  before  the  iGth 
Dynasty ;  and  Osortasen  is  supposed  to  have  founded  Thebes. 
Amosis,  the  Gth  king  of  the  17th  Dynasty,  built  there  the 
temple  of  Ammon,  and  recovered  Memphis. 


104 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  colony  of  Danaus,  and  that  the  inliabitants  of 
Lemnos  were  Pehisgi,  who  had  fled  from  Attica, 
and  who  were  the  sons  of  iEgy|)tiis.  The  Cretans 
also  were  Pelasgi,  and  these  Pelasgi  were  Philistines, 
or  Cherethims  from  Palestine  * 

Now  the  dwellersin  Pelasgia,of  whom  we  havebeen 
speaking,  i.  e.  the  colony  which  came  from  Thrace, 
through"  Macedonia  and  Thessaly,  to  the  southern 
parts  of  Greece,  and  the  more  numerous  bands  who 
joined  them  by  sea,  these  men  conquered  and  drove 
away  a  previous  race,  who  are  said  to  have  taken  refuge 
in  Italy.  The  Greek  Pelasgi  increased  and  required 
more  land,t  and  upon  consulting  the  oracle  of 
Dodona,  after  a  lapse  of  two  centuries,  they  were 
ordered  to  follow  the  first  refugees,  and  to  colonise 
also  in  that  western  country.  Dionysius,  lib.  i.,  says, 
that  the  first  set  were  wholly  barbarous,  and  were 
found  dwelling  in  huts  and  in  poverty,  but  that  the 
second  set,  who  joined  themselves  to  them,  knew 
how  to  build  and  how  to  wall  cities.  They  landed 
at  Spina,  and  thence  making  their  way  through 
Italy,  built  the  line  of  towns  already  enumerated, 
subjecting  Cortona,  and  making  a  strong  settle- 
ment atHeati;  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
all  these  cities  are  in  the  style  of  Egyptian  Pelasgic 
Lycosura.      They  are  said  to  have  driven  the  Sikeli, 

♦  Pliny  says  that  the  Cretans  were  called  Curetes,  and  that 
their  king  was  Philistides  :  Valer.  Max.  ii.  4,  says/that  when  the 
Etruscans  are  called  Pelasgi,  it  means  that  they  were  Cretans  or 

Philistines. 

t  Dion,  says  that  they  were  driven  away  by  Deucalion. 


THE    PELASGI. 


105 


V 


n 


or  native  Italians,  who  were  not  Umbrians,  south- 
wards, until  they  took  refuge  in  Sicily,  and  to  have 
established  themselves  all  through  the  country  of 
the  Umbri,  whom,  as  subjects  or  allies,  they  doubt- 
less assisted  against  the  Etruscans,  when  they  fought 
for  dominion  under  Tarchun. 

It  is  possible,  that  they  may  have  brought  with 
them  the  Phoenician  letters,  and  that  they  may  have 
written  them  as  the  Greeks  learnt  to  do,  from  left  to 
right ;  but  of  this  we  have  not  a  particle  of  evidence ; 
and  every  probability,  from  the  most  ancient  inscrip- 
tions in  northern  Italy,  lies  the  other  way ;  these  being 
either  Etruscan  or  Etruscanized  Pelasgian.  They 
kept  up  no  communication  with  Greece,  or  her  oracles 
for  they  are  said  to  have  learnt  navigation  from  the 
Etruscans,  and  fighting  also,  (which  must  mean 
military  discipline,)  and  being  conquered  by  the 
Umbri,  and  by  the  Rasena,  who  subdued  the  Umbri, 
such  of  them  as  did  not  choose  to  submit  to  the 
Umbrian  terms  of  peace  and  toleration,  returned  to 
Greece,* "femd  there  were  never  more  heard  of.  They 
are  said  to  have  there  become  slaves  to  the  Hellenes, 
whilst  those  who  remained  in  Italy,  marching  south- 
wards and  driving  forward  the  Sikeli,  met  with 
a  similar  fate,  and  became  enslaved  by  the  ^notri, 
or  barbarous  inhabitants  of  southern  Italy.f  The 
only  known  colonies  of  Grecian  Pelasgi  who  con- 
tinued to  exist,  are  mentioned  by  Herodotus,  lib.  i.57, 

*  Myrsilus  of  Lesbos  says,  that  they  were  driven  out  of  Italy 
by  plague  and  famine,  both  of  which  may  express  war. 
t  Vide  Niebuhr. 

F   5 


106 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


as,  in  his  day,  inhabiting  the  towns  of  Tralles  in Caria, 
and  Placia  and  Scylace  on  the  Hellespont.  Under 
the  Umbri  they  had  made  good  a  settlement  in  Italy, 
at  Pisa  and  at  Agylla,  and  they  had  been  admitted 
to  some  degree  of  power  in  Cortona  and  Perugia, 
where,  though  the  power  was  lost,  they,  for  many 
ages,  continued  to  form  part  of  the  population,  and 
whence,  as  their  posterity  fondly  believed,  they  had 
sent  forth  the  colony  of  Dardanus  to  Troy,  l)efore 
Cortona  was  a  town,  or  they  themselves  knew  how 
to  navigate  the  sea. 

With  this  ignorance  and  incapacity,  however,  we 
have  to  reconcile  the  account  of  their  sending  a 
thankoffering  to  Delphi   for  the  expulsion  of  the 
Sikeli,=*  three  generations  before  the  Trojan  war; 
which  we  shall  do,  simply  by  stating  that,  as  they 
could  not  send  to  Delphi  without  ships,  and  as  they 
knew  nothing  of  maritime  affairs   until  after  their 
union  with  the  Turseni,  it  is  most  probable  that,  by 
means  of  the  Etruscans,  they  were  enabled  to  fulfil 
their  pious  intention,  if  they  ever  really  did  send 
such   an   offering   there.      The   tradition   of   their 
origin  remaining,  and  the  maritime  Rasena  having 
undoubted  commerce  with  Greece,  especially  with 
Corinth  or  Ephyra,t  in  the  days  of  Homer,  it  is 
very  likely,  and  consonant  with  the  customs  of  all 
the  ancient  nations,  that  they  should  send  offerings 
to  the  chief  temple  of  their  mother-country.     And 
the  words  of  Strabo,  book  v.,  only  bear  out  that 
they,  in  early  times,  sent  to  Delphi  a  treasure  as  a 
♦   Dion.  i.  t  Iliad,  ii.  570. 


THE    PELASGI. 


107 


thankoffering  for  peace  in  their  settlement,  upon  the 
cessation  of  disturbance  from  their  enemies.  This 
cessation  is  referred  to  three  generations  before  the 
Trojan  war,  at  which  time,  Dionysius  says,  the 
Sikeli,  i.  e.  bands  of  continental  Italians,  were 
driven  by  more  northern  enemies  into  Sicily.  Strabo 
calls  this  memorial  a  "  treasure  of  the  Agyllans," 
and  not  a  gift  in  order  to  propitiate  the  oracle  on  a 
consultation  ;  as  when  they  afterwards  asked  advice 
about  their  Phocian  prisoners.  Modern  authors,  con- 
fusing together  the  accounts  of  Strabo  and  Dionysius, 
have  fancied  that  it  was  conveyed  to  Delphi  at  the 
time  which  the  Greeks  said  it  was  meant  to  comme- 
morate. As  well  might  we  say,  that  the  Martyr's 
Monument  at  Oxford,  just  finished,  was  erected  in 
the  days  of  Elizabeth.  This  offering  was  probably  a 
commemoration  of  their  peace  with  the  Etruscans, 
and  the  final  treaty  and  favourable  terms  granted  to 
them  by  the  conquering  Tarchun.  From  this  time 
forward  the  Agyllans,  even  when  wholly  Etruscan, 
continued  to  keep  up  a  communication  with  Delphi; 
and  other  Etruscan  states,  as  we  find  from  Strabo,  * 
Dionysius,  and  Pliny,  also  sent  gifts  to  the  Greco- 
Pelasgico-Egyptico-Apollo.  Etruria  sent  gifts  to 
other  places  in  Greece  besides  Delphi,  for  at  Olym- 
pus, Pausanias  f  saw  a  golden  throne,  which  was  a 
present  from  Arimnos,  "  king  of  the  Tusci,  who 
was  the  first  Barbarian  that  sent  gifts  to  Jove." 

By  different  authors,    the   Thracians,  Arcadians, 
lonians  of  Asia,  and  Oenotrians  of  Italy,  are  all  said  to 
*  Lib.  V.  f  Vide  xii.  3. 


108 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUKIA. 


have  been  Pelasgian.     As,  then,  in  Greece,  all  were 
called  Pfilasgi,  who  ever  inhabited  the  country  once  in 
Pelasgic  possession,so  in  Italy,  we  find  that  name  given 
without  distinction  or  inquiry  to  the  Sikeli,  whom 
the  Pelasgi  displaced,  to  the   Umbri  among  whom 
they  settled,  and  to  the  Turrheni  who  conquered 
and  inhabited  all  the  centre  of  Italy,  which  they  had 
overrun.     Strabo,  lib.  v.,  says  that  they  drove  out 
the  Sikeli  before  the  Trojan  war,  and  calls  them, 
from  the  testimony  of  Hecataeus,  '*  barbarous  Pelasgi, 
bands  of  robbers ;"  and  Pliny,  lib.  iii.  5,  contuses 
the  Pelasgi  with  the  Raseni,  when  he  says  that  they 
drove  the   Umbri  out  of  Etruria.     Strabo,  lib.  v., 
says  that  Pelasgi  from  Thessaly  founded  Agylla, 
that  they  had  a  treasure  called  by   their  name  in 
Delphi,  (hence  supposed  to  have  been  consecrated 
before  they   became    Cerites,)  and   that  they   were 
considered   Thessalians.      Pausanias   says  that  the 
Thessalians  were  admitted  from   the  first,  into  the 
council  of  Amphictions,  and    hence   the  Agyllans 
as   Thessalians   were   allowed    to    send    gifts   and 
offerings  to  Delphi.* 

Niebuhr  proves  that  the  name  Pelasgi  was  given 
to  every  people  in  Italy,  from  the  Danube  and  the 
Tyrol,  where  they  could  never  have  penetrated, 
down  to  its  most  southern  shores  ;  to  Sikeli,  Umbri, 
Turrheni,  and  Oenotri,  just  as  ignorance  or  poetry 
may  have  made  it  convenient.  Dion.  Hal.  (1.  i.  10) 
affirms  that  they  first  came  into  Italy  (where  they 

*  VideMicali,  p.  81. 


THE    PELASGI. 


109 


landed  at  Spina)  "  along  with  the  Curetes  and  others 
of  that  blood,"  and  he  makes  both  Peuceti  and  Oenotri 
in  southern  Italy,  Pelasgi  ;  and  the  second  band  of 
Pelasgi,  he  says,  were  brought  in  by  command  of 
the  Oracle  of  Dodona.  In  giving  their  general  cha- 
racter, he  mixes  together  the  traditions  of  the 
Canaanites,  flying  before  Joshua,  and  of  the  Jews 
quitting  Egypt.  He  says  that  they  were  a  people 
cursed  by  heaven,  and  to  befound  everywhere,  broken 
and  flying,  and  that  in  this  manner  they  seized 
upon  Peloponnesus,  Hellas,  Arcadia,  Argos,  Ionia, 
and  Thessaly,  whence  they,  this  cursed  people, 
passed  over  into  Italy,  and  the  islands  of  the  Levant, 
and  the  jiEgean  Sea.*  Again,  he  gives  the  common 
Phoenician  tradition  that  they  fled,  because  they 
would  not  give  the  tenth  of  their  children  to  the 
gods,  for  which  reason  they  were  visited  with  plagues, 
until  they  were  destroyed.  This  is  like  a  version  of 
the  plagues  of  Egypt,  and  death  of  the  first-born,  as 
it  might  be  related  in  Canaan  and  Lybia,  and  thus 
be  transplanted  to  Europe. 

The  Pelasgi  have  left  their  vast  polygonal  walls 
in  Asia  Minor,  Greece  and  Italy,  not  to  mark 
either  the  cradle  or  the  grave  of  their  race,  but  only 
their  occasional  resting  places,  as  they  travelled  on 
from  east  to  west,  until  they  ceased  to  be  Pelasgi  or 
strangers,  and  became  parts  of  the  settled  nations.^ 
Gell  melts  them  into  the  Osci  in  Italy,  as  Herodotus 
does  into  the  Hellenes  in  Greece,  and  unless  we  ac- 
cept the  explanation  of  their  being  "  sea  strangers," 

*  Dionysius  1.  i. 


I 


no 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


they  are,  for  a  conquering  and  powerful  race,  the 
most  enigmatical  of  all  people.  Their  valour  was 
powerless  against  barbarians  ;  their  civilisation 
disappeared  before  unlettered  rudeness,  and  the 
earth  seems  to  have  opened  her  mouth  and  to  have 
swallowed  them  up,  that  so  useless  a  race  might  be 

seen  no  more. 

We  think  that  the  Pelasgi  in  Greece  were  Egyp- 
tians and  Phoenicians,  and  that  the  first  Pelasgi  in 
Italy  were  Greeks,  displaced  from  Pelasgia,  poor  and 
unrefined ;  whilst  the  second  were  Greeks,  refined 
and  tutored  by  the  foreign  colonies  which  had  be- 
come naturalized  amongst  them.  We  think,  more- 
over, that  where  they  had  once  settled,  there  they 
continued  to  exist,  to  flourish,  and  to  improve, 
though  with  a  change  of  name,  taking  that  of  the 
people  among  whom  they  dwelt.*  And  that  hence 
they  were  called  Hellenes  in  Greece,  and  Turrheni 
in  Italy,  even  as  the  Celts  in  Scotland,  the  Danes 
and   Saxons  in   England,  and   the  Catti  f  in  Nor- 

♦  In  proof  of  this,  Hellanicus  of  Lesbos  says,  that  the  Turrheni 
were  first  Pelasgi,  and  changed  their  name  ;  and  in  hke  manner 
Dionysius  says,  they  were  confounded  with  the  Umbri  before 
the  Trojan  war. 

t  The  Catti  alluded  to,  settled  at  Cadheim  in  Normandy, 
now  called  Caen ;  another  branch  of  them  settled  in  Catti,  or 
Caith-ness  and  Sutherland,  in  Scotland ;  and  the  late  Duchess, 
Countess  of  Sutherland,  had  for  her  grandest  northern  title, 
"  Lady  of  the  great  Catt."  About  one  league  from  Katheim  or 
Caen,  is  a  village  named  AUemagne,  famous  for  its  quarries  of 
beautiful  stone.  It  is  said  that  when  the  tourist  Dibdin  was  at 
Caen,  he  asked  whence  came  the  stone  with  which  the  city  was 


THE  PELASGI. 


Ill 


mandy,  all  go  under  the  general  name  of  Scotch, 
English  and  French,  though  preserving  their  dis- 
tinct descents  and  national  peculiarities,  which  can 
never  be  mistaken.  The  Greeks,  who  speak  so 
confidently  of  the  Pelasgic  wanderings  and  deeds 
in  Italy,  twelve  centuries  before  Christ,  knew  nothing 
ofltaly  itself,  excepting  Agylla  and  their  own  southern 
colonies,  until  after  the  taking  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls. 

We  have  now  established  the  following  points : — 

First,  That  the  Rasena  or  TuRSeNi,  Turseni,  or 
Turrheni,  called  also  Etrusci  and  Tusci,  landed  in 
Italy  in  the  thirteenth  century  before  the  christian 
8Bra,  and  some  years  previous  to  the  Trojan  war. 
That  they  were  a  people  of  Ludin  or  Asia,  though 
they  came  from  Lybia  or  Africa,  and  probably  after 
a  long  residence  in  Egypt. 

Secondly,  That  they  landed  in  Umbria  under 
Tarchun,  and  conquered  all  Etruria  Proper  from 
the  Umbrians  and  Pelasgi. 

Thirdly,  That  the  Pelasgi  had  twice  sent  colonies, 
of  different  characters,  from  Greece  or  Thessaly  into 
Italy,  and  that  the  second,  and  better  appointed  and 
instructed  race,  had  driven  away  the  Sikeli,  and  es- 
tablished many  colonies,  and  built  many  towns  in 
the  land  of  the  Umbri,  three  generations  before  the 
Trojan  war. 

Fourthly,  That  two  generations  before  that  war, 
some  other  power  had  suddenly  overwhelmed  them. 

built,  and  being  answered  by  the  people  from  Allemagne,  he 
wrote  in  his  book,  as  many  Greeks  would  have  done  under 
similar  circumstances,  that  Caen  was  built  of  stone  from 
Germany ! 


I 


112 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


113 


The  sword,  i)laguc,  anil  famine  are  said  to  have  at- 
tacked them;  they  became  small,*  and  such  as 
were  not  reduced  to  slavery  left  the  land,  or  dwelt 
humbled  and  subject  amongst  the  Umbri  and  Tur- 
seni ;  whence  their  most  ap|)roi>riate  name  in  old 
Greek  iuithors,  "  of  Turseni-relasgi." 

*  Dionysius,  1.  1. 


TKNT, 
XII. 

II.  »•. 


CllAPTEU  VI. 

THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 

Our  next  theme  is  the  number  of  towns  which 
Tarchun  founded,  after  he  became  master  of  all  that 
tract  of  country,  known  to  us  by  the  permanent 
name  of  Etruria ;  the  manner  in  which  he  divided 
his  territory,  and  the  institutions  and  laws  which  he 
gave  to  his  people.  All  the  cities,  both  beyond 
and  within  the  Po,  are  ascribed  to  Tarchun,  (vide 
Livy,  V.  33,)  and  yet  we  know  that  many  of  them 
could  not  have  been  founded  until  after  the  period 
of  his  death,  whilst  others  had  an  existence  previous 
to  his  arrival.  We  shall  therefore  niake  a  distinc- 
tion between  those,  of  which  we  believe  him  to  have 
been  really  the  founder,  those  which  he  conquered 
and  re-founded,  and  those  which  were  in  later  times 
colonies  of  either  the  one  or  the  other. 

Gravisca,  in  the  territory  of  Tarquinia;  the  towns 
of  Alsium,  Falleria,  or  Falisci,  and  Fescennium, 
Aurinia,*  afterwards  Saturnia,  and  Pisa,  were  all 
conquered  Umbro-Pelasgian  towns,  which  became 
subject  to  Etruscan  rulers,  and  had  then  erected 
around     them,    the    sacred    Etruscan    gates    and 

♦  Dionys.  lib.  i. 


114 


HISTORY    OF   ETRUniA. 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES   OF    ETRURIA. 


115 


walls.  Tbey  were  all  commercial  and  flourishing 
under  Etruscan  rule,  but  none  of  them,  so  far  as 
we  know,  ever  became  the  residence  of  sovereign 
princes  or  the  metropolis  of  a  state,  excepting 
Falleria.  Cato*  says  that  Tarchun  founded  Pisa; 
(i.  e.  that  he  destroyed  the  Pelasgic  port  which  re- 
sisted him)  and  that  after  the  eastern  fashion,  he 
changed  t  its  name,  and  thus  re-founded  upon  the 
same  site,  the  rich  and  ancient  city  of  Pisa,  the  queen 
of  the  Arno,  before  Florence  came  into  being. 
According  to  Dionys.  Hal.,  Tarchun  conquered 
Cainers,  Cortona,  and  Perugia  from  the  Urabri ; 
according  to  Cato,  he  founded  Perugia,  and  accord- 
ing to  Servius,  he  both  founded  Cortona  and  lived 
there.  He  also  changed  the  name  of  Gamers  to 
Clusium,  (now  Chiusi,)  and  on  the  conquest  of 
Perugia,  changed  its  former  appellation  to  the  name 
which  it  now  bears.  Servius,;};  moreover,  says  that 
Clusium  was  the  residence  of  Etruscan  kings  before 
the  time  of  the  Trojan  war,  and  therefore  it  may 
be  regarded  as  having  been  from  the  first,  the  chief 
city  and  metropolis  of  a  state.  These  were  all  towns 
re-founded  by  Tarchun. 

Besides  these,  Cato  says  that  he  founded  Luna, 
on  the  Gulf  of  Spezia,  once  a  large  trading  town, 

*  Origin,  xxiii. 

t  This  was  the  constant  practice  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
vide  Numbers  xxxii.  38, 2  Sam.  xii.  28.  We  find  also  through- 
out ancient  history  that  each  nation  was  in  the  habit  of  calling 
its  towns  either  by  the  names  of  their  founders,  conquerors, 
or  fjfods. 

I  iEn.  xi.  , 


famed  for  its  walls  of  white  marble,*  but  now 
rased  to  the  ground,  and  its  site  only  known, 
because  the  district  in  which  it  lay  is  still  called 
Luneggiana.  Virgil  f  gives  amongst  the  states 
of  Tarchun's  time  Populonia  and  Cosa;  but  as 
both  of  these  were  colonies,  we  must  suppose  him 
to  intend  by  them  the  principal  towns  which  they 
represented,  namely  Volterra  and  Vulci,  both  of 
which  were  probably  really  founded  by  Tarchun. 
Etruscan  Virgil  is  a  great  authority  in  Etruscan 
matters,  and  will  be  frequently  quoted,  not  as  exact 
history,  but  as  current  and  accepted  tradition. 

Were  any  Englishman  to  write  an  epic  poem  on 
king  Arthur,  he  would  very  likely,  summon  am- 
bassadors from  London,  Lincoln,  and  York,  because 
all  those  cities  existed  in  Arthur's  time,  and  there- 
fore they  may  have  sent  ambassadors  to  hiui ;  though 
we  never  heard  of  them  before.  But  no  English  poet 
would  send  to  him  deputies  from  Liverpool,  Man- 
chester, or  Brighton,  because  all  these  cities  are 
known  to  be  of  very  modern  date.  Just  such  an 
authority  as  a  learned  and  judicious  Englishman 
might  be,  who  wrote  an  epic  of  king  Arthur,  such 
do  we  consider  Virgil,  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of 
ancient  Italy.  But  suppose  again,  some  learned 
grammarian  were  to  write  long  criticisms  and  com- 
ments upon  the  poem  of  Arthur,  and  were  to  detect 
in  it,  some  such  anachronisms  as  "  the  great  town  of 
Leeds,"  or  "  the  renowned  and  commercial  Glasgow," 
he  would  tell  us  that  these  places  were  so  called  in 
the  spirit  of  prophecy,  and  give  us  the  ancient 
*  Vide  Rutilius.  f  iEneid.  x. 


116 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


117 


name  of  the  first  little  villajre  at  Leeds,  and  the  early 
history  of  the  small  but  episcopal  Glasgow,  as 
nearly  as  he  could  trace  them,  in  king  Arthur's 
time.  Just  such  an  authority  is  Servius,  when  we 
quote  him  for  the  early  condition  of  Etruria. 

Very  many    Etruscan  cities    we   know    to   have 
been  founded  by  Tarchun,  from   their  early  fame 
and  power,  their  established  coeval  dominion,  and 
the  Assyrian  form  of  their  names.     All  those,  for 
instance,  belong  to  this  class,  which  commence  with 
Fel,  or  Vel,  or  Bel,  which  are  the   same  with  He- 
brew '?2  bI  or  Baal,  and  mean  Lord,  to  which  is 
added  some  affix.     Of  these,  we  have  Volterra,  or 
"  Felatri,"  as  its  name  is  spelt  upon  its  ancient  coins ; 
Bolsenaor  Felsuna;  Bononiaor  Felsina ;  Vetulonia 
or  Fel.tulan  ;  Fiesole  or  F.lsole;  and  Vulci  or  F.lce. 
To  these  earliest  names,  we  must  add,  though  not 
of  the  same  class,  Arretium,  as  a  Tarchunian  set- 
tlement ;   and  it  is   possible  that  the   sea  ports  of 
Populonia   and  Cosa  might   be    used   as  harbours 
in  the  time  of  Tarchun,  though  the  cities  were  of 
later  growth,  even   as  Leith,  though   only   of  late 
years  becomeatownof  some  consideration,  was  always 
the  port  of  Edinburgh.     Veii,  which  Virgil  does  not 
deem  considerable  enough  to  have  had  any  dominion 
in  the  days  of  Tarchun,  was  yet  probably  chosen  by 
him   as  the  site  of  a  border  fort,  for  its  name  ^^^^, 
Ph.ee.h,  means  a  boundary,  limit,  or  border.     The 
namesof  many  of  these  towns  are  so  strikingly  eastern, 
and  so  strongly  and  incidentally  corroborative  of 
Herodotus's  tradition,  "  that  the  Etruscans  were  a 
people  of  Ludin"  from  Lybia,that  we  cannot  forbear 


to  give  them,  even  at  the  risk  of  seeming  tedious, 
and  we  transcribe  them  from  the  Ancient  History, 
vol.  XV i.  art.  Etruria, 

The  great  towns  well  known  to  Roman  authors, 
taking  them  from  north  to  south,  were  Luna,  Pisa, 
Fiesole,  Volterra,  Vetulonia,  Populonia,  Arretium, 
Cortona,  Perugia,  Clusium,  Rusella,  Volsinia,  Cosa, 
Vulci,  Tarchunia,  Faleria,  Agylla,  Pyrgi,  and  Veii. 
Of  these,  twelve  were  ruling  cities,  capitals  of  the 
dynasties,  and  the  others  were  dependencies  upon 
them  ;  and  four  of  those  enumerated,  viz.  Populonia, 
Cosa,  Veii,  and  Fiesole,  being  colonies  from  the 
earlier  cities,  were  of  no  account  during  the  lifetime 
of  Tarchun. 

Luna,  from  p^,  "  to  lodge  or  rest  in,"  a  harbour  for 
ships  praised  by  Strabo,  v.  It  had  most  beautiful 
marble  walls,  called  by  Rutilius,  "  Candentia 
Moenia  Lunae,'*  and  according  to  Cato*  was  a  place 
of  trade  before  the  Trojan  war,  i.  e.  immediately 
upon  its  occupation  by  the  T.R.SeNa.  Its  name 
answers  to  Portland,  or  Newport  in  English.  Lucan 
says  that  it  was  ruined  and  deserted  in  his  day, 
and  het  and  Pliny  both  mention  it,  as  famous  for 
Augurs  and  Aruspices  who  were  introduced  by 
Tarchun.  Carrara  and  the  finest  marble  quarries 
of  Italy  lie  in  the  Luneggiana. 

Pisa,  from  r^^yv  ^S)  "  Pi.  suah."     "The  mouth  of 

noisy  waters,"  on  the  confluence  of  the  ^sar  and 

Arnus,  a  short   distance  from   the  Turrhene   Sea. 

Both    rivers   bear   oriental   and    genuine    Etruscan 

*  Origin,  xxv.  t  In  Pharsalia,  l.v. 


\ 


118 


HISTORY    OF    ETRITRIA. 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


119 


names.  No  one  acquainted  with  the  Bible  can  be 
ignorant  of  the  brook  Arnon  in  Palestine.  Cato 
says  that  Tarchun  founded  Pisa,  whence  we  deduce 
that  the  name  is  Etruscan.  Dionysius  says  that  a 
Pelasftic  settlement  existed  there  when  Tarchun 
began  his  career  of  victory.  Piet.he.sa  is  supposed 
on  some  coins  to  mean  Pisa.f  Its  harbour  was 
capacious,  and  was  called  the  Pisan  Gulf.J 

Fiesole  or  F.lsole,  or  y^r^D  b^3. "  the  tribe  on  a  rock, 
is  traditionally  a  thousand  years  older  than  Florence, 
which  was  founded  by  Sylla  90  b.  c,  in  order  to 
take  its  place.^  Hence  as  its  date  is  only  one 
thousand  and  ninety  years  before  the  Christian  sera, 
it  cannot  have  been  one  of  the  original  states,  but 
only  a  dependency.  It  is  celebrated  by  Polybius 
ii.,  Livy  xxii.,  and  Diod.  Siculus.  xx. 

Volterra,  "iiro'^S.  F.l.tur,  and  on  the  coins  Felathri, 
"tribe  on  a  mountain,"  or  "the  high  fortress," 
one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Etruscan  states,  and  one 
of  the  most  interesting  which  now  remains.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  built  against  Pisa,  in  order  to 
keep  it  in  check ;  and  for  this  reason,  it  is  perhaps 

*  Sen-ius  x. 

t  The  Hebrew  word  Bt.  or  Pt.suah.  would  have  the  same 
meaning— Daughter  of  noisy  waters. 

t  We  have  taken  the  numismatical  names  of  the  Etruscan 
towns  from  Miiller's  chapter  on  Finance,  vol.  ii.  p.  331,  in  his 
History  of  the  Etnisker.  Volterra  is  spelt  Vel  or  Fel.a  thn  ; 
Populonia,  "  Puplun ;"  Clusium,  "  Kakam,"  as  is  supposed ; 
Volsinia,  "  Felsune ;"  Vetulonia,  "  Fet.luna  ;"  Caere,  Karait,  or 
"  Cisere,"  the  C  being  hard,  &c. 

§  Vide  Dempster. 


( 


the  first  genuine  Etruscan  city  after  Tarquinia. 
Dempster  quotes  an  ancient  MS.  authority,  which 
dates  its  foundation  at  one  hundred  years  before  the 
Trojan  war,  that  is,  in  the  earliest  days  of  the 
Rasena,  and  says  that  it  was  long  afterwards  re- 
paired and  defended  by  king  Propertius,  who  co- 
lonized Populonia,  and  assisted  Veii  to  found* 
Capena.  Dionysius  Hal.  iii.  51,  and  Pliny,  men- 
tion it  along  with  Clusium,  Arezzo,  Rusella,  and 
Vetulonia,  as  if  it  were  in  especial  alliance  with 
these  states ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
in  cases  of  divided  opinion,  they  hung  together. 
Etruria  owed  her  downfall  to  these  divisions  within 
herself  between  the  north  and  south,  after  the  foun- 
dation of  Ronie.f 

Vetu-lonia,  ]vby  /T'2,  Bit-oliun,  or  on  coins  Fet- 
luna,  or,  as  it  is  found  on  some  inscriptions,  Fet- 
ulun.  The  ancient  history  derives  it  from  Bet  or 
Vet-Elion,  the  principal  Lucumony  or  government. 
But  we  think  it  more  likely  to  mean  "  the  daughter 
of  the  Highest;"  or,  as  it  was  a  royal  town  near  the 
sea,  that  it  conveyed  some  idea  like  '•  Kingston,"  or 
"  New  Port  Regis,"  or  "  Mount  Royal,'*  in  English. 
It  is  now  called  Vetulia,  and  Feltule,  and  Vetletta, 
about  three  miles  from  the  sea,  and  is  a  mass  of 
ruin,  overgrown  by  wood.  Miiller  ii.  1,  2,  says  that 
ruins  are  to  be  seen  in  Vetulonia,  not  only  of  co- 
lossal walls,  but  of  Mosaic  pavements,  fragments  of 

*  Servius  vii. 

t  For  Volterra,  vide  Cicero  Orat.  pro  Sex.  Rose. ;  Dion.  Hal. 
1.  iii. ;  Liv.  1.  x. 


1-20 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OP    ETRURIA. 


121 


Statues,  and   a  luige    amphitheatre.     In  its  neigh- 
bourhood are  the  hot  springs   v^hich  are   mentioned 
by  Pliny,  lib.  ii.  103;   the  value  of  which  in  every 
case  was  fully  appreciated  by  the  Etruscans.     Dio- 
nysius  ii.  says  that  it  was  a  powerful  city  or  state  in 
the  days  of  Romulus,  and  as  we  scarcely  hear  of  it 
afterwards,  Dempster  thinks  that  it  was  probably  de- 
stroyed in  the  infancy  of  Home,  at  the  time  when 
Etruria  was  divided  against  herself.  Silius  Italicus,^ 
says  that  it  was  the  most  illustrious,  which  we  pre- 
sume to  mean,  the  largest  and   richest  of  all  the 
Etruscan  cities,  and  that    Rome  borrowed  thence 
her  fasces,  secures,  lictors,  curule  throne,  toga  prae- 
texta,  and  all  her  other  ensigns  of  regal  power. 

Micali  has  visited  the  ruins  in  the  Vetulonian 
forest,  and  says  that  they  are  very  extensive.  Sup- 
posing this  city  to  have  perished  in  the  time  of  Ro- 
mulus, its  ruins  give  us,  beyond  every  other,  an 
idea  of  what  was  then  Etruscan  civilization. 

Pupulunia,  D^H  3  3  P.  p  h.  1.  m  or  1.  n,  upon  the 
coins  Pupulun,  "a  harbour  for  metals."  This,  if 
tenable,  is  a  very  remarkable  derivation ;  for  it 
exactly  describes  the  character  of  Pupulunia.  It 
was  a  colony  of  Volterra,  and  though  subsequent  to 
the  time  of  Tarchun,  it  was  long  prior  to  Rome,  and 
the  greatest  emporium  in  Italy  for  the  iron  and 
copper  ores  of  Elba,t  which  were  brought  here  to 
be  manufactured  for  internal  use,  and  also  to  be  ex- 
ported to  other  nations.     It  is  now  Porto  Baratto. 


*   Punicor.  viii. 

t  Vide  Strabo  and  Aristotle. 


Arrezzo,or  Arretium,or  Aret,  from  nihi,  A.R.T, 
a  lake,  pond,  river.  It  lay  upon  the  confluence  of  the 
Clanis,and  the  Arno,not  far  from  the  lake  of  Perugia. 
A.r.t  and  Hareth,  pronounced  with  a  foreign  accent, 
are  both  scriptural  names  Arretium  was  the 
caj>ital  of  its  own  principality,  and  Silius  Italicus* 
says  that  it  was  the  seat  of  the  ancient  kings  of 
Etruria.  Its  walls  were  and  are  of  an  architecture 
singularly  beautiful,  and  are  celebrated  both  by 
Pliny  t  and  by  Vitruvius.  J  Its  pottery  was  also 
reckoned  of  the  finest  workmanship  and  colour  §  in 
Italy,  and  some  specimens  of  it  may  now  be  seen  in 
the  Museo  Gregoriano  in  Rome.  It  was  also  famous 
for  the  manufacture  of  arms.|| 

Cortona,  a  city  and  state,  sometimes  mistaken  for 
Crestonaf  in  Thrace ;  and  yet  more  often  for  Crotona 
in  the  south  of  Italy.  It  is  called  by  Virgil,  Corytus, 
and  is  made  the  birth-place  of  Dardanus,  and  the 
eradleoftheroyalhouseof  Priam.  The  ancient  history 
considers  its  name  more  clearly  eastern  than  that  of 
any  of  the  others,  and  believes  it  to  be  derived  from 
"DID,  K.  R.  TI,  or  Creti,  a  town  of  the  Cherithim  or 
Philistines,  "  wandering  strangers."  At  the  time  of 
Tarchun's  conquest,  it  was  inhabited  by  the  Umbri 
and  Pelasgi  in  common,  and  its  first  fortifications  are 
supposed  to  have  been  Pelasgic,  though  the  present 
walls  are  Etruscan.  It  was  the  metropolis  of  a  prin- 
cipality, and  Sil.  Italicus  says  that  Tarchun  had 
a  residence  there.     (See  Dempster.) 

»  Punicor.  vii.  f  Plin.  xxxv.  14.  J  Vitruv.  ii.  8. 

§  Plin.  idem.  ||  Liv.  xxviii.  45.  %  Dion.  i. 

6 


>' 


122 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Perugia  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  romantic 
cities,  in  a  land  where  all  are  beautiful,  and  the  greater 
number  romantic.     It  was  a  city  of  the  Umbri,  in- 
habited also  by  Pelasgi  at  the  time  of  its  conquest, 
like  Cortona,and  Cato  says  thatTarchun  changed  its 
name.  It  may  be  derived  from  nt^llS),  P.  R.U.S.  H, 
"  divided   or   separated,"  or   from  ^{■^^,  P  R  Z,   to 
break,   defeat,   overthrow.      It   was    divided   from 
Umbria  by  the  Tiber,  here  a  noble  river,  and  there 
are  many  reasons  for  thinking  that  its  government 
may  have  been  shared  with  its  former  possessors, 
though  the  chief  ruler   was  ever  after  Etruscan.    It 
was  a  powerful  state,  having   several  dependencies, 
and  lay   near  the  famous  Mount   Ciminus.      Clu- 
verius,  from  Cato,  says  that  it  was  founded,  i.  e.  re- 
modelled by  Tarchun,  and  Servius   (^n.  x.)  that  it 
was  founded  by  Ocnus,  or  Bianor,  a  native  chief.  By 
native,  however,  he  means   Tyrsenian  ;    and  Ocnus 
may  very  probably  have  been  the  first  king,  and 
hence  called  the  founder.      Never  was  a  town  more 
divided  as  to  the  fame  of  its  first  existence,  and  of  the 
man  or  men  to  whom  it  owes  its  origin,  which  proves 
that  it  had  many  ancient  heroes,  to  each  of  whom  in 
time  its  greatness  came  to  be  attributed.     Dempster 
refers  its  earliest  sovereignty  to  Aulestes,  the  brother 
of  Ocnus,  i.  e.  a  brother  chief.     Miiller  says  that  it 
was  conquered  by  the  Sarsinati,  and  Micali,  that  it 
was  founded  by  this  people,  and  hence  it  may   be 
considered  the  daughter  of  Sarteano. 

Clusium,  now  Chiusi,  from  U^^n,  CH.  L.  S,  to  con- 
quer, or   reduce.     Livy  tells   us  that  its  Umbrian 

5 


I 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA.  123 

name  was  Gamers,*  and  Servius  that  Tarchun 
changed  it  to  Chlusium  or  "  Chlus,"  the  urn  being 
a  Latin  termination.  It  was  the  rival  of  Tarquinia 
in  ambition  and  power,  having  less  of  commerce, 
and  preserving  more  of  the  spirit  of  liberty.  Both  the 
state  and  the  city  were  influential,  and  Serviusf  says 
that  it  was  the  seat  of  the  Etruscan  kings  before  the 
Trojan  war,  i.  e.  in  the  days  of  Tarchun.  It  stands 
upon  the  river  Clanis,  and  the  lake  of  Clusium, 
and  must  always  be  interesting  as  the  capital  of 

Porsenna,though  now  only  a  border  town  in  Tuscany. 
Rusella,  or  n^^JT  ^i^^,  Rusoil.h,  « the  top  of  a 
hill,"  or  "  the  chief  on  a  height."  It  is  near  the  lake 
of  Castiglione,  and  the  little  town  of  Moscona,  and 
only  the  walls  now  remain.  Dion.  Hal.  and  Livy 
give  it  as  the  capital  of  one  of  the  ruling  states, 
and  Miiller  (ii.  1,2,)  calls  it  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant cities  of  Etruria.J 

Volsinia,  now  Bolsena,  and,  on  the  coins,  Felsuna. 
It  was  a  town  famous  for  mechanical  arts  and  hand- 
mills,§  hence  its  name  VJlii  b^^,  Ful-z.n.a,  means  "the 
mechanical  tribes."  From  Volsinia,  in  Greek  Oi;o\- 
(rdopioy^W  the  Romans  took  2,000  statues  of  bronze.lf 
It  was  near,  but  not  on  the  site  of  the  present  Bol- 
sena, and  was  famous  for  its  Kalender-Temple  of 
Nortia,**  the  Tursene  Fortuna. 

The   learned   work  from  which  we   have  taken 

•  Lib.  ix.  f  jEn.  x. 

X  Like  Vetulonia,  its  site  was  chosen  close  to  hot  mineral 
springs,  which  are  still  known  as  the  Bagni  di  Roselle. 

§  Plin.xxxvi.  18.  ||  MuUer  ii.  1. 

H  Plin.  xxxiv.  7.  **  Livy  vii.  3. 

G    2 


124 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


these  names,  gives  many  more,  but  these  may  surely 
suffice  to  show  the  inherent  Assyrian  elements  in 
the  Etruscan  tongue.  We  may  be  told  that  the 
examples  given  are  eastern,  no  doubt ;  but  that  they 
are  Hebrew,and  not  Phoenician.  St.  Augustine,  how- 
ever, tells  us  that  the  Punic,  or  Phoenic,  or  Phoenician 
language  spoken  in  his  day,  when  it  was  still  a  living 
tongue,  was  very  like  the  Hebrew,  and  that  the 
Canaanitish  was  a  mediate  tongue,  between  the 
Egyptian  and  the  Hebrew— a  singular  testimony. 
We  can  prove  that  the  Hebrews,  Assyrians,  Syrians, 
Chaldees,and  Phoenicians,  all  derived  their  alphabets 
from  one  common  original,  and  hence  it  would  seem 
that  all  these  languages  were  branches  and  varieties 
of  one  Semitic  tongue,  even  as  Italian,  French, 
Spanish,  and  Portuguese,  may  be  called  varieties  of 
one  Oscan  tongue,  i.  e.  Latin. 

The  ancient  history  conceives  Faleria  and  Fescen- 
nium  to  be  Etruscan  names,  though  Pelasgic  towns 
before  they  were  conquered ;  and  Falisci  also,  from  its 
prefix  of  F.l  or  V.l,  was  probably  an  Etruscan  name, 
the  appellations  being  changed  upon  the  re-edifica- 
tion and  re-occupation  of  those  places  by  the  con- 
querors. Falisci  and  Falerii  in  old  authors,  both 
Greek  and  Latin,  are  constantly  confounded.  Gell 
seems  to  have  proved  that  they  were  one  and  the 
same  people ;  but  that  Falisci  signified  the  state, 
whilst  Falerii  designated  only  the  town  and  its  do- 
mains, hence  all  Falerians  were  Faliscians,  but  all 
Faliscians  were  not  Falerians.  Fescennia  was  a  large 
town  in  the  state  of  Faliscia,  famed  for  its  metrical 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


125 


f' 


and  pantomimic  verses,  and  the  whole  state,  in- 
cluding Veii,  was  in  a  peculiar  manner  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Juno.  Virgil  calls  the  Falisci,  "  Equi  Fa- 
lisci." Strabo,  p.  226,  speaks  of"  Equum  Faliscum." 
Faleria  is  now  Citta  Castellana.  Zonarus  tells  us 
of  the  war  against  the  Falisci,  and  the  siege  of  their 
strong  city,  named  ^aXepioi  Falerioi.  From  Livy 
(v.  27)  Mliller  gathers  that  Faleria  was  divided  into 
Upper  and  Lower,  which  is  made  still  more  indubi- 
table by  the  Falisci  of  the  lower  part  being  called 
Equi  Falisci,  or  Falisci  of  the  Plain.  Falisci,*  i.  e. 
Falerii,  was  founded  by  Halese  the  Etruscan,  who 
also  founded,  that  is 'to  say,  re-adorned  and  rebuilt 
Alsium,t  or  Ai-se,  the  "  um"  being  a  Latin  ter- 
mination. This  Halese  is  termed  the  Son  of  Nep- 
tune, i.  e.  a  Sea-king,  or  great  Etruscan  admiral. 

Thus,  as  genuine  Etruscan  names  of  towns  or 
states,  we  have  the  large  list  beginning  with  Fel, 
and  meaning  lord  or  tribe,  Felathri  or  Volterra, 
Felsuna  or  Volsinia,  Velce  or  Vulci,  Felsule  or 
Fiesole,  Faleria,  Falisci,  or  Halese.  Also,  as  ge- 
nuine Etruscan  derivatives,  we  have  Pisa,  Cortona, 
and  Perugia,  so  called  for  local  reasons ;  Tarquinia, 
named  from  Tarchun  himself;  Alsium  from  Alese ; 
and  we  may  add  Nepete,  which  Winning  derives 
from  Napate  in  Egypt.  NepeteJ  and  Sutri  were 
among  the  oldest  towns  in  Etruria,  as  were  also 
Luna  and  Aurinia,§  afterwards  Saturnia. 

♦  Servius  Mn.  vii. 

t  Silvius  Italicus,  1.  8.    Vide  Dempster. 

4  Miiller,  vol.  i.  §  Dion. 


~  I 


L 


126 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


127 


The  boundaries  of  Etruria  Proper  were,  the  Ap- 
penines  to  the   north,  the  river  Macra  and  the  Tur- 
rhene  sea  to  the  west  and  south,  and  the  Tiber  to 
the  east.     Or,  as  expressed  by  the  Roman  Archaeo- 
logia,  "  Etruria  Proper  extended  from  the  Portus 
Veneris  and  Luna,  to  Ostia,  the  Tiber,  and  Rome." 
Strabo,*  Dionysius,J  Li?y,t  and  Servius,§  inform 
us  that  this  territory  was  divided  into  twelve  dy- 
nasties, each  being  governed    by  its  own  prince, 
while  Tarchun  was  acknowledged  as  king  of  the 
whole.     We  have  nowhere  a  perfect  list  of  these 
dynasties  in  any  ancient  Latin    historian,  none  of 
them  thinking   it  necessary  to  inform  an   Italian 
reader  of  what  he  knew  so  well,  any  more  than  an 
English  writer,  though  he  might  say  much  of  York, 
Newcastle,  and  Warwick,  would   think  of  enume- 
rating to  an  English  reader,  the  fifty-two  counties 
of  Enghiud,     We  are  accordingly  only   informed 
that  the  number  of  states  was  twelve,  whilst  the 
great  towns  which  sent  members  to  the  Diet,  or 
which  rose  into  consideration   at  different  periods, 
varied,  and  probably  the  seat  of  government  varied 
with  them.     Veii,  for  instance,  which  made  so  great 
a  figure  in  the  decline  of  Etruria,  was  merely  a 
colony    of    Volterra   at    the   commencement;    and 
though  it  became  a  royal  residence,  was  probably, 
for  many  years  previous,  a  secondary  town,  or  mere 
fort,  in  the  state  of  Faliscii. 

The  names  of  the  twelve  chief  cities  of  Etruria, 
which  we  gather  from  Dionysius,  Livy,  Virgil,  Ser- 


*  Lib.  V. 


t  vi.  viii.  X  iv.  v.  vii.         § 


t 


J 


XI. 


vius,  Strabo,  and  Plutarch,  are  the  following :  Vol- 
terra, Clusium,  Cortona,  Perugia,  Arretium,  Falerii, 
Tarquinia,  Volsinii,  Rusella,  Vetulonia,  Agylla  or 
Cere,  and  Veii.  All  these  twelve  were,  at  different 
times,  the  residences  of  princes,  and  the  seats  of  go- 
vernment. But  from  the  most  remote  period  of  which 
any  of  the  writers  here  quoted,  treat,  Vulci  had  been 
a  ruling  state  also,  and  continued  to  be  so  to  the  end. 
It  was  not,  however,  influential,  and  has  been,  there- 
fore, little  noticed,  though  the  Fasti  Consulares  for 
the  year  472  of  Rome,  grant  a  triumph  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  Vulcientes.*  Vulci,  from  its  situation 
between  Tarquinia  and  Volterra,  must  have  been  one 
of  the  very  earliest  of  the  Etruscan  conquests,  and  a 
member  of  the  confederation  before  Cere  was  con- 
quered, or  Veii  founded.  Polybius  calls  this  town 
OkKioy,  Olkion,  or,  as  a  Latin  might  pronounce  it, 
Uulki,  It  is  situated  in  the  Piano  di  Vulci,  and 
presented,  in  Cluverius's  day,  a  very  considerable 
mass  of  ruin.  It  is  interesting  now  from  the  beau- 
tiful objects  of  art  which  are  continually  drawn  from 
its  sepulchres.  This  example,  and  that  of  Vulsinia, 
show  us  that  Etruscan  F  or  V  were  sounded  in 
Greek  ou  or  o  short. 

It  follows  as  a  consequence  that  if  the  original 
number  of  the  states  was  twelve,  we  must  find 
two  that  are  not  included  in  the  enumeration  above 
given,  such  as  Vulci  and  Lucca,t  or  Pisa,  or  Saturnia, 
or  Alsium.     We  do  not  believe  that  the  states  at  any 

*  Vide  Muller,  ii.  1,  2. 

t  The  learned  Dempster,  in  his  Etruria  Regali,  gives  Lucca 
as  one  of  the  original  twelve. 


i 


128 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


m 


time,  consisted  of  fewer  than  twelve,  for  that  seems 
to  have  been  the  fundamental  and  sacred  number; 
but  they  may   have   consisted    of  more    without  a 
nominal  increase.     We  have  examples  of  this  in  the 
Swiss  Cantons  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
amongst  the  moderns ;  and  in   the  tribes  of  Israel, 
and  the  college  of  the  apostles,  amongst  the  ancients. 
Because  twelve  was  the   sacred  number   of  these 
latter,  we  find   Ephraim  and  Manasseh  comprised 
amongst  the  tribes,  and  St.  Paul  and  St.   Matthias 
amongst  the  apostles,  without  altering  the  reputed 
number.     Miiller  (ii.  1)  deduces  from  a  very  curious 
inscription  dug  up  a  few  years  since  in   Italy,  that 
the  states,  even  to  the  second  and  third  centuries  of 
our  era,  kept  up  their  union,  and  that   the  religious 
bond  was  preserved   among  them,  though  the  po- 
litical one  was  dissolved.     This   inscription  will  be 
hereafter  given.     It  is  a  doubt  whether  or  not  Tus- 
culum  was  included  amongst  the  original  dynasties. 
Miiller  decides  that  it  was  clearly  a  Tyrsenian  State  ; 
and  Cato  says  that  the  town  was  founded  three  ge- 
nerations before  the  Trojan  war;  thus  attributing  it 
in  loose  chronology  to  Tarchun.     But  if  it  had  been 
in  the  original  number,  the  name  would  have  con- 
tinued amongst  the  Etruscan  deputies,  though  the 
territory  was  gone,  and  this  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  the  case  ;  therefore  we  prefer  the  alternative  of 
its  having  been  at  a  later  period  an  Etruscan  colony 
amongst  the  Latins,  and  choosing  rather  to  associate 
itself  with  them,  than  with  the  mother  country,  of 
which  it  w  as  not  permitted  to  be  a  ruling  state.     This 
may  the  more  easily  be  believed,  because  the  faith  of 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


129 


Tusculum  was  in  all  essentials  Etruscan,  even  after 
we  find  its  name  on  the  lists  of  the  Latin  confe- 
deration. Lycophron  calls  the  Tusculani  "  Turrheni 
Pelasgi."  * 

Tarchun  is  rightly  said  to  have  founded  the  dy- 
nasties, because  we  do  not  know  that  the  Pelasgi 
and  Umbri  had  any  dynasties,  and  he  is  with  equal 
propriety  said  to  have  founded  the  cities  which  he 
renamed,  and  around  which  he  erected  the  almost 
indestructible  Etruscan  walls.  '*  These  walls  were 
consecrated,  (says  Varro,)  that  the  citizens  might  feel 
more  courage  in  dying  there  in  defence  of  their 
country."  If  they  triumphed,  it  was  under  the  ban- 
ner of  their  patron  gods;  and  if  they  fell,  it  was  on 
holy  ground. 

From  coins  in  the  Jesuits'  Museum  in  Home,  and 
from  several  jjassages  in  the  Latin  poets,  it  appears 
that  each  ruling  city  had  tiiree  or  four  smaller  or 
inferior  cities  in  dependence  uj)on  it,  or  in  peculiar 
relation  and  alliance  with  it.f  Hence  we  can  discover 
a  certain  prominence  in  many  cities  that  never  were 
ruling,  as  Populonia  and  Cosa,  because  they  sup- 
plied the  chief  means  of  defence,  or  were  the  chief 
marts  of  commerce  to  their  principals ;  and  it  is  even 
possible,  in  a  few  instances,  that  when  they  became  in 

*  Livy  says  that  Mamilius  of  Tusculum,  the  friend  of  the 
second  Tarquin,  was  the  sone  of  the  founder,  and  that  his  family 
had  been  long  princes  amongst  the  Latins.  In  the  same  sense 
he  might  have  said  that  the  family  of  Tarquin  had  been  long 
princes  amongst  the  Romans. 

t  Virgil  ^n.  x.  202,  speaking  of  Mantua,  says :— 
"  Gens  illi  triplex  popuh  sub  gente  quaterni." 


g5 


130 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


wealth  and  size,  or  even  in  public  convenience,  very 
superior  to  that  principal,  they  then  took  its  place. 

We  know  the  names  of  at  least  nineteen  or  twenty 
municipia  or  distinguished  cities  in  Etruria  Proper, 
viz.  Cortona,  Perugia,  Arretium,  Volsinia,Tarquinia, 
Clusium,  Volterra,  Rusella,  Vetulonia,  Pisa,  Faesule, 
Veii,  Caere,  Falerii,  Aurinia,  Caletra,  Vulci,  Sal- 
pinuui,  Lucca,  and  Luna.  Dempster,  in  his  Etru. 
Reg.  iv.  8,  selects  from  these  as  the  ruling  twelve, 
the  following  :  Veii,  Tarquinia,  Faleria,  Vetulonium, 
Populonia,  Corytus,  Volsinii,  C?ere,  Clusium,  Fae- 
sule, Luna,  and  Lucca.  Cluverius*  names  Caere,  Tar- 
quinia, Rusella,  Vetulonia,  Volterra,  Arretium,  Cor- 
tona, Perugia,  Clusium,  Volsinii,  Faleria,  and  Veii. 
Niebuhr  names  Caere,  Tarquinia,  Rusella,  Vetu- 
lonia, Volterra,  Arretium,  Cortona,  Perugia,  Clu- 
sium, Volsinii,  Veii,  Capena,  and  Cosa. 

In  later  days  it  is  certain,  either  that  Caere  or 
Veii  supplanted  other  sacred  towns  of  smaller  con- 
sideration, or  that  they  were  added  to  Tarchun's 
league,  and  still  the  number  was  only  called  twelve  : 
indeed  no  other  number  is  ever  assigned  to  them 
throughout  the  Italian  history.  We  cannot  form 
an  idea  of  the  relative  importance  of  these  states 
from  any  passages  in  the  Latin  authors,  for  whatso- 
ever list  we  examine,  we  shall  always  find  some  one, 
or  two,  or  three,  omitted  of  those  which  we  know 
to  have  been,  even  to  Sylla's  time,  essential  and 
dominant  members  of  the  original  league.  We 
have  not  in  any  known  author,  an  enumeration  of 

*  Cluv.  lib.  iii.  c.  26. 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OP   ETRURIA. 


131 


the  twelve  states  of  Etruria ;  and  in  order  to  obtain 
them  at  any  period  of  her  history,  we  are  obliged  to 
collect  all  our  authorities  together.     Virgil  divides 
the  states  that  ranged  themselves  under  Tarchun 
into  four  bands,  exclusive  of  Tarquinia,  which  of 
course  followed  its  own   chief.     He   places  under 
one   general,  Cosa  and  Clusium;    under   another, 
Populonia  and  Ilva  or  Elba ;  under  a  third,  Pisa 
with  the  troops  of  its  dependencies ;  and  under  a 
fourth,  Caere,  Pyrgi,  and  Gravisca.     At  the  same 
time,  he  represents  the  Falisci  as  independent  and 
allying   themselves   with    the    Latins,   along  with 
Fescennium   and   Capena.     Virgil   selected    towns 
which  had   for  ages  been  of  importance,  without 
pausing  to  examine  their  relative  antiquity ;  for  in 
the  days  of  Tarchun,  Cosa,  Populonia,  and  Pyrgi, 
would  be  little  more  than  watch-towers,  Elba  was 
scarcely  known,  and  Capena  had  not  one  stone  of 
its  walls  or  temples  laid  upon  another,  being  a  later 
colony  of  Veii,  which  itself  was  merely  a  border  fort 
till  Volterra  became  over-peopled. 

On  the  whole,  from  the  evidence  of  names,  and 
the  incidental  testimonies  in  the  case  of  various 
cities,  to  their  very  high  antiquity  and  long-con- 
tinued power,  we  shall  presume  the  following  to 
have  been  the  twelve  dynasties  founded  by  Tarchun, 
and  left  in  full  communion  with  each  other,  and  all 
subject  to  the  same  laws  and  institutions  at  the  time 
of  his  death.  1.  Lucca,  including  Luna;  2.  Vol- 
terra, including  Pisa;  3.  Vetulonia ;  4.  Arretium; 
5.  Cortona;  6.  Perugia;  7.  Clusium;  8.  Rusella; 


132 


HISTORY    OF    EIRURIA. 


9.  Felsini  or  Vulsinii,  including*  Salpina  ;  iO.  Vulci  ; 
II.  Tarquinia  ;  12.  Faleria  or  Faliscii.  Each  of 
these  states  luid  a  capital  of  its  own  name,  besides 
ports  and  harbours  and  many  dependent  towns. 

It  is  natural  for  us  to  inquire  if  there  are  any 
signs  by  which  we  may  still  distinguish,  or  ever 
could  have  distinguished,  an  Etruscan  city  Irom  one 
which  was  Pelasgic  or  Sikelian.  Now, throughout 
Etruria  Proper,  there  is  one  style  for  every  great 
city— and  indeed  for  every  city,  great  or  small, 
which  was  ever  founded  by  Tarchun,  or  according 
to  his  laws.  They  are  all  upon  a  height,  all  sur- 
rounded by  walls,  which  are  built  of  immense  blocks 
of  stone,  cut  in  parallelograms,  and  laid  together 
without  cement.     Sometimes  in  alternate  courses, 

_  thus:  and  sometimes  with  one 
__  course  lengthways,  and    the 

—  next  endways,  all  of  prodi- 

—  gious  thickness  and  strength 
with  square  towers  at  certain  distances,  usually 
about  fifty  yards  apart,  with  lofty  gates,  either 
arched  or  square,  and  with  a  citadel  and  a  temple ; 
Dempster  de  Etrur.  Reg.,  says  that  each  had  a 
theatre,  a  circus,  and  an  amphitheatre,  and  certainly 
no  Etruscan  city  has  been  found  without  these  cha- 
racteristics. Each  had  its  burying-gronnd  beyond 
the  walls,  laid  out  according  to  the  size  of  the  city, 
each  had  baths,  and  each  had  one  or  more  common 
sewers,  like  the  Cloaca  Maxima  at  Rome,  of  an 
architecture  so  beautiful,  and  upon  a  scale  so  va«t, 
as  to  strike  the  mind  of  every  observer  with  amaze- 


T 


m 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OP    ETRURIA. 


133 


|<| 


ment  and  wonder,  even  at  this  day.  The  walls,  the 
towers,  and  the  Cloacae,  are  to  be  seen  still,  in  al- 
most all  the  Etruscan  cities,  or  in  their  ruins,  and  are 
open  to  the  examination  of  every  one  who  chooses 
to  visit  them;  and,  from  the  evidence  whicli  they 
give  of  the  wealth,  the  power,  and  the  moral  force 
of  those  who  could  construct  them,  Niebuhr  is 
led  to  assert,  that  the  peo])le  who  laboured  in  them 
must  have  been  slaves;  and  that  the  might  of  con- 
quest and  the  hand  of  tyranny  alone  could  have  raised 
them,  or  have  caused  them  to  be  raised. 

This  is  a  strange  sentence  from  a  man  who  was  aware 
that  tyrants  consult  their  own  gratification  chiefly,  and 
not  the  public  good  ;  that  they  love  to  magnify  their 
own  consequence — to  swell  in  the  strengthening  of 
their  own  pride— to  blaze  in  the  dazzling  of  their 
own  vanity — to  call  places  and  lands  by  their  own 
names— to  have  tombs  like  the  Pyramids,  gardens 
like  those  of  Babylon,  and  commerce  like  that  of 
the  pacha  of  Egypt ;  but  all  to  the  utter  contempt 
and  neglect  of  the  people,  and  to  the  gratifying  of 
that  little  self,  which  lives  to  posterity  as  a  corrupted 
head,  fit  only  to  ruin,  and  not  to  rule  the  members, 
a  scorned  and  cursed  thing. 

The  grand  distinction  between  the  Etruscans  and 
every  other  ancient  people  is,  the  noble  public 
character  which  is  stamped  upon  all  their  works ; 
and  this  Niebuhr  himself  acknowledges.  Every 
thing  was  for  utility— the  utility  and  benefit  of  all ; 
the  poor  as  much  as  the  rich,  the  plebeian  as  much 
as  the  noble.     The  common  religion,  the  common 


134 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


improvement,   the  common  security,   the  common 
wealth,  and,  we  had  almost  said,  the  common  com- 
fort.    This   is  the  stamp — the  distinctive  mark  of 
all  their  remains ;  and  they  bear  in  character  such 
a  vastness — such  a  solidity — such  a  grandeur,  and 
such  a  skill,  that  it  has  been,  till  within  very  late 
years,   too    incredible,  and    too  stupendous  for  the 
minds  of  scholars   or  travellers   to   fathom.     Yet, 
if  we    believe   this    people    to   have   come   out    of 
Egypt,  there  is  nothing  in  the  most  extraordinary 
or  gigantic  of  their  works,  but  what  we  might  pre- 
viously  have   expected,   and   might,    indeed,   have 
wondered  if  we  had  not  found.     The  traveller  may 
pass  from  Cortona,  Arezzo,  and  Tarquinia,  to  Kar- 
nac  and  Luxor  upon  the  Nile,  and  he  will  find  the 
self-same  architecture.     He  may  compare  the  beau- 
tiful gates  of  Volterra  and  Perugia,  with  the  arch 
of  the   same   construction,    formed    of    concentric 
layers  and  with  a  key-stone,  as  at  Thebes;  or  the  roof 
of  the  Galassi  tomb  at   Caere,  with  the  many  arches 
of  a  similar  formation,  made  of  approaching  courses, 
that  are  to  be  seen  amongst  the  palaces  and  tombs 
of  the   Pharaohs.*      He   may   find    the    so-called 
Tuscan  pillar  and  Tuscan  portico  in  the  tombs  of 
Beni  Hassan,  dating  1700  before  our  era,  especially 
that  of  the  family  of  NAHRE.f 

He  may  also  compare  the  prodigious  hydraulic 

♦  Those  who  cannot  travel,  may  see  the  arches  alluded  to  in 
Belzoni  or  RoseUini's  Egyptian  Views,  and  in  Micali's  Plates  of 
the  Antiquities  of  Italy. 

t  Vide  Rosellini  Monumenti  Civili  on  tombs. 


THE   TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


135 


I 


operations  of  the  two  people,  and  he  will  be  struck 
with  their  identity  of  character.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  the  striking  similarity  of  the  gold  orna- 
ments, the  armour,  the  bronzes,  the  sculpture,  the 
painting,  the  pottery,  and  all  that  we  know  of 
the  arts  and  sciences  of  both  people ;  with  this 
exception,  however,  that  what  existed  in  Egypt 
sixteen  or  seventeen  centuries  b.  c,  did  not  appear 
in  Italy  until  three  or  four  hundred  years  later. 
The  Etruscans  were  not  the  inventors,  but  the 
importers  of  these  things,  and  were  the  originators 
of  civilization  to  Italy,  only  as  a  colony,  from  Asia 
or  Asiatic  Africa.*  This  is  a  far  more  rational  and 
probable  origin  of  the  knowledge  and  refinement 
of  early  Italy,  than  the  idea  that  civilization  should 
start  forth  from  ignorance  and  barbarism.  In  the 
one  case,  we  must  presume  inspiration,  and  in  the 
other  the  more  natural  course  of  tuition.  In  the 
one  case  we  produce  Minerva  from  the  head  of 
Jove,  and  in  the  other,  Jove  himself  is  made  to 
spring  from  the  bosom  of  chaos  and  eternal  night. 
Too  mighty  a  generation  for  aught  but  almighty 
power  ;  and  not  to  be  attributed  to  the  sons  of  men. 

There  are  three  descriptions  of  primitive,  cotempo- 
rary  architecture  existing  in  Italy.  First,  the  Etrus- 
can, with  its  regular  quadrangular  stones,  either  with 
or  without  cement ;  second,  the  Pelasgic,  also  massive 
and  without  cement,  but  polygonal  ;  and  third, 
the   Cyclopean,   consisting   of  huge   stones   of  all 

*  Lybia  was  Phoenician  Africa,  and  Eg>'pt  was  reckoned  by 
the  ancients  in  Asia. 


1 


126 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


forms  and  shapes  piled  together,  and  having  the 
interstices  filled  up  with  small  materials.  These 
two  latter  are  descrihed  by  Pausanias,  lib.  vii.,  in 
Greece,  whilst  the  former  alone  is  found  in  Egypt, 
and  is  not  uufrequent  in  Asia  Minor.  The  order 
of  chronology  in  which  these  three  styles  of  masonry 
are  to  be  reckoned,  is  not  as  if  the  most  barbarous 
were  the  most  ancient ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  if  a 
priority  in  antiquity  should  be  assigned  to  the  most 
refined.  This  is  proved,  because  the  ]»eople  who 
knew  how  to  make  bricks,  (which  are  found  all  over 
the  world  with  regular  angles,  and  which  are,  in 
their  oldest  form,  quadrilateral,)  weie  the  most 
likely  to  use  squared  stones,  and  to  have  gradually 
substituted  them  for  a  greater  quantity  of  bricks,  in 
order  to  save  time  and  labour,  and  to  increase,  as 
they  would  think,  durability.  It  is  sufficient  to  add, 
that  there  are  Egyptian  bricks  in  the  British  Museum 
which  date  1800  years  b.  c.  ;  and  that  tiie  Scripture 
informs  us  that  bricks  were  used  by  the  builders 
of  the  Tower  of  Babel. 

For  this  leason  we  might  have  been  sure,  a  priori^ 
that  we  should  find  quadrangular  stones  used  by 
the  Egyptians,  and  by  the  colonies  and  natives  of 
Babylon,  Il.S.N, and  Nineveh  ;  and  not  only  do  we 
find  them  there,  in  fact,  but  those  monuments  and 
walls  in  liindostan,  which  are  of  immemorial  anti- 
quity, are  al^o  in  this  style.  Indeed,  we  cannot 
doubt,  that  the  brick-like  quadrilateral  and  regu- 
larly cut  stone,  is  the  oldest  form  of  architecture 
in  the  world,  and  that  it  is  derived  from  the  early 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


137 


patriarchs,  who  were  carefully  educated,  large- 
minded,  and  long-experienced  men,  living  in  the 
records  of  tradition  as  giants,  in  order  to  express 
their  powers,  both  of  mind  and  of  body,  which  we 
have  inherited  in  a  much  more  feeble  degree,  and 
for  a  nmch  more  limited  period.  The  polygonal,  is 
a  less  sskilful  form  of  masonry,  though  it  is  still 
artificial ;  and  implies  that  the  builders  who  used  it 
had  both  tools  and  measures.  The  Cyclopean  is 
the  rude  imitation,  not  so  much  of  a  better  style  of 
building,  as  of  the  things  built.  The  men  who  used 
it  were  men  of  energy,  but  destitute  of  skill  or  art, 
and  not  as  yet  possessed  of  tools.  Its  origin  is  the 
most  recent  of  the  three;  and  it  has  been  used  by 
wild  men  ever  since  man  went  wild,  which  was  not 
until  centuries  after  he  was  civilized;  not  until  after 
the  confusion  of  tongues,  and  the  dispersion  of  Babel. 
The  Cyclopean  architecture  in  Greece,  is  that  of  the 
natives  afcer  the  arrival  of  the  Phoenicians,  as  we 
gather,  because  those  natives  who  first  fled  from  them 
to  Italy  could  not  build.  The  Cyclopean  architecture 
in  Italy,  on  the  other  hand,  is  that  of  the  Sikeli, 
after  the  arrival  of  the  second  Pelasgi,  and  before 
they  had  better  models  from  the  Etruscans.  Hence 
in  many  Italian  provinces,  formerly  subject  to  the 
Pelasgi,  we  find  Cyclopean,  Pelasgic,  and  Etruscan 
walls  of  the  same  age  ;  and  in  very  many  we  find 
a  mixture  of  Etruscan  and  Pelasgic,  or  even  of 
Etruscan  and  Cyclopean,  where  the  Etruscans  have 
rebuilt  upon  the  foundations  of  conquered  Pelasgi 
or  Sikeli,  or  have  assisted  them  to  fortify  their  own 


138 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


cities.  These  remarks  concerning  the  comparative 
antiquity  of  squared  polygonal  and  Cyclopean  walls 
refer  to  general  examples,  rather  than  to  those  of 
Italy  in  particular.  For  in  that  country  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  polygonal  is  older  than  the  square 
stone,  of  the  really  more  ancient  style,  which  was  not 
introduced  until  after  the  arrival  of  the  Etruscans. 
The  Cyclopean  walls  were  probably  a  rude  cotem- 
poraneous  imitation  of  the  other  two  styles. 

Whoever  wishes  to  see  the  Etruscan  style  in  its 
native  country,  and  in  modern  perfection,  should 
visit  the  Pitti  Palace  in  Florence,  which  has  been 
erected  with  admirable  taste,  by  the  princes  of  Tus- 
cany as  their  national  residence  ;  as  if  to  show  to  the 
eyes  of  all  men,  that  such  works  can  be  erected  by 
freemen,  and  by  the  subjects  of  monarchs,  whom 
they  love,  and  revere  as  fathers.  Works  of  vast 
solidity,  stupendous  size,  and  massive  grandeur,  can 
never  prove  that  the  men  who  laboured  in  them 
were  slaves.  Our  British  railroads,  of  the  self- 
same architecture,  our  harbours,  and  our  tunnels, 
are  not  the  performances  of  slaves.  The  great 
military  works  of  Napoleon,  his  galleries  and  passes 
through  the  Alps,  though  planned  and  effected  by 
a  great  despotic  chief,  were  not  the  labours  of  slaves. 
And  no  historian  or  statesman  will  dare  to  assert, 
that  the  reason  why  other  nations,  either  ancient  or 
modern,  have  not  executed  works  equally  great  and 
equally  lasting  with  the  Etruscan,  was  either  want  of 
arbitrary  power  in  the  rulers,  or  want  of  inclination 
to  exert  that  power  when  possessed.     The  reason 


ii 

I 


I 


THE    TWELVE    DYNASTIES    OF    ETRURIA. 


139 


has  been,  because  other  nations  have  not  had  genius 
to  conceive  of  things  so  mighty,  nor  skill  to  erect 
an  architecture  so  beautiful.  They  have  not  been 
educated  under  laws  which  made  public  interests 
sacred.  The  people,  whether  conquered  or  native, 
have,  under  most  governments,  been  ground  to  pay 
taxes,  and  starved,  and  tasked,  and  brutalized  ;  but 
they  have  not,  with  the  exception  of  the  military, 
been  set  to  any  labour  which  could  raise  themselves 
whilst  they  executed  it,  or  which,  at  the  same  time, 
that  it  gave  bread  to  the  hungry  mouth,  caused  fer- 
tility to  the  countryman's  field,  and  security  to  the 
citizen's  home. 

The  great  public  works  of  Etruria  were  her  pride 
and  glory  under  Tarchun,  and  are  her  pride  and 
glory  still :  and  whilst  we  gaze  upon  the  walls 
which  he  built,  and  which  testify  to  his  existence, 
and  proclaim  his  wisdom  and  his  power ;  the  mind 
refuses  to  believe  in  their  remote  antiquity,  by 
reason  of  their  very  perfection.  Our  ignorance  has 
not  been  able  to  comprehend  his  knowledge,  nor 
our  feebleness  to  measure  his  might. 

In  arguing,  however,  against  the  strength  and 
solidity  of  the  Etruscan  walls  being  an  evidence  of 
slave  labour,  we  do  not  mean  to  assert  or  imply, 
that  they  were  constructed  upon  the  voluntary 
principle,  for  their  unity  of  plan  and  vastness  of 
structure  are  a  positive  proof  to  the  contrary.  They 
were  raised  by  law,  according  to  one  standard, 
sacred  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  imparted  it ;  and 
by  a  race  who  understood  the  benefit  of  labour  and 


i 


140 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  necessity  of  security,  and  who  had  no  wish 
to  disobey  the  noble  chief  who  was  their  lawful 
head.  They  were,  moreover,  assisted  by  a  conquered 
tribe,  who,  though  not  enslaved,  were  yet  forced  to 
do  as  they  were  commanded,  and  to  learn  what 
they  were  taught.  Both  Pelasgi  and  Uinbri  had 
sense  enough  to  know  that  it  was  their  best  interest 
to  submit  to  a  people,  whom  they  could  not  resist, 
and  who  studiously  preserved,  as  joint  lords  or  joint 
tenants  of  the  soil,  all  who  would  bow  to  their 
dominion,  or  accept  of  their  merciful  laws.  How 
the  great  walls  of  Etruria  could  be  so  built,  we 
learn  from  how  Rome  was  rebuilt  by  the  Romans 
after  its  destruction  by  the  Gauls.*  It  was  some- 
what in  the  same  manner  as  our  works  by  the  piece, 
or  our  military  labours,  which  are  never  considered 
slave  works.  The  magistrates  imposed  it  upon  the 
citizens  as  a  duty,  that  they  should  rebuild  and  re- 
inhabit  Rome  within  three  years,  each  man  being 
answerable  for  his  own  share  of  the  labour,  and  in 
like  fashion,  the  Etruscans  must  have  appointed  to 
each  man  his  own  portion  of  the  work,  until  the 
whole  was  finished. 

Before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the  Etrus- 
can towns  and  states,  and  in  order  fully  to  compre- 
hend them,  we  must  now  mention  the  most  extra- 
ordinary act  of  Tarchun's  life,  and  the  manner  in 
which  he  promulgated  his  code  of  laws,  and  fixed  the 
institutions  which  were  for  ever  to  form  and  rule  his 
people. 

*  Vide  Niebuhr. 


TAOE8. 


141 


! 


CHAPTER  Vn. 


TAGES. 


B.C. 


Cicero  relates*  the  tradition,  that  whilst  Tarchun  1187 
wasploughingatTarchunia,most  probably  ploughing 
the  sacred  foundation  of  its  walls,  a  genius  arose 
from  the  deep  furrow,  with  a  child's  body  and  a  man's 
head,  who  sang  to  him  the  unalterable,  eternal, 
divinely-inspired  laws,  of  his  future  government,  and 
then  sunk  down  and  expired.  This  is  a  most  beau- 
tiful legend,  and  among  so  unimaginative  a  people  as 
the  Etruscans,  implies  the  common,  and  therefore 
well-understood,  eastern  mode  of  using  familiar  alle- 
gories to  state  great  truths. 

Tages  was  not  seen,  and  he  had  no  occasion  to  be 
seen,  in  order  to  be  obeyed  by  the  Rasena.  It  was 
enough  that  his  laws,  fresh  from  heaven,  should  be 
communicated  to  the  chiefs,  through  their  acknow- 
ledged head.  The  laws  of  this  able  ruler  were  not 
promulgated  as  the  laws  and  will  of  Tarchun,  but 
as  those  of  Tages,  whom  Cicero  calls  "  the  Son  of 

*  De  Div.  ii.  c.  23,  38. 


142 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


TAGES. 


143 


Jupiter,"  and  who  was  as  much  superior  to  Tarchun, 
as  he  to  the  meanest  of  his  vassals.  Tages,  the 
genius  of  Etruria,  was  the  same  with  Phoenician 
Tanates,orTauates,and  Egyptian  Thoth ;  the  Coptic 
word,  which  expresses  hand, and  the  man  who  was  the 
first  and  greatest  scribe,  the  deified  writer  and  law- 
giver of  the  wisest  of  nations.  Tages,  appeared  with 
the  head  of  a  man  and  the  body  of  a  child,  fit  em- 
blem of  the  governors  and  of  the  governed,  show- 
ing forth  that  his  laws,  full  of  mature  wisdom  and 
sound  judgment,  were  yet  of  infant  date  to  the  land 
of  Tarchun.  He  was  not  "  Tages  transplanted  from 
Egypt,**  but  "  Tages  born  ajrain  in  this  new  coun- 
try.** He  belonged  to  the  Rasena,  notwithstanding 
his  grey  hairs ;  he  rose  from  their  soil,  and  whilst 
he  appeared  as  the  ruler  of  all  their  chiefs,  he  was 
adopted  by  the  nation  as  their  own  child.  He  em- 
bodied himself  in  their  spirit,  he  adapted  himself  to 
their  situation,  and  he  bade  them  live  henceforward 
as  a  new  people,  in  the  land  which  God  had  given 
them.  They  were  no  more  either  Egyptian  or 
Assyrian,  though  whilst  they  assumed  a  new  face, 
they  might  look  back  without  forgetfulness  to  the 
Ludin  and  the  Lybia,  whence  they  issued  forth. 

Cicero  and  Censorinus  say,  that  Tarchun  received 
the  genius  in  his  arms,  learned  his  laws,  which  were 
delivered  in  verse,  and  then  wrote  them  down. 
When  written,  and  therefore  neither  subject  to 
change  nor  liable  to  mistake,  Tarchun  called  around 
him  the  chiefs  and  princes  of  his  people,  named  Lu- 
cumoes,   or   La.u.ch.me,    from    the    Hebrew    DnV, 


ii 


1\ 


L.  eh.  m,  captain  or  leader;  he  rehearsed  to  them  the 
wonderful  event  that  had  taken  place,  and  read  to 
them  the  laws  of  Tages  as  adapted  to  the  colony  of 
Tarchun.  The  chiefs  approved,  for  the  greater  part 
of  them  were  such  laws  as  they  had  always  reve- 
renced and  been  subject  to  ;  they  learned  them  anew 
from  Tarchun,  sang  them,  wrote  them,  and  in  turn, 
each  ruler  made  them  the  unchangeable  laws  of  his 
own  state.  All  these  men  knew,  that  without  a  re- 
ligious sanction,  human  legislation,  could  have  no 
stability;  that  power,  in  order  to  be  lasting,  must  have 
a  sacred  foundation,  and  that  "  the  powers  that  be, 
unless  ordained  by  God,"  cannot  endure.  It  seems 
also  that  they  believed  no  wisdom  to  be  worthy  of 
reverence,  but  what  came  from  above,  and  that 
though  they  had  learned  many  idolatries,  they  had 
not  yet  learned  the  worship  of  human  reason  ;  for 
they  dreaded  the  weakness  and  fallibility  of  man*s 
judgment,  so  as  to  place  no  trust  in  any  ordinances 
but  those  which  they  conceived  to  be  divine. 

With  what  holy  reverence  the  laws  of  Tages  were 
received,  and  how  diligently  they  were  copied,  and 
how  vigilantly  they  were  guarded,  we  may  learn 
from  their  having  endured,  and  maintained  their 
ascendancy  in  Italy,  until  supplanted  by  Christianity. 
Tages  was  to  the  Italians,  the  same  as  Menu  to  the 
Hindus,  and  Moses  to  the  Jews,  and  Miiller  (ii.  1,  I) 
calls  his  institutions  the  "  Leviticus  of  the  Romans.*" 
Servius*  says  that  a  nymph  received  Tages  before 
he  disappeared  ;  this  subject  is  sometimes  represented 

•  Ad  JEn. 


I 


144 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


upon  ancient  gems,  but  it  is  a  mere  continuation  of 
the  allegory,  and  refers  to  the  Priestess  Bygoe,  who 
after  the  death  of  Tarchun,  wrote  a  commentary 
upon  some  part  of  the  lawsof  Tages,  and  is  therefore 
said  to  have  received  him,  and  to  have  nourished 
him,  and  to  have  sung  to  him. 

These  laws,  so  wonderful  in  their  contents  as  to 
be  almost  incredible,  if  we  did  not  believe  the  greater 
part  of  them  to  have  been  derived  from  much  older 
Eastern  codes,  treated,  according  to  Festusand  Dio- 
nysius,  of  tribes,  curiae,  and  centuries,  or  the  manner 
of  dividing  and  classing  the  Etruscan  people;  a  divi- 
sion which  though  obsolete  in  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Cicero,continued  in  force  throughout  Etruria,because 

the  laws  of  Tages,  uninfringed,  had  been  guaranteed 
to  the  Etruscan  states  by  the  municipal  alliance. 
They  were  written  in  three  volumes,*  to  which  many 
others,  in  the  same  spirit,  were   afterwards  added, 
but  none  were  ever  held  in  equal  honour.     These 
three  were  the  Libri    Fatales,  th?   Libri  Tagetici, 
and  the  Sacra  Acherontica,  of  which  the  latter,  or 
at  least  the  doctrine  which  it  taught,  was  known  to 
Homer;  and  it  is  from  his  descriptions,  that  Sopho- 
cles places  Avernus  in  Tyrsenia.     These  and  many 
other  Etruscan  books  were  translated  into  Latin  in 
the  days  of  Lucretius,  and  were  collected  in    fifteen 
volumes,   with    comments  by   C.    Labeo,t   and    at 
length,  many  of  the  Romanized   Etruscans  in   the 
times  of  the  empire,  could  only  read  their  institu- 
tions in  the  Latin  tongue.     Cicero  de    Divinitate 
♦  Miiller.  t  Micali  Italia  ii.  xxii. 


TAGES. 


145 


quotes  from  translations  of  the  "  Libri  Etrusci," 
"  Chartse  Etruscae,"  "  Libri  Tagetici,"  "  Disciplina 
Tagetis,"  "  Sacra  Tagetica,"  and  the  "  Liber  Terrae 
ruris  Etrurae."  Pliny*  says  that  these  books  had 
pictures  in  them.  Servius  tells  us  that  in  the 
days  of  the  Father  of  the  Gracchi,  the  Augural 
books  and  the  Libri  Reconditif  were  translated 
from  the  Tuscan.  Festus  informs  us  that  the 
"  Rituales  Etruscorum  Libri,"  told  of  consecrating 
altars,  temples,  cities,  walls,  and  gates ;  the  levying 
of  armies,  and  the  government  of  the  people,  be- 
sides the  division  into  tribes,  curiae  and  decurise. 
Consequently  they  treated  of  debtor  and  creditor, 
the  rights  of  parents,  obligations  of  marriage,  and 
laws  of  proj)erty.J  "Property,"  says  Varro,  "is^ 
under  divine  protection.  Jove  has  appropriated  to 
himself  Etruria,  and  to  restrain  the  covetousness  of 
men,  has  ordered  every  possession  to  be  marked  by 
boundary  stones,  which  none  may  move  without  the 
anger  of  the  gods." 

Cicero§  says  that  Tages,  i.  e.  Tarchun,  introduced 
augury,  and  that  augury  and  divination  were  called 
the  "  Ars  Etrusca."  and  "  Disciplina  Etrusca,"  which 
treated  of  sacrifices  and  lightning;  and  Ovid,  in 
his  Metamorphoses,||  affirms  that  Tages  was  the 
first  who  taught  the  Etruscans  to  see  into  the 
future : 

"  Indigenae  dixere  Tagen,  qui  primus  Etruscam, 
Edocuit  gentem  casos  aperire  futures." 
•  Plin.  XXXV.  t  Muller.  X  Micali. 

§  DeDiv.  1.  II  Met.  xv.  533. 


146 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURTA. 


TAGES. 


147 


Servius*  celebrates  the  useful  arts  which  Tages 
tauirht.  And  Tarchun  is  said  to  have  built  a 
hedgre  round  the  house  of  Tages,  and  to  have 
placed  there  a  boundary  stone  ;t  another  beautiful 
Eastern  manner  of  expressing  the  inviolability  with 
which  the  original  Etruscan  laws  were  invested  by 
public  opinion. 

Cicero  and  Censorinus  say  that  Tarchun  wrote 
these  laws,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  commands 
so  sacred  and  so  important  to  the  well-being  of  the 
government  in  all  its  departments,  and  in  each 
separate  state,  would  be  immediately  engraved  on 
bronze  or  stone,  and  would  have  impressions  of  them 
taken  off  in  wax,  in  order  to  be  distributed  amongst 
the  princes  and  pontifices,  and  in  order  that  each 
town  migiit  have  its  own  copy.  We  need  not  stop 
here  to  prove  to  any  one  conversant  either  with  the 
Scriptures,  or  with  Eastern  antiquities,  that  writing 
and  engrraviuiir  were  old  and  common  arts,  long 
before  the  Rasena  entered  Italy.  We  will  therefore 
proceed  to  say  a  few  words  upon  each  head  treated 
of  in  the  laws  of  Tages,  in  order  to  have  a  clear  idea 
of  the  source  of  civilisation  to  Italy,  and  of  the  life 
and  times  of  Tarchun. 

Tajres  taught  the  Lucumoes  how  they  were  to 
consecrate  walls  and  temples,  fortresses  and  gates. 
We  find  these  and  many  of  the  laws  of  Tages  in 
Cicero  de  Div.  books  i.  and  ii. ;  in  Servius  on  the 
iEneid;  in  Vitruvius;  in  Cato  de  Orig.,  and  in 
various  other  authors.  But  the  best  compendium 
♦  J^ii.  viii.  t  Miiller. 


t 


of  them  all  is  in  Miiller,*  from  whom  chiefly  we  shall 
quote.  Every  city  was  founded  after  the  same  manner 
as  Tarquinia.  The  augur  chose  its  site,  and  marked 
the  foundations  with  a  plow,  which  the  heads  of  the 
colony  followed.  Many  of  the  Etruscan  cities  were 
four  miles  in  circuit,  and  as  nearly  square  as  the  lay 
of  the  ground  would  admit,  occupying  all  the  surface 
which  crowns  some  rocky  height ;  and  the  burying- 
ground  was  upon  the  height  opposite,  having  a  valley, 
and  a  brook  or  river  between.  Each  town  had  one 
national  temple  dedicated  to  the  three  great  attri- 
butes of  God,  strength,  riches,  and  wisdom,  or  "Tina, 
Talna,  and  Minerva.**  The  Etruscans  acknowledged 
only  one  supreme  God,  but  they  had  images  for  his 
different  attributes,  and  temples  to  these  images ;  but 
it  is  most  remarkable  that  the  national  Divinity  was 
always  a  triad  under  one  roof,  and  it  was  the  same 
in  Egypt,  where  one  supreme  God  alone  was  ac- 
knowledged, but  was  worshipped  as  a  triad,  with 
different  names  in  each  different  Nome.f 

Every  city  might  have  as  many  more  gods,  and 
gates,  and  temples,  as  the  inhabitants  pleased;  but 
three  sacred  gates,  and  one  temple  to  three  divine 
attributes  was  obligatory,  wherever  the  laws  of  Tages 
were  received.  J  Theonlygatethat  remains  in  Italy  of 
this  olden  time  undestroyed,  is  the  "  Porta  del  Arco," 
at  Volterra,  and  it  has  upon  it  the  three  heads  of  the 
three  national  divinities,  one  upon  the  keystone  of 

*  Miiller's  Etrusker. 

t  Vide  E^ypt  by  the  Christian  Knowledge  Society. 


Serv.  ^Ea.  i.  422. 


H    2 


I 


148 


HISTORY    OF    ETRrniA. 


its  magnificient  arch,  and  one  above  each  side  pillar ; 
and  though  now  they  are  so  effaced  by  time  as  to 
retain  upon  them  no  distinguishable  features,  yet 
they  impress  tlie  mind  of  the  beholder  with  an  in- 
describable feeling  of  majesty  and  greatness.     This 
gate  is  the  pride  of  Italy,  and  has  ever  boasted  that 
it  was  old,  (even  more  than  400   years  old,)  when 
Rome  was  founded.     It  is  as  old  as  the  walls,  and 
the  walls  are  as  old  as  the  foundation,  and  the  foun- 
dation is  coeval  with   Etruscan   domination,  which, 
according  to  Virgil,  was  firm  and  established  when 
.^neas  landed  1180  b.  c.     If  the  model  of  this  gate 
can  be  found  at  Thebes,  three  hundred  years  older, 
it  is  evidently  quite  immaterial,  as  a  question  of  the 
progress  of  science,  whether  it  was  introduced  into 
Italy  by  Tarchun,  the  eastern  prince,  or  by  some  of 
his  early  successors.      It  is  only  less  wonderful  that 
great  works  should  be  introduced  by  those  who  grew 
up  familiar  with  them,  than  by  their  children  born 
in  a  new  country,  where  no  models  of  high  refine- 
ment or  architectural  skill,  had  any  previous  exist- 
ence.   Many  antiquaries  suppose,  from  this  beautiful 
gate,  that  all  the  Etruscan  towns  had  the  chief  gate 
adorned  with  the  three  sacred  heads  of  Tina,  Tulna, 
andM.n.rfa.     The  great  gate  at  Perugia  is  a  re- 
stored Etruscan  arch  of  almost  equal  beauty,  and  has 
no  heads ;  but  this  may   be  accounted  for,  because 
the  original  gate  was  destroyed  by  Sylla,  and  the  pre- 
sent one  is  a   restoration  by  Augustus,  who  might 
not  desire  to  keep  up  the  old  and  dangerous  na- 
tionality. 


TAGES. 


149 


♦^ 


V 

i 


The  ruins  of  an  Etruscan  temple  may  still  be  seen 
on  the  Monte  Capitolino  in  Rome,  where,  in  the 
o-rounds  of  the  Palazzo  Caffarclli,  there  are  many 
massive  remains  of  the  ancient  one  of  Jupiter  Capi- 
tolinus,  founded  by  the  Etruscan  kings.  It  will  be 
said,  that  as  this  temple  was  twice*  burnt  and  twice 
rebuilt  by  the  Romans,  it  is  ridiculous  to  suppose  that 
we  look  upon  Etruscan  remains.  But  this  temple 
never  changed  its  form,  that  being  solemnly  prohibited 
by  the  augur,  who,  if  not  an  Etruscan  by  birth,  was  at 
least  as  much  Etruscan  by  necessity,  as  an  English 
Roman  Catholic  is  Roman  by  his  religion.  When 
the  Romans  wished  to  enlarge  the  temple,  and  to 
change  its  form,  the  augur  answered  that  **  Jove 
neither  changed  his  form  nor  altered  the  bounds 
of  his  habitation."  t  At  Rome  we  do,  therefore, 
look  upon  an  Etruscan  work,  and  we  know  the 
plan  and  symmetry  of  the  Etruscan  temples,  (which 
were  all  after  one  and  the  same  model,  prescribed 
and  written  down  in  the  books  of  Tages,)  from  the 
coins  of  Vespasian  and  Domitian,  on  the  reverse  of 
some  of  which,  the  temple  of  Etruscan  Jove  Capi- 
tolinus  is  represented.  Dionysius  Hal.J  gives 
us  the  description  of  it,  and  says  that  it  was  two 
hundred  feet  long  by  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
broad,  with  three  rows  of  columns  in  front,  and  two 
rows  at  the  sides.  Mliller  thinks  there  was  only 
one  row  at  the  sides.  The  body  of  the  building  con- 
sisted of  a  nave  and  two  aisles;  the  three  holy 
shrines  standing  side  by  side  at  one  end,  and  in  the 

♦  Vide  Tacitus,  Hist.  iii.         t  Tacit,  iii.  71.         I  Lib.  iv.  61 , 


150 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


exact  centre  there  were  folding-doors  whicL  entered 
into  the  sanctuary. 

The  most  holy  of  all  the  Etruscan  temples  would 
of  course  be  that  of  Tina  Tarquiniensis,  in  Tar* 
chun*s  own  city  of  Tarchunia,  where  he  either  was 
by  necessity,  king,  priest,  and  augur,  or  he  chose  his 
own  augur  amongst  his  princes,  for  he  is  said  to 
have  introduced  augury,  and  the  power  of  the  augur 
was  the  highest  in  the  state,  and  even  superior  to 
that  of  the  kinsr. 

"  Augury,"  says  Miiller,"  was  considered  as  a  cove- 
nant between  God  and  man,  where  each  must  act 
his  part;  and  the  augur,  in  those  early  days,  firmly 
believed  that  his  thoughts  and  words  were  inspired." 
Tarchun,  then,  having  measured  off  the  ground  for 
his  temple,  placed  it  in  the  highest  part  of  Tar- 
quinia,  close  to  the  fortress,  for  this  was  always  the 
chosen  site,  in  order  that  the  one  might  sanctify  and 
bless,  and  the  other  protect  and  defend  the  city. 
Tarchun  next  obtained  his  omen,  which  might  be  a 
flash  of  lightning  drawn  by  himself  from  a  cloud,  as 
he  introduced  the  discipline  of  lightning,  and  Miil- 
ler proves  that  the  Etruscan  augurs  had  complete 
power  over  the  electric  fluid.  He  then  pronounced 
with  a  loud  voice^  in  the  presence  of  a  multitude  of 
his  people,  these  solemn  words,  in  the  name  of  Tina 
of  the  Rasena  :*  "  My  temple  and  my  sacred  land 
"  shall  extend  as  far  as  I  please  to  make  it  holy,  and 
"  to  dedicate  it  by  the  mouth  that  now  speaks.    That 

" boly  object  (tree  or  some  other  limit  named) 

♦  Vide  Miiller  on  the  Etruscan  temple,  vol.  iii,  also  Varro. 


\ 


I 


■I 


h 


TAGES. 


151 


"  which  I  name,  shall  bound  my  temple  to  the  east. 

"  That holy  object  which  I  name,  shall  bound 

"  my  temple  to  the  west.  Between  them  I  limit 
"  this  temple  with  the  drawing  of  lines.  Having 
"  surveyed  it  with  the  sight  of  mine  eyes,  after  reflect- 
"  ing  thereupon,  and  establishing  it  according  to  my 
"  good  will  and  pleasure."  The  augur  then  drew 
with  his  lituus  upon  the  ground,  and  was  silent. 

This  is  probably  what  Plutarch  and  Tacitus  call 
the  prayer  of  consecration,  and  it  took  place  when- 
ever the  augur  was  called  upon  to  make  ground 
holy ;  for  the  Etruscans  could  only  consult  the  gods 
in  a  spot  previously  consecrated,  and  any  spot  so 
consecrated  was  considered  a  fane  or  temple,  even 
without  any  building  upon  it,*  whilst,  on  the 
other  hand,  no  building  was  a  temple,  in  their 
eyes,  which  had   it   not.     The  Etruscan  lines  both 

upon  the  ground  and  in  the  air  were  in  this  form  -|^  ^ 
and  were  named  cardo  or  meridian,  decumanus  or 
horizon.  The  four  regions  marked  out  by  these 
lines  were  called  "  cardines,"  and  hence  our  word 
cardinal,  and  our  denomination  "  cardinal  points." 
Each  region  was  again  divided  into  four,  so  that 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  building  contained  six- 
teen points,  each  giving  its  peculiar  augury ;  of 
which  the  north-east  was  the  most  fortunate,  and 
when  the  augur  was  consulted  or  officiated,  he 
placed  himself  in  the  position  of  the  gods,  who  were 
supposed  to  inhabit  the  North.f 

When  the  augur  consulted  by  lightning,  which 
♦  Niebuhr.  t  Muller,  iii. 


152 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


was  at  once  the  most  solemn,  the  most  revered,  ami 
the  most  manageable  way,  tlie  answer  denoted  dif- 
ferent meanings  in  each  point  through  which  it 
passed.  Lightning  would  in  all  cases  testify  as  to 
success  or  defeat,  would  answer  "  Yes  or  No,"  and 
signify  which  god  was  to  be  honoured  or  appeased, 
each  god  having  a  separate  point  devoted  to  him  :  but 
lightning  could  not  answer  in  numbers,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Roman  and  Etruscan  secula,  unless  the  number 
were  previously  fixed,  and  then  the  god  consulted 
npon  it;  which  in  these  cases  was  not  likely,  because 
national  pride  would  have  taken  a  wider  range  than 
either  twelve  secula  or  ten.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
we  have  supposed  birds  to  have  been  the  probable 
omen  for  the  length  of  the  Etruscan  dominion,  and 
lightning  for  the  acceptance  and  blessing  of  the 
Etruscan  temple.  We  find  from  Livy  that  the 
augur  might  name  his  own  sign.* 

After  the  dedication  of  the  ground  was  completedf 
the  foundations  which  were  marked  out  for  the  temple 
were  surrounded  with  fillets  and  crowns,  and  then 
the  soldiers  who  had  happy  sounding  names  went 
in,  and  threw  into  the  inclosed  space  branches  of  olive 
and  other  sacred  trees.  Then  came  the  Vestals,  and 
the  children  whose  parents  were  alive,  and  they 
bathed  the  place  with  fountain  and  river  water. 
Tarchun  then  sacrificed  a  bull,  a  sheep,  and  a  pig,  and 
laying  the  entrails  upon  the  grass,  he  prayed  to  Tina, 
Talna,  and  M.n.r.fa,  to  bless  the  place.  Then  he 
touched  the  garlands  in  which  the  sacred  corner 


*  Liv.  i.  18. 


t  Tacitus,  Hist.  iii.  72,  &c. 


I 


' 


TAGES. 


153 


stone  was  bound,  and  raised  it  by  a  cord,  whilst  all 
the  people  shouted  and  helped  him.  They  then 
threw  in  metals  both  worked  and  raw,  of  gold,  sil- 
ver, and  copper,  w^hich  were  not  dedicated  to  other 
gods,  or  rather  to  other  attributes,  and  the  ceremony 
was  ended.  There  are  ruins  still  remaining  at  Tar- 
quinia,*  which  are  either  those  of  this  temple,  or  of 
the  fortress  close  to  it;  if  of  the  latter  they  must  of  ne- 
cessity be  older,  for  the  Rasena  could  not  have  kept 
their  city  without  a  fortress,  whilst  for  their  worship 
and  augury  they  needed  only  consecrated  ground. 

To  be  sure  that  this  ceremony,  quoted  from  Taci- 
tus, is  rightly  applied  to  Tarchun,  we  need  only  say, 
that  it  is  prescribed  by  the  same  books,  the  "  Libri 
Tagetici,"  which  prescribed  the  ceremony  of  a  city'*s 
foundation  ;  and  to  be  convinced  how  little  priestly 
ceremonies,  when  once  written  down  in  letters  or 
pictures,  change,  we  need  only  compare  the  Romish 
ceremonies  now,  with  those  found  in  illuminated 
MSS.  of  the  ninth  century,  a.  d.  Were  the  Jews  at 
this  moment  to  rebuild  their  temple,  they  would 
do  it  according  to  the  records  of  the  days  of  Solomon 
2850  years  since. 

We  have  said  that  the  Vestals  were  present  when 
Tarchun  consecrated  his  first  temple.  We  believe  that 
the  Vestals  were  introduced  by  Tarchun;  and  the 
command  of  Tarquin  the  first  of  Rome,  that  if  they 
broke  their  vows  they  should  be  buried  alive,  is  a 
purely  Etruscan  punishment.     We  know  of  no  Ves- 

*  Vide  Tour  to  the  Sepulchres  of  Etruria,  chapter  on  Tar- 
quinia. 

H    5 


154 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


tals  in  Italy  before  the  times  of  the  Raseiia,  but  we 
know  of  them  in  Egypt,  whence  their  origin  is  to 
be  sought.  Nofre-Ari,  the  Ethiopian  queen  of 
Amenoph  the  first,  whom  Rosellini  places  153(i 
B.  c,  was  the  foundress  of  the  vestal  virgins,  and  was 
on  that  account  ever  after,  held  in  peculiar  honour 
by  the  Egyptians.  Two  of  her  daughters  were 
Vestals,  and  none  but  women  of  the  first  rank,  gene- 
rally princesses,  were  ever  admitted  into  this  order 
either  in  Egypt  or  in  Italy.  The  Egyptian  Ves- 
tals are  mentioned  by  Strabo,*  who  says  they  were 
the  same  as  the  Palladi,  and  dedicated  for  a  term 
of  years  to  Jupiter  Ammon,  and  their  names,  titles, 
and  dress  of  office,  may  be  seen  in  Rosellini's  plates 
of  the  paintings  in  the  tombs  of  Egypt. 

When,  in  after  times,  the  Latin  Vestals  were 
driven  from  Rome,  they  took  refuge  and  found 
welcome  in  the  Etruscan  city  and  state  of  Cere. 
The  first  Vestals  in  Italy  were  probably  the  sisters, 
or  nearest  female  relations  of  Tarchun,  and  he  in- 
troduced  into  European  society  that  principle,  which 
alone  can  give  stability  to  civilisation,  viz.  the  ren- 
dering of  honour  to  women,  and  the  making  such 
an  education  for  them  necessary,  as  shall  fit  them  to 
maintain  that  honour.  Where  women  are  edu- 
cated, men  must  be  manly,  and  society  must  be 
refined. 

The  Pontifex  Maximus,  i.  e.  the  king,  had  always 
the  charge  over  the  Vestals,  who  were  virgins  ex- 
pressly brought  np  to  take  charge  of  the  sacred  fire, 

♦  L  xvii. 


r 


TAGES. 


155 


which  was  considered  as  an  emblem  of  pure  divinity. 
In  Egypt,  this  fire  burnt  in  the  temples  of  Ammon  ; 
in  Tyre,  in  those  of  Hercules;  and  in  Etruria,  in  those 
of  some  other  divinity,  or  perhaps  in  any  temple. 
The  priestesses  served  until  they  were  thirty,  and 
one  was  held  to  be  the  proper  preceptress  of  another. 
They  were  dedicated  from  their  birth  in  many  cases, 
for  they  were  bound  to  employ  ten  years  in  learning, 
ten  in  exercising,  and  ten  in  teaching  their  office  ; 
whilst  they  were  entitled  to  marry  after  the  age  of 
thirty  ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  a  dignity 
which  belonged  of  right  to  the  daughters  of  the  reign- 
ing sovereign,  who  alone  was  capable  of  ordering  any 
chastisement  to  be  inflicted  upon  them.  They  were 
independent  of  all  other  authority,  made  their  own 
wills,  reprieved  the  criminals  whom  they  might  meet 
on  their  way  to  or  from  the  temple,  and  had  the  fasces 
carried  before  them  when  they  appeared  in  public. 
They  had  lands  appropriated  to  them,  and  were 
given  the  chief  place  at  all  festive  and  sacred  meet- 
ings, at  the  circus,  and  in  the  amphitheatre. 

If  the  sacred  fire,  which  these  virgins  were  obliged 
to  keep  always  burning,  should  by  any  accident  be 
extinguished,  it  must  be  drawn  from  heaven  again, 
which  the  Etruscans  alone  knew  how  to  do  when 
this  fire  was  first  lighted  in  Italy,  and  which  was 
doubtless  drawn  from  an  Italian  sun,  as  an  addi- 
tional consecration  of  the  newly -acquired  soil. 
Macrob.  i.  12,  tells  us  that  a  new  fire  was  lit  every 
year  on  the  first  of  March,  which  was  the  first  day 
of  the  civil  year  throughout  the  East.  "  The  month 
Abib,  the  beginning  of  months." 


156 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


To  return  to  the  great  national  Triune  Temple  of 
the  Etruscans.      The    pillars   in  front  and  at  the 
sides    of  it  were  of  that  order  called  T.R.S.N,  or 
Tuscan,  which  name  the  order  will  bear  in  Europe 
to  the  end  of  time,  because  it  was  first  introduced 
by  the  Tuscans;  and  for  many  centuries  it  was  the 
only  one  used  in  our  quarter  of  the  globe ;  but  the 
original  of  it  is  to  be  found  in  Egypt,  dating  cen- 
turies earlier,  and  may   be  seen   in  the   tombs    of 
Beni  Hassan  in  Lower  Egypt,  some  of  which,  ac- 
cording to  Rosellini,  are  as  old  as  2200  b.  c.     We 
find  these  pillars,    in    the  Etruscan  and   Egyptian 
tombs,  generally  square,  without  base,  and  with  a 
fillet  and  abacus  for  the  capital ;  but  in  the  temple 
architecture  they  were  probably  round,  as  they  are 
round  in  the  Temple  at  Thebes.     The  round  and 
square  pillars  seem  to  be  of  the  same  age ;  or,  if 
there  is  any  justness  in  the  assertion  thai  the  idea 
of  a  pillar  was  taken  from  the  trunk  of  a  tree,* 
then   the  round  pillar   must  be  the  older   of  the 
two.    There  are  round  Doric  pillars  in  the  vestibule 
of  IVevoth.p.h.'s  tomb  at  Beni  Hassan,t  and  the 
Doric  is  presumed  to  be  second,  in  order  of  time.l 
to  the  simpler  Tuscan  style.      The  columns  which 
still  remain  in  the  excavations  under  Mount  Zion  in 
Palestine,    which    were   built  by  Solomon,  are   of 
the  Tuscan  order,  and  are  square.     They  are  nearly 
two  hundred  years  subsequent  to  Tarchun,  but  may 


*  Pausanias.  f  Vide  Rosellini. 

X  Vide  MiUler  on  Etruscan  Architecture. 


TAGES. 


157 


be  seen  now,  and  are  specimens  of  the  Phoenician 
architecture  in  Solomon's  days. 

We  do  not  know  the  size  of  Tarchun's  great  tem- 
ple, but  only  its  proportions,  its  divinities,  and  its 
form.  We  think,  however,  that  it  was  most  likely 
of  the  same  size  with  the  Roman  Temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus,  because  that  was  laid  out  by  a  Tarqui- 
nian  sovereign,  who  would  naturally  copy  the  pattern 
of  his  own  city,  and  to  whom  no  ideas  of  a  colossal 
grandeur  are  ascribed,  but  simply  those  of  a  good 
and  wise  sovereign  in  the  spirit  of  his  times.  In 
like  manner,  we  do  not  know  how  long  Tarchun 
was  in  building  his  temple ;  but  we  suppose  it  to 
have  been  a  work  of  peace,  to  which  he  could  and 
would  devote  all  his  energies ;  and  that  it  was  built 
in  honour  of  that  supreme  power  who  had  given  him 
possession  of  the  land. 

We  think,  then,  that  a  very  few  years,  perhaps 
five  or  seven,  would  be  suflficient  to  complete  the 
building,  as  Solomon  was  only  seven  and  a  half 
years*  over  his  temple,  which  was  the  wonder  of  the 
world,  and  thatof  Jupiter  Capitolinus  only  took  four 
years  f  to  rebuild  by  Vespasian.  We  presume  that 
Tarchun  dedicated  his  own  temple ;  because  had  he 
not  done  so,  it  would  have  been  reckoned  a  singular 
misfortune  in  his  life,  and  would  probably  have 
been  remembered  in  some  legend.  Also  the  great 
honour  of  the  dedication,  and  the  immemorial  custom 
derived  from  Egypt,J  of  inscribing  the  dedicator's^ 

♦  Vide  1  Kings  vi.  f  Tacitus,  Hist.  iii. 

:  Rosel.  §  Plutarch  in  Public,  and  Tacitus. 


158 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


name  in  front  of  the  temple,  would  have  preserved 
the  name  of  his  successor  to  posterity.  It  is  only 
when  all  events  proceed  in  their  quiet  and  ordinary 
channel,  that  they  excite  no  attention  and  generate 
no  fables. 

We  suppose  Tarchun,  then,  a  few  years  after  the 
grand  ceremony  of  the  foundation,  once  more,  and 
perhaps  for  the  last  time,  to   have  assembled   his 
Lucumoes  and  people  at  the  full   moon,*  in  Sep- 
tember, which  was  the  beginning  of  the  Etruscan 
sacred  year.     The  civil  year  began  in  March,  and 
the  sacred  year  in  September,  which  was  also  the  cus- 
tom of  the  Hebrews,  the  Egyptians,  and  most  of  the 
eastern  nations.    Tarchun,  at  that  time,  in  presence 
of  a  great   multitude,   being   the   king,    the    high 
priest,  and  the  augur  of  the  Etruscans,  took  a  large 
nail,  many  inches  long,  examples  of  which  may  be 
seen  from    Pompeii  in   the  Naples  Museum,  and 
struck  it  into  the  side  door-post  of  the  temple,  after 
saying    a    prayer   and    offering   sacrifice.      It    was 
doubtless  at  this  awful   and  exciting  moment,  the 
beginning  of  their  aera,  that  Tarchun  proclaimed  to 
the    Etruscans,   that   Tina   had    given    them    the 
land  of  the  Umbri,  in  so  far  as  they  had  conquered 
and  colonised  it.     And  it  was  doubtless  then  that 
he  named  that  land  Eture,  or  Etruria,  after  the  old 
country  of  the  Rasena,  on  the  continent  of  Ludin, 
which  we  now  call  Asia. 

From  that  day  forward  he,  doubtless,  appointed 
a   periodical  ceremony,   to    be    held  at   Tarchunia 

♦  Plut.  in  PubUc. 


TAGES. 


159 


every  Lustrum  or  five  years,  when  the  moon  was 
full,*  and  when  the  people  being  assembled,  the 
king,  in  their  presence,  would  strike  a  new  nail 
into  the  temple,  to  witness  that  another  Lustrum  or 
sacred  year  had  passed. f 

As  amongst  ourselves,  the  kalendar  is  calculated 
by  the  wise  men  and  astronomers  ;  and  the  results, 
without  the  labour,  are  made  known  to  the  people; 
so  it  was  amongst  the  Etruscans.  Their  commonalty 
knew  no  better  than  our  own,  how  their  moons 
were  reckoned,  nor  why  their  year  consisted  of 
365,  or  any  other  number  of  days,  or  their  Lustrums 
of  five  years  ;  nor  did  they  even  know  what  a  year 
meant.  But  they  knew,  whenever  they  were  ga- 
thered together  in  the  cities  of  Etruria,  to  witness 
this  ceremony,  that  another  Lustrum  had  elapsed  ; 
and  they  could  count  their  saecula  by  the  nails, 
twenty-two  of  which  made  one  saeculum.J  This  is 
an  eastern  custom,  referred  to  in  scripture  as  ex- 
ercised only  by  rulers,  and  as  denoting,  besides  the 
lapse  of  time,  also  the  sign  of  things  fixed  and  irre- 
vocable.§  It  was  carried  forward  into  Rome,  and 
existed  to  a  very  late  period  in  the  Temple  of  Nor- 
tiajl  at  Bolsena.  It  is  most  likely  that,  in  the 
beginning,  whatever  took  place  in  Tarquinia,  would 
be   practised   in   every   other   city   of  the   leao-ue, 

♦  Livy,  vii.  3.  f  Plutarch  in  Publicol. 

X  Vide  Niebuhr  on  the  Saeculum. 

§  Nail,   see   Eccles.   xii.    11.      Is.   xxii.   23.      Ezra,   ix.  8. 
Miiller,  iv.  6. 

11  Vide  Miiller  and  Livy,  vii.  3. 


160 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


TAGES. 


161 


though  differences  may  have  arisen  from  various 
causes  in  minor  points  afterwards. 

The  agreement  between  the  sacred  period  of  a 
lustrum,  the  Etruscan  method  of  reckoning  time, 
with  the  Greek  sacred  period  of  an  olympiad,  is 
very  remarkable.  The  first  ascertained  olympiad 
begins  776  b.  c,  that  is,  in  the  eighty-second  Etrus- 
can lustrum,  at  the  very  time  when  Etruria  first  be- 
came generally  known  to  all  the  Greek  colonies  of 
Sicily  and  southern  Italy,  and  at  the  period  when  she 
carried  on  an  active  commerce  with  many  ports  of 
Greecia  Proper.*  With  Cuma,  and  with  some  por- 
tions of  Greece,  especially  Corinth  and  Argos,  this 
commerce  had  existed  for  two  centuries ;  and  as 
Etruria,  according  to  Plato,  influenced  the  Greeks 
in  many  customs  and  religious  ceremonies,  we  can- 
not help  suspecting  that  this  sacred  celebration  of 
the  great  year  was  one  of  the  customs  borrowed  from 
them.f 

We  believe  that  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  of 
Tina  Tarquiniensis  is  the  grand  epoch  from  which 
we  are  to  date  the  specula  of  the  Rasena,  viz.  1187 
B.  c,  which  would  bring  their  close  to  about  the 
year  666  of  Rome,  the  time  when  the  Etruscan 
Augur,  as  mentioned  by  Plutarch,  proclaimed  the 
approaching  end  of  the  national  day.  This  was  the 
solemn  celebration  of  the  new  land  beinjj  made 
their  own  by  possession,  occupation,  and  consecra- 
tion ;  when  Tages  was  their  sole  and  divine  law- 
giver, and  Tarchun   their  sovereign   and   acknow- 

*  Vide  Plato  de  Leg.  v.  f  Muller,  vol.  ii. 


ledged  head.  It  may  well  strike  an  unlearned 
person  with  wonder,  how  it  comes  to  pass  that, 
amongst  the  nations  of  antiquity,  almost  all  of 
whom  have  a  fabulous  and  incredible  origin,  the 
Etruscans  alone  should  be  so  matter-of-fact  and  so  un- 
marvellous  as  to  proclaim  a  date  so  fixed  and  recent. 
All  authors  make  them  older,  by  nearly  a  century, 
than  they  make  themselves.  Their  well- instructed 
Augurs  proclaimed  that  they  did  not  rule  Turrhenia 
further  back  than  434  years  before  the  foundation 
of  Rome.*  How  is  it  that  they  have  no  imaginary 
kings,  with  unnational  names,  like  the  cities  of 
Greece  ?  No  purposeless  wanderings  out  of  the 
land  and  into  it  again,  like  the  fabled  Pelasgi  ? 
No  marriages  with  the  gods  ?  No  miracles  worked 
to  produce  their  towns  and  populate  their  states  ? 
Simply  because  the  Turseni  were  neither  an  ima- 
ginary nor  an  imaginative  race.  They  had  no 
kings  and  heroes  before  they  had  alphabets  and 
numerals.  They  neither  descended  from  the  clouds 
nor  sprang  upwards  from  the  dust ;  but  they  set- 
tled and  dwelt  in  the  land  which  they  had  con- 
quered ;  and  they  had,  from  the  very  first,  all  the 
knowledge  which  was  necessary  to  enable  them  to 
record  their  great  events  with  accuracy  and  truth. 
Niebuhr  speaks  of  the  deep  and  extensive  mathe- 
matical and  astronomical  knowledge  of  ancient 
Etruria,  which  he  says  was  far  more  profound  in 
her  earlier  than  in  her  later  days. 

Of  the  fortresses  we  have  only  to  say,  that  they 
were  built  close  to  the  principal  temple,  and  were 
*  Varro  ap.  Censorius,  17.     Plut.     Nicb. 


162 


HISTORY    OP    ETRLRIA. 


Strong   and  turreted,  of  the  iijassive  and  compact 
i^truscan  masonry,  able  to   resist  long  sieges,  and 
unassailable,    probably    for   ages,    to   the   tribes   of 
Sicuh,  who,   under   different  names,   dwelt  to  the 
south  and  east  of  the  Ilasena,  and  but  few  of  whom 
had   any   walls  or   fortifications.      The   walls,  with 
their  square  towers,  and  parapets,  and  sentry  walks, 
and  often  double  gates,  may  be  seen  in  many  paits 
of  Italy  still.   In  the  ruined  Rusella,  in  the  excavated 
Pompen,  and   in   the  lonely  Pa^stum ;    which  last, 
whether  Etruscan  or  not,   is   built  upon  a  purely 
Etruscan  model.     Such,  according  to  the  plates  of 
Rosellini  s  great  work,  were  almost  all  the  cities  of 
the   continent  of  Ludin ;   such  were  all  the  great 
cities  of  Egypt;  and  such,  according  to  the  Scrip, 
tures,  were  all  the  royal  residences  in  the  land  of 
Canaan.     Ihe  Italian  models,  alike  of  armour  and 
of  military  appointments,  of  battle  array  and  of  battle 
forts,  were  drawn  from  the  countries  of  the  East. 
Concerning  the  gates  we  shall  merely  observe,  that 
they  were  both  single  and  double,  with  a  square  fort 
on  one  or  both  sides  ;  and  that  they  usually  consisted 
of  one  large  entrance  for  carriages  and  waggons, 
and  one  smaller,  at  the  side,  for   foot-passengers. 
They  were  of  three  forms;  first,  the  arch,  with  its 
keystone    upon  the  principle  of  concentric  stones, 
which,  like  Volterra  and   Perugia,  seems  to  have 
been  reserved  for  works  of  extraordinary  splendour 
and  solidity ;  secondly,  the  arch  composed  of  stones 
approaching  each  other  in  courses,  which   was  the 
less  skilful  and  more  ordinary  form,  and  is  that  of 


TAGES. 


1G3 


many  of  the  Tuscan  Emissarii,  of  the  Pyramids  in 
Egypt,  and  of  Mycene  in  Greece ;  and  thirdly,  the 
enormous  flat  lintel  stone,  also  an  Egyptian  form, 
and  which  may  have  been  used  where  gates  of  the 
Pelasgi  or  Umbri  had  existed  before,  or  where  less 
labour  than  the  arch  was  thought  sufficient. 

The  houses,  within  the  walls,  must  have  been 
many  stories  high,  to  contain  the  population,  which 
we  know  to  have  been  included  within  given  limits, 
as  at  Veii,  where  there  were  100,000  souls  when  it 
was  destroyed  ;  and  part  of  that  space,  which  is 
well  defined  around  a  precipice  of  rocks,  was,  by 
their  sacred  laws,  left  unbuilt  upon,  as  Pomaerium. 
In  the  representations,  which  have  been  preserved  to 
us  in  plates  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  Egyp- 
tian dynasties,  before  the  days  of  Tarchun,  we  have 
fortresses  three  stories  high.  And,  indeed,  besides 
what  we  are  told  in  profane  history,  of  the  many 
stories  of  the  Tower  of  Babel,  we  should  suppose, 
reasoning  from  analogy,  that  the  first  built  houses 
after  the  flood  would  be  three  stories  high ;  for  the 
ark  was  built  in  three  stories,  and  that  must  neces- 
sarily long  have  remained  a  model  for  houses,  unless 
it  was  destroyed  by  miracle.  When  Canaan  was 
invaded  by  the  Israelites,  the  people  lived  in  houses 
upon  the  wall,  and  these  walls  are  described  by  the 
spies,  who  had  seen  the  walls  of  Memphis,  to  be 
great  and  high,  and  reaching  up  to  heaven.*  The 
only  one  whose  height  we  actually  know,  i.  e.  Tyre, 
was  150  feet  in  altitude ;  and  the  account  of  the 
quantity  of  men  and  cattle  contained  in  the  citadel 

♦  Numbers. 


164 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TAGES. 


165 


of  Carthage,  at  the  time  of  its  destruction,  is  ahnost 
incredible.  Yet  it  goes  to  prove  tliat  the  Asiatic 
colonists  did  dwell  in  stone  houses  many  stories 
high,  and  that  in  this  way  immense  multitudes  were 
able  to  crowd  into  a  comparatively  small  space. 
The  walls  of  Carthage  were  thirty  cubits  high,  with 
parapets  and  towers,  each  tower  having  four  stories. 
The  walls  were  arched  and  divided  into  two  stories. 
They  lodged  300  elephants,  4,000  horses,  and  20,000 
soldiers,  and  contained  granaries  of  food  for  all. 
The  population  of  Cathage,  at  the  time  of  its  de- 
struction, was  700,000  men.*  Ninevehf  had  1,500 
towers  in  the  walls,  each  200  feet  high,  and  these 
walls  were  broad  enough  for  three  chariots  to  drive 
abreast.  Diodorus  Siculus;}:  says,  that  the  oldest 
houses  in  Thebes,  in  Egypt,  were  four  and  five  stories 
high,  and  that  they  were  large  with  thick  walls. 
The  usual  height,  however,  of  Egyptian  houses  was 
tw  o  stories. 

The  age  of  each  city  in  Etruria  was  known  from 
the  yearly  founders'  feast,  at  which  tlie  age  was  pro- 
claimed and  commemorated.  This  feast  continues 
at  Rome  still,  to  celebrate  the  founding  of  the  city, 
by  Etruscan  rites,  on  the  day  of  Pales,  the  ETRUS- 
CAN god  of  shepherds,  on  the  21st  §  of  April, 
753  B.  c.  Hence  these  feasts  are  called  Pallilia.^ 
Scaliger  could  trace  the  date  of  some  cities  in  Umbria 

*  Ancient  History. 

t  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  Ancient  History.        J  Lib.  i.  c.  45. 
§  Vide  Ancient  History,  article  Rome,  and  Plutarch. 
IT  This  festival  must  be  known  to  many  of  our  readers  as  the 
great  feast  of  the  artists  in  Rome. 


B 


founded  in  this  manner  by  inscriptions,  and  espe- 
ciallv  that  of  Interamnia  of  the  Tusci,  and  Ameria  of 
the  Umbri,  which,  according  to  Cato,  were  founded 
964  before  the  war  with  Perseus,  i.  e.381  before  Rome, 
or  1 134  B.  c.  Gruter  gives  the  Interamnian  inscrip- 
tion, and  its  epoch  is  that  of  the  founding  of  Inter- 
amnia. Hence  the  founder's  feasts  and  inscriptions 
served  each  state  and  city  as  marks  of  its  own  time, 
independently  of  the  national  kalendar ;  and  Tar- 
quinia  would  boast  her  "  Annum  Urbis  Conditae"  434 
years  earlier  than  Rome.* 

The  ruins  of  Santa   Maria  di   Falleri,   the   an- 
cient   Fescennium    or    Fallerii,    as    described    by 
Gell,  in  his  work   on  the  environs  of  Rome,  are 
a  very  interesting  specimen  of  an  Etruscan  town. 
About  sixty  towers  are  still  remaining  in  the  old 
walls,  and  tliey  contained  chambers  above  the  walls, 
having  doors  which  opened  out  upon  the  parapet, 
and  admitted  of  an  uninterrupted  walk  all  round 
the  battlements.      Nine  gates,  all  arched,  opened 
from  so  many  different  roads;  and  the  two  principal 
were  what  are  now  called  Porta  di  Leone,  on  the 
Sutri  road,  and  Porta  Puttana,  or  Di  Bove,  with  an 
ox's  head  upon  it,  which  probably  conducted  to  the 
burying-ground.     By  this  gate,  the  walls  are  still 
fifty  feet  high,  and  some  of  the  stones  six  feet  long 
by  two  broad.     The   principal   street   led  from  a 
gate  in  the  centre  of  the  east  side  to  the  Porta  di 
Giove  on  the  north.     And  here  are  the  ruins  of  the 
theatre,  and  mounds  supposed  to  cover  the  remains 

•  PUny,  ui.  14. 
10 


166 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TAGES. 


167 


or  mark  the  sites  of  the  forum,  basilica,  and  temples. 
The  Porta  di  Giove  is  a  solemn  and  imposing  arch, 
and  has  the  head  of  Jove  remaining  upon  the  key- 
stone. Near  the  walls  are  many  large  tombs,  some 
rock  sepulchres,  some  pyramidal  tumuli,  and  some 
excavations  with  arches  and  porticoes. 

There  was  doubtless,  in  each  city,  a  temple  to 
the  patron  god ;    and  the  names  of  some  of  these 
patrons  have  been  preserved  to  us.      For  instance, 
Piiles,  patron  of  Rome,  an  Etruscan   minor  god  ; 
Nortia,  goddess  of  Fortune,  the  patroness  of  Vul- 
sinia  and  Vulterra  ;  Viridianus  of  Narni ;  and  Va- 
lentia  of  Ocriculum.*    Without  the  city  were  placed 
thet  temples  of  Venus  or  Aphrute,  Mars  or  3Iaurs, 
and  Vulcan  or  Sethlans,  and  Ceres.     But  it  is  pro- 
bable, from  this  very  circumstance,  that  these  divi- 
nities, with  the  exception  of  Sethlans,  were  regarded 
as  strange  gods,  patrons  of  tiie  nations  with  whom 
they    were    in   alliance,   and    not    provided   for   by 
Tages,  as  his  laws  were  delivered  to  the  Lucumoes 
by  Tarchun.     Sethlans  was  a  sort  of  guardian  god 
of  the  boundaries;  and,  in  the  Etruscan  altar  in  the 
British  Museum,  is  associated  with  Terminus,  in  the 
prayer  that  he  would  ward  off  evil  and  fire.     Others 
explain   the  circumstance    of  these  temjdes    being 
situated  without  the  gates  thus:    that   Venus  was 
placed  without,  in  order  to  show  that  licentiousness 
was  not  admitted  ;  and  Mars,  in  order  to  show  that 
war   was   deprecated  ;    Ceres,   because  the   proper 


*  Vide  Ancient  History. 


t  Vitnivius,  i.  7. 


field  for  agriculture  was  in  the  open  plain;  and  Vul- 
can, for  the  purpose  of  defending  the  boundaries 
both  without  and  within. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  debate  whether  the 
Rasena,  at  this  early  period,  had  or  had  not  images. 
We  think  it  very  clear  that  they  first  introduced 
them  into  Italy  from  Ludin  and  Egypt,  where  image 
worship  had  for  centuries  been  established,  although 
the  inhabitants,  both  of  Ludin  and  Egypt,  acknow- 
ledged only  one  supreme  and  almighty  God.  Co- 
lossal figures  of  the  lion-headed  or  hawk-headed 
divinities  of  the  land  of  Ham,  long  prior  to  the  days 
of  Tarchun,  may  be  seen  in  almost  every  museum  in 
Europe.  Laban  the  Syrian,  1745  years  b.  c,  had 
idols.  The  Israelites  could  not  refrain  from  them 
when  Moses  brought  them  to  Mount  Sinai.  The 
Moabites  and  Ammonites  had  them  ;  and  we  know 
the  form  of  Dagon,  the  maritime  god  of  the  Philis- 
tines. We  have  already  said,  that  many  of  the 
traits  of  VirgiTs  iEneas  were  probably  taken  from 
the  life  of  Tarchun  ;  and  ^neas  is  made  to  bring 
his  Lares  with  him  from  Asia. 

Doubtless  the  Rasena  brought  their  Lares,  perhaps 
an  image  of  the  father  of  each  princely  colonising 
family,  and  of  the  three  national  gods  ;  and  from 
these  the  larger  temple  images  would  afterwards  be 
made.  The  Rasena  must  either  have  invented 
images,  or  have  brought  them  ;  and  as,  though 
there  were  numerous  false  divinities,  there  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  images  in  Italy  before  their 
day,  nor  amongst  the  native  tribes  for  six  centuries 


'I 


168 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


afterwards,  we  conclude,  both  that  they  introduced 
sculptured  forms  into  Etruria,  and  that  they  did  not 
propagate  them  beyond  their  own  governments. 
In  the  Galassi  tomb  opened  at  Cere  in  1837,  which 
is  regarded  as  the  oldest  sepulchre  known  in  Italy, 
lines  of  small  images  were  found,  no  doubt  of  an- 
cestors and  lares. 

The  Etruscan  cities  were  laid  out  in  straight  and 
regular  streets,  ending  in  the  gates,  and  running  in 
lines  j)arallel  to  each  other,  and  every  fifth  street 
was  a  broad  one.  Many  of  these  streets*  may 
still  be  traced  by  the  old  common  sewers,  which 
are  visible  in  several  of  the  Italian  towns,  and  which 
ran  directly  under  them. 

We  will  now  suppose  all  these  cities  to  be  built 
and  inhabited,  and  we  will  proceed  to  a  more  inter- 
esting ordinance  of  Tarchun,  namely,  the  yearly 
meeting  of  the  princes  at  the  fane  of  Voltumna,  in 
the  state  of  Turchina. 


♦  Miiller  on  the  Temple,  vol.  iii. 


169 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


VOLTUMNA. 


XJI. 


There  is  in  Etruria  a  valley,  or  rather  an  assem-  b.c. 
blage  of  valleys,  now  called  "  Castel  d'Asso,'*  in  the  ^^^/ 
state  of  Tarquinia,  near  the  town  of  Viterbo,  and 
near  Norchia  or  Erkle.*  These  valleys  formed 
the  grand  public  cemetery  of  the  Etruscan  nation, 
for  kings,  and  priests,  and  heroes ;  and  there  the 
names  of  many  of  them  remain  at  this  day,  deeply 
engraved  upon  the  front  of  their  strange  rock  sepul- 
chres. It  reminds  Egyptian  travellers  of"  Biban  El 
Mulk,"  the  burying  valley  of  the  Theban  kings.  We 
do  not  know  the  age  of  any  of  these  tombs,  because 
sharp  engraving  upon  hard  stone,  does  not  retain 
the  trace  of  time,  so  as  to  give  evidence  of  the  work 
being  more  or  less  early ;  and  the  productions  of 

♦  Norchia  was  the  ancient  Etruscan  "  Erkle,"  as  we  learn 
from  manuscripts  in  the  Vatican.  The  name  is  spelt  in  Etruscan 
inscriptions  ERKLE,  and  in  the  annals  of  the  Archaeological 
Society  we  have  a  letter  written  in  the  ninth  century  by  Pope 
Leo  the  Fourth  to  the  Bishop  of  "  Urcle,"  now  Norchia. 

f 


170 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


men,  who  died  three  thousand  years  ago,  are  often 
more  finely  poli>hed,  and  more  delicately  touched, 
less  rubbed  in  their  edges,  and  less  injured  in  their 
substance,  than  those  of  our  own  middle  ages,  or  of 
the  Roman  lower  empire.  This  is  demonstrated  by 
multitudes  of  Egyptian  statues,  obelisks,  and  pillars, 
some  of  which  may  be  seen  in  every  museum  in 

Europe. 

As  the  Etruscans  would  not  require  such  a  bury- 
ing place,  until  their  heroes  became  somewhat  nu- 
merous,  we  shall  suppose  the  earliest  sepulchre  to 
date  about  200  years  before  Rome,  and  the  latest 
perhaps  90  or  100  years  b.  c,  when  the  Etruscan 
nationality  was  destroyed  by  Sylla.     These  tombs 
are  known  to  have  belonged  to  warriors,  because, 
when  first  opened,  the  sarcophagi  found  in  them 
contained  quantities  of  brazen  armour ;  (see  Gell ;) 
and  they  are  known  not  to  have  been  used  in  later 
times,  because  no  tomb  has  been  found  containing 
any  Latin  inscription  ;  and  after  the  union  of  Etru- 
ria  with  Rome,  Latin  became  the  court  language, 
and  is  found  of  a  very  old  date,  in  many  of  the 
sepulchres  in  the  municipia  elsewhere.     It  would, 
besides,  have  been  a  sort  of  profanation  to  bury  the 
Latinized  Etruscans  in  the  holy  ground  of  their  old, 
independent,  and  triumphant  warriors. 

In  this  district,  near  these  valleys,  and  either  be- 
tween Viterbo  and  Castel  d'Asso,  or,  as  many  think, 
on  the  ground  which  Viterbo  now  occupies,  Tar- 
chun  dedicated  a  temple  and  district  to  Voltumna 
— F.L.T.M.N.,  or  Baal  Temuneh,  as  in  some  dialects 


VOLTUMNA. 


171 


it  would  be  pronounced,  the  goddess  of  National 
Union  and  Concord.  There,*  once  every  year,  all 
the  twelve  sovereigns  of  the  twelve  dynasties,  and 
the  governors  of  each  town,  and  whoever  might  be 
considered  as  the  princes  and  heads  of  the  Rasena, 
were  solemnly  bound  to  meet,  in  order  to  celebrate 
their  common  origin,  and  their  bond  of  union  under 
one  common  law.  This  was  their  high  court  of 
parliament,  beyond  which  there  was  no  appeal;  and 
here  all  national  questions  were  discussed,  and  all 
grave  complaints  settled.  Their  first  act  was  to 
choose  a  highf  priest  to  offer  their  common  sacrifices 
for  the  common  weal ;  and  their  next  was  to  elect 
a  head,  an  Imperator  or  "  Embratur,"  or  "  Meddix 
Tuticus,*'  (whence  magistratus,)  as  it  was  called  in 
the  Oscan  language,  a  dictator,  or  an  absolute  sove- 
reign, for  the  tiuie  being ;  under  whose  sole  com- 
mand they  marched  forth  in  times  of  war.J  In 
circumstances  of  great  exigency  this  high  officer, 
Lar  of  the  Lares,  seems  to  have  kept  his  power  for 
life,  or  until  the  purpose  for  which  he  was  elected 
was  accomplished.  Tarchun  had  no  equal  during 
his  existence,  nor  had  Porsenna,  from  the  time  he 
comes  before  us,  as  espousing  the  cause  of  his  coun- 
trymen, the  Tarquins,  in  Rome,  until  he  saw  fit  to 
abandon  that  cause,  after  Rome  was  prostrate. 
In  other  cases  the  office  was  probably  annual, 
and  may  have  gone  by  lot,  or  rotation,  or  seniority, 
amongst  the  twelve  sovereigns. 

*  Vide  Liv.  iv.  25.  f  Livy,  v.  1. 

X  DioDys.  iii. 

I  2 


■■ 


172 


HISTOUY    OF    ETRURIA. 


VOLTUMNA. 


173 


It  is  also  not  unlikely  that,  in  times  of  peace, 
the  high  priest  may  occasionally  have  been  the 
augur  as  well  as  the  sovereign  for  the  year,  because 
each  Lucumo  was  eligible  to  all  these  offices;  but 
such  a  case  would  seldom  occur,  because  every  free 
people  is  jealous  of  the  accumulation  of  power  in 
the  same  hand  ;  and  in  all  our  accounts  of  the 
Etruscan  kings,  augurs,  and  priests,  though  they 
were  invariably  men  of  the  same  class,  they  were 
generally  different  persons.  The  king  is  either  re- 
presented as  summoning  the  augur,  or  the  priest  as 
commanding  the  king  to  sacrifice ;  yet,  though  this 
was  the  rule  in  offices  for  life,  the  annual  Pon- 
tifex  Maximus  and  the  annual  chief  magistrate 
in  each  state  was  usually,  if  not  invariably,  the 
same.  As  soon  as  this  pontifex  king,  or  Lar  of  the 
Lares  was  chosen,  each  of  the  sovereign  princes  did 
him  homage,  and  each  presented  him  with  a  lictor, 
to  form  his  body-guard,  bearing  the  sceptre  to  rule 
and  the  rod  to  punish  ;  both  of  which  emblems,  we 
find  from  Rosellini,  were  borne  by  the  kings  of 
Egypt,  and  which  intimate  the  duties  of  a  ruler, 
**to  whom  the  sword  is  not  committed  that  it  should 
be  worn  in  vain." 

This  meeting  took  place  always  in  the  spring, 
very  probably  in  memory  of  the  first  spring,*  when 
the  Rasena  landed  in  Tarquinia,  and  a  great  fair 
was  held  at  the  same  time,  which  reminds  us  of 
the  political  annual  meetings  and  fairs  of  the  Hyksos 
kings  in  Avaris.      It  is  supposed   that  merchants 

♦  Liv.  iv.  25. 


1 


>  t 


from  far  distant  shores,*  even  from  Asia  and  Africa, 
were  present  at  these  fairs,  where  the  northern  and 
southern  states  of  the  only  trading  nation  of  Italy 
used  to  meet  together.  The  Greeks  originally  were 
not  there,  because  their  vessels  dared  not  appear  in 
the  Turrhene  Seas,  and  many  writersi-  suppose  that 
Scylla  and  Charybdis,  are  merely  figures  to  intimate 
the  dread  in  which  they  held  the  Etruscans,  and  may 
be  the  names  of  some  of  the  little  images,  used  by 
that  people  on  the  prows  of  their  vessels.  Greek 
ships  were  regarded  as  interlopers  on  the  west  coast 
of  Italy  ages  later,  even  so  late  as  the  time  of  the 
Phocian  engagement  in  the  year  of  Etruria  654,  i.  e. 
in  the  220|  of  Rome,  and  the  carrying  trade  before 
this  period  was  confined  to  the  vessels  of  the  Tyrseni 
themselves,  the  Carthaginians,  and  the  Egyptians. 

The  merchants  probably  lived  in  tents  during  the 
time  of  the  meeting ;  and  though  there  was  no  town 
at  Vultumna,  Niebuhr§  has  proved  that  there  must, 
at  all  the  fanes,  have  been  inns  and  places  of  refresh- 
ment. Multitudes  of  people  flocked  here,  as  they  do 
to  all  fairs,  to  buy  and  sell  and  get  gain  ;  but  the 
voices  in  the  deliberative  council  were  those  of  the 
princes  only.|| 

Here  and  at  this  time,  were  made  all  common 
laws,  here  were  remedied  all  common  evils,  and 
here  were  decided  the  grand  questions  of  peace  or 

•  Vide  Miiller  on  Etruscan  commerce, 
t  Miiller  in  Cuma,  quotes  Palaphates  a  Greek  who  asserts  this. 
X  Fasti  consulares.  §  Vide  Niebuhr  in  Feronia. 

II  Liv.  vi.  2. 


1 


I 


II 


174 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


war.      No  dynasty,  without    permission    from    this 
council  *  could  make  a  separate  peace,  or  carry  on 
a  separate  feud,  and  each  member  of  the  League 
had    here  a  right  to  demand  assistance    from  the 
whole.      One   state    might    be   required    to  defend 
alone  its  own  quarrel,  the  council  not  thinking  that 
its  cause  justified  the  embroiling  of  the  others,  or 
one  province  might,  for  particular  reasons,  be  ex- 
cused, whilst  all  the  others  were  bound  to  act  toge- 
ther in  an  enterprise.      Tlius,  upon  one  occasion, 
Livyt  says,  "All  the  people  of  Etruria  took  up  arras 
except  the  Arretini ;"   and^  thus   Veii,   when   she 
asked  assistance  against  Rome,  was,  from  a  mistaken 
policy,  refused. 

There  can  be  little  doubt,  that  the  twelve  bound 
up  fasces  of  the  lictors  represented  this  league,  so 
strong  in  union,  and  that  the  fable  of  the  man,  who 
broke  each  separate  stick  of  the  bundle  before  his 
sons,  when  he  had  loosened  the  cord  which  bound 
them,  was  suggested  by  this  very  polity.  Rome 
adopted  and  retained  the  twelve  rods  without  any 
regard  to  the  meaning  of  them,  each  one  repre- 
senting a  tribe.  They  remind  us  of  the  twelve 
rods,  each  conveying  the  same  meaning,  that  is, 
each  representing  a  tribe,  which,  three  centuries 
earlier,  the  HebrewJ  princes  had  by  God's  com- 
mand  laid  up  in  the  tabernacle.  The  grand 
council  of  Voltumna  could  ordain,  that  a  state 
should  defend  itself,  or  could  command  the  assist- 
ance of  so  many  of  the  others,  or  of  the  whole 
•  liv.  v.  17.  t  ix.  32.  t  Numb.  xvii. 


VOLTUMNA. 


175 


body  to  be  given  to  it ;  and  every  separate  town  in 
Etruria  of  a  certain  importance,  could,  when  it 
pleased,  call  a  meeting  of  this  council.  This  we  find 
from  Veii  and  Falisci  at  different  times  exercising 

the  right.* 

The  parties  required  to  be  present  at  these  meet- 
ings were  only  the  princes  of  Etruria,  the  Augurs, 
the  Aruspices,  and  the  Feciales,  each  of  whose  offices 
we  shall  presently  explain ;   but  the  parties  whose 
presence  was  permitted  were,  whoever  desired  to 
celebrate  the  feast,  or  to  attend  the  fair.     Deputies 
from  the  allies  of  Etruria  were  doubtless  expected, 
and  representatives  from   the  states   of  their   own 
blood  in  the  north  and  south,  after  those  states  had 
an   existence.       But    North    and   South    Etruria, 
though    equally  governed  by   the   laws   of  Tages, 
never  formed  one  polity  with  Etruria  Proper,  and 
never  were  incorporated  in  her  government.     They 
acknowledged  their  origin,  and  looked  up  to  their 
mother  with  reverence,   gratitude,    and  pride,  bat 
they  were  not  subjects,  they  were  not  even  fellow- 
citizens,  and   when  they  joined  in  battle,  or  in  an 
enterprise,  with  those  from  whose  houses  they  had 
sprung,  they  did  so  as  equals  and  allies,  we  had 
almost  said,  as  foreigners.      That  the  Italian  allies 
were  at  this  meeting  we  know,  because  Livyf  names 
the  Samnites,  and  because  the   Gubbio  tables  ac- 
knowledge the  common  sacrifices  of  the  Umbri  and 
the  Etruscans. 

This  meeting  of  course  became  a  model  to  the 


•  Livy,  iv.  23, 


t  X.  16. 


176 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


native  Italians,  when  they,  in  the  lapse  of  years, 
held  friendly  communication  with  their  polished 
neighbours,  whose  institutions  they  wisely  imitated, 
and  who  appear  to  have  stamped  with  order  and 
refinement  every  mark  of  their  footsteps  in  Italy. 
Hence  we  have  the  "Fanum  Feroniae"  of  the  Latins, 
and  the  *'  Fanum  Artenae"  of  the  Vulsci,  and  the 
"  Fanum  Lucinae"  of  the  Sabines,  all  upon  the  same 
system,  and  all  (because  called  Fanes)  attributed  by 
the  ancient  history  to  the  Etruscans.*  Our  word 
"  Fane '  is  derived  from  the  same  source,  and  means 
the  same  thing,  i.  e.  "  a  sacred  spot ;"  and  inscrip- 
tions in  some  of  the  larger  and  finer  of  the  Etruscan 
tombs  at  Tarquinia  and  Chiusi,  inform  us  that  many 
of  the  distinguished  sepulchres  were  also  fanes. 

As  the  place  of  meeting  in  the  plain  of  Viterbo 
was  called  "  Fanum  Voltumnae,"  and  not  either 
*'  the  Temple,'*  or  "  the  City"  of  Voltumna,  and  as 
Feronia  and  Artena,  had  neither  of  them  grand 
temples,  so  we  imagine  the  holy  fane  to  have  been 
an  inconsiderable  square  building,  containing  a 
small  symbolical  statue  ;  and  some  large  hall  sup- 
ported upon  Tuscan  pillars,  might  possibly  be  near 
it,  as  the  seat  of  council,  where  the  princes  delibe- 
rated upon  state  matters,  apart  from  the  people,  and 
far  from  the  bustle  of  the  merchants  and  the  gathering 
of  the  multitude.  The  valley  of  Castel  d'Asso,  called 
by  the  Romans  "Castellura  Axia,*'t  was  protected  by 
a  strong  fort,  and  as  the  valley  leads  onwards,  it  comes 
to  a  small  shrine  now  dedicated  to  "  San  Giovanni  di 
♦  An.  Hist.  vol.  xvi.  t  Vide  Cicero. 


VOLTUMNA. 


17 


Bieda,"  where  there  is  an  annual  fair.  The  habits  of 
the  Italians  make  it  probable,  that  this  fair  is  but 
the  continuation  of  one,  which  has  been  held  in  the 
same  spot,  from  time  immemorial,  and  that  the 
shrine  of  S.  Giovanni,  has  only  succeeded  some  other 
shrine,  once  in  heathen  times  held  sacred.  It  is 
thus  possible,  though  we  lay  no  weight  upon  the 
idea,  that  we  may  still  discover  and  mark  the  spot, 
where  Tarchnn,  the  man  who  introduced  augury 
into  Italy,  first  letired  at  this  solemn  meeting,  to 
inquire  by  lightning  what  was  the  will  of  the  gods 
with  regard  to  the  League  of  the  Etruscans,  and  by 
what  means  he  could  best  promote  their  present 
security,  and  cement  their  future  union. 

Doubtless  this  meeting  was  commanded  by  the 
laws  of  Tages,  or  it  would  not  have  lasted  so  long, 
for  Miiller*  thinks  it  was  never  dissolved,  until 
those  laws  were  superseded  by  Christianity.  That 
able  historian  deduces  the  idea  from  various  Italian 
inscriptions,  which  he  transcribes,  found  at  Perugia, 
Arretium,  Bolsena,  and  othpr  places,  some  of  them 
dated  in  the  reigns  of  the  later  Caesars  in  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries,  a.d.,  in  which  the  "  Praetores 
Hetruriae  XV.  Populorum,  and  the  Praetores 
Umbriae  XV.  Populorum,  are  mentioned  with 
reference  to  the  "  Sacra  Etruriae.'*  Thus  showing 
that  the  Umbri  were  probably,  in  three  tribes,  joined 
with  the  Etruscans.  These  tribes  may  have  been  Sar- 
sinati,  Piceni,and  one  other.  Some  Italian  antiquaries, 
as  Reinesius,  have  wished  to  alter  the  number  XV., 


*  B.  ii.  1—6. 


I  5 


178 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


VOLTUMNA. 


179 


fancying  that  it  must  be  an  error  for  XII ,  but  if 
these  inscriptions  relate  to  the  common  sacrifices  of 
the  two  people,  their  united  numbers  must  have  ex- 
ceeded XII.,  and  we  are  surprised  to  find  them  so 
limited  as  XV.,  considering  how  small  the  separate 
governments  of  the  Italians  usually  were.  We  see 
in  these  inscriptions  the  justness  of  Cato's  descrip- 
tion, that  Umbria  was  "  Pars  Tusciae."  At  this 
meeting  the  augur  in  all  cases  settled  disputes  and 
confirmed  judgments,  by  declaring  the  will  of  the 
gods  upon  the  matter  in  debate — a  tremendous  power 
in  the  hands  of  an  artful  man. 

Livy  says  that  the  festival  was  kept  with  music 
and  games,*  and  upon  the  election  of  the  common 
monarch,  especially  when  that  monarch  was  to  head 
the  League  as  their  Dictator  in  war,  he  was  dignified 
with  the  ensigns  of  sovereignty,  which,  as  Tarchun 
introduced  them  into  Italy,  so  he  must  have  brought 
them  with  him  from  the  country  of  his  birth.  The 
Etruscans,  according  to  Diodorus  Siculus,  v.,  gave 
their  king  a  throne  of  ivory ,t  and  a  purple  toga 
which  was  worked  in  gold  stars  and  palm  leaves  i^ 
also  a  golden  bulla  filled  with  perfumes  to  keep  off 

*  Liv.  V.  1. 

t  This  was  certainly  obtained  from  or  through  Africa,  and 
confirms  our  belief  in  the  intercourse  of  the  Etruscans  with  that 
continent.  It  was  from  thence  that  Solomon  procured  his 
ivory. 

I  Rosellini,  vol.  iv.,  says  that  the  palm  was  a  common  orna- 
ment of  the  Egyptians  upon  their  dress  and  furniture  during 
the  reign  of  the  18th  dynasty,  and  that  it  signified  Lower  Egypt, 
which  was  so  long  in  possession  of  the  Assyrians. 


infection  and  evil  influences.  He  had  a  golden 
crown  upon  his  head,  and  a  sceptre  in  his  hand, 
with  twelve  lictors,  who  stood  behind  him  and  bore 
each  an  axe  and  a  bundle  of  rods.  The  sceptre  was 
in  time  surmounted  by  an  eagle,  and  in  Tarchun's 
days  it  probably  had  a  vulture,  the  Egyptian  sym- 
bol of  victory.  The  crown  was  probably  the  corona 
Etrusca  of  oak  leaves.  Thus,  no  doubt,  was  I'ar- 
chun  dressed,  and  thus  was  he  seated  and  guarded 
when  he  took  his  place  at  Voltumna  as  the  leader, 
lawgiver,  sovereign,  and  head  of  the  Etruscan 
people. 

Near  this  peculiarly  sacred  ground,  there  existed 
very  lately,  and  perhaps  may  exist  still,  the  two 
finest  specimens  known  of  Etruscan  temple  archi- 
tecture. They  are  at  Norchia,  the  ancient  Erkle, 
and  are  fagades  hewn  upon  rock  temples,  or  fane 
tombs.  They  have  four  square  pillars  in  front, 
with  an  entablature  and  triglyph  ornaments,  over 
which  is  a  pediment  in  the  usual  form  x^'y  filled 
with  figures,  but  too  much  defaced  for  the  subject  to 
be  traceable.  Plates  of  them  may  be  seen  in  Inghira- 
mi*s  Etruscan  Antiquities,  and  they  are  interesting 
and  curious  specimens  of  Etruscan  taste,  though 
we  do  not  refer  them  to  the  early  period  of  this  peo- 
ple in  Italy  ;  and  even  as  a  testimony  to  the  sacred- 
ness  of  Voltumna,  they  have  no  reference  to  the 
times  of  Tarchun.* 

•  The  authorities  for  this  account  of  Voltumna  are  :  Livy,  ii. 
44;  iv.  23;  v.  17  &c. ;  vi.  2  ;  x.  16.  Dionys.  iii.  61.  Diod. 
v.  40.  Proved  from  Miiller,  B.  ii.  l.  See  MUller  on  Pomp. 
Diod,  Sic.  V.     Festus,  Pliny,  and  Dionys. 


180 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


181 


'«.  r. 

XII. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 

Augur— Aruspex—Lucumo  and  Noble— Kinj^— Senate— Clans 
— Feciales — Boundaries  —Women. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  give  some  account  of  the 
powers  of  king,  augur,  and  priest,  which  were 
necessarily  exercised  by  Tarchun  in  his  own  person, 
although  generally  divided  in  those  of  his  succes- 
sors; of  the  Feciales,  the  Lucumoes,  the  clients,  and 
the  several  classes  of  the  Etruscan  people. 

The  first  and  highest  power  in  Etruria,  as  after- 
wards in  Rome,  was  that  of  the  Augur,  who  in  the 
case  of  Tarchun,  Romulus,  and  many  other  foun- 
ders of  states,  was  the  same  with  the  king,  though 
ostensibly  his  power  related  to  sacred  tilings  only. 
If  Tarchun  introduced  augury,  then  all  the  Italian 
augurs  and  all  the  earliest  augural  institutions  must 
derive  from  him,  and  hence  we  refer  to  him  the  facts 
relating  to  their  office,  which  are  preserved  to  us  in 
the  narratives  of  others.     The  Augur  was,  in  plain 


V 


words,    the   representative   of    the   Divinity   upon 
earth,    the  absolute   and  despotic  declarer   of  the 
divine  will,  whom   it  was  blasphemy  to  contradict, 
and  rebellion  to  disobey.     The  Divine  Being,  how- 
ever, whom  he  represented,  and  in  whose  character 
he  must  act,  was  pictured   as  the  constant  father 
and  protector  of  his  people,  with  his  eyes  ever  upon 
their  actions,  his  heart  ever  alive  to  their  interests, 
and  his  ears  ever  open  to  their  prayers.     He  cared 
for    the   least    of  his  children   as  much  as  for  the 
greatest,  punishing  equally  their  crimes,  rewarding 
equally   their  virtues,  and  rendering  it  obligatory 
upon  them  all,  from  the  sovereign  to  the  peasant,  to 
walk  by  one  law,  and   to  observe  one  rule.      The 
augur  expounded  the  will  of  the  gods,  consulted  it 
himself  according  to  a  written  code,  and  declared  it 
to  the  people.    Without  him  there  could  be  no  elec- 
tion  to  any  office,  and  in  Etruria  every  office  was 
elective,  though   many  were  for  life      Without  the 
augur  there  was  no  king,  no  dictator,  no  pontifex, 
no  ruler,  no  vestal,  no  fecial,  no  priest.     The  Etrus- 
can maxim  was,  that  "  there  is  no  power  but  of  God  : 
the  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God,"  and  there- 
fore alike  in   the  meanest,  and  in  the  grandest  and 
most  important,  of  their  deliberations  concerning 
the  public  weal,  the  will  of  the  gods  was  consulted. 

The  person  of  the  Augur  was  sacred,  and  his  office 
endured  for  life,  in  order  to  raise  him  above  fear  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duty  ;  and  he  was  supported  at 
the  public  expense,  that  he  might  have  no  temptation 
to  bribery.   He  was  always  a  Lucumo,  no  man  of  low 


I 


\ 


182 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


183 


caste  being  eligible,  and  he  must  have  been  possessed 
of  a  competent  knowledge  of  military  affairs,  for  no 
general  could  cross  a  river,  or  a  frontier  of  any  kind 
or  fight,  or  divide  among  his  soldiers  the  conquered 
land,  without  the  augur's  permission.     There  could 
be    no   marnage,  nor    adoption  in    the  lucumonal 
houses,  and  no  meeting,  either  of  themselves  or  their 
vassals,  without  him.     There  could   be   no   p^bS 
function  without  auspices,  and  the  auspices  must  not 
be  consulted  if  the  augur  forbade.     He  could  dis- 
solve any  assembly,  and  nullify  any  election,  by  de- 
daring  however  untruly,  that  he  heard   thunder  ; 
and    he  only  bounds  to  his  power,  or  check  to  his 
subt.lty,  was  in  the  equal  power  of  the  other  au<.urs 
h.s  co-partners.     Such  a  multitude  of  affairs  would 
necessitate,  at  the  very  least,  one  augur  in  every 
great  city,  and  there  were  probably  three  or  four 
according   to    the   population,   and'the   extent    o^ 
labour  which   devolved  upon  them.      Romulus   ap- 
pointed an  augur  to  each  tribe,  to  interpret  dreams 
oracles  and  prodigies,  an,I  to  tell  whether  the  till' 
dec.ded   upon,  by  them  or  for  them,  should  be  for"- 
tuna  e  or  not.      In  Home,  liomulus  elected  three 
besides  himself,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Tari 
may  have   set  the  example,  and   have  left  it  as 
a  rule,  that  each  tribe  in  every  state  and  city  should 
have  one  augur.  ^  »"ouia 

uJl^T""'"  ^'""'  "^"'^  '^'"''  ^'^  ?'«"«  '^■'•^  filled 
up  by  the  remaining  augurs,  either  with  or  without 

the  Lucumoes     Tarchun   established  colleges  for 
these  men,  and  in  the  early  days  of  Rome,tht  patri- 


f 


cians  filled  the  vacancy  if  one  died,  by  electing  an- 
other in  concert  with  the  actual  augurs,  who  might 
reject  the  person  chosen  by  vote,  if  they  pleased. 
Should  an  augur,  touched  with  human  passion, 
pronounce  a  decree  which  was  evidently  self-willed, 
and  injurious  to  the  public  interests,  another  augur 
might  oppose  him,  and  by  lightning  revoke  his  de- 
cree ;  otherwise  it  must  stand.  As  not  above  three 
instances  of  this  kind  occur  in  history,  we  gather 
from  it,  that  the  augurs  were  always  men,  diligently 
educated,  to  understand  their  science,  and  to  govern 
themselves,  and  that  they  were  carefully  chosen 
from  amongst  their  equals,  as  the  persons  who  were 
supposed  to  understand  best  the  public  interests,  and 
to  care  most  for  theui. 

This  institution  maintained  its  influence  in  Italy 
for  many  hundred  years,  whence  we  presume  that 
there  was  much  reality  connected  with  its  founda- 
tion, that  its  members  had  a  real  belief  in  divine 
guidance,  and  that  they  were  usually  upright  and 
skilful  in  the  exercise  of  their  oflice.* 

Augury,  as  the  science,  or  rather  as  the  art  of  divi- 
nation, is  rife  at  this  day  in  Inula.  The  word,  as  we  have 
said,  in  Hindoostanee,  means  a  temple,  and  in  Latin 
"  augurium"  has  reference  to  the  augur  as  ofiiciating. 
Both  Miiller  and  Niebuhr  agree,  that  the  whole  of 
the  ceremonies  used  in  Italian  augury,  were  Etrus- 

*  Authorities  for  Augur.  Cicero  de  Repub.  ii.  9 ;  De  Nat. 
Deo.  ii.  3,  9;  ad  Fam.  vii.  16.  Plin.  viii.  28;  xxviii.  4. 
Liv.  X.  6 — 9;  iii.  32.  Dionys.  ii.  22  ;  ii,  6.  Varro  R.  R.  lii. 
Servius. 


184 


HISTORY    OF    ETHURIA. 


can,  and  that  the  distinctive  mark  by  which  the 
Etruscan  faith  might  be  recognised  and  separated 
from  every  aboriginal  religious  rite,  was  the  neces- 
sity of  consulting  the  divine  will  in  a  temple,  i.  e. 
on  holv  srround.  It  was  the  auffur*s  office  to  see 
into  the  future,  to  keep  up  discipline,  i.  e.  the  autho- 
rity of  present  laws,  and  to  decide  every  state  dis- 
pute. He  could  never  be  disgraced  or  degraded, 
and  disobedience  to  him  was  death.  There  was  a 
college  of  augurs  at  Tyre,  and  an  ancient  author 
mentions  that  Pygmalion,  the  priest  of  Hercules, 
was  not  one  of  the  augurs;  meaning  by  this  obser- 
vation, that  it  was  the  common  practice  for  the 
ruling  prince  in  Tyre  to  be  an  augur  also. 

The  Haruspex  was  a  different  person  from  the 
Augur,  and  very  inferior  to  him  in  dignity,  though  of 
the  same  class  ;  for  he  also  must  be  a  Lucumo,  or  at 
least  noble.  The  word  is  supposed  to  be  derived 
from  ara  specto,  aris  aspiciendis,*  to  look  at  the 
altar,  or  to  inquire  by  it.  But,  if  it  is,  as  we  believe, 
an  Etruscan  term,  this  is  not  its  derivation,  though 
it  may  be  a  good  explanation  of  its  meaning.  In 
general  the  haruspex  offered  up  the  victim,  and 
then  consulted  the  entrails,  to  tell,  by  their  appear- 
ance, the  answer  which  the  gods  made  to  the  sacri- 
fices. At  other  times,  the  priest  offered  up  the 
sacrifice,  whilst  the  haruspex  inquired  by  lightning, 
or  told  the  meaning  of  thunder,  earthquake,  the 
flight  of  birds,  the  fall  of  meteors;  or  of  any  other 
sign  that  might  have  happened.     Every  magistrate 

•  Vide  Cicero  de  Div. 


TARCIIUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


185 


was  an  aruspex  in  virtue  of  his  office,  but  not  an 
augur ;  nor  dared  he  to  take  the  auspices,  if  the 
augur  forbade.*  In  Rome,  and  probably  every- 
where else  in  Italy,  the  aruspices  lived  in  colleges, 
under  one  head  or  master ;  and  Cicero  tells  us,t 
that  they  were  instituted  by  Tages,  and  that  the 
Romans  used  to  send  their  children  into  Etruria,J 
to  be  instructed  in  their  discipline.  Wherever, 
therefore,  we  find,  in  Italian  history,  mention  made 
of  Augurs  or  Aruspices,  there  we  trace  the  influence 
of  Etruria,  to  whatever  nation  the  men  might 
belong,  or  whatever  slight  diversity  there  might  be, 
in  the  signs  they  used,  or  in  their  national  feelings. 
Just  as  whenever  we  meet  the  Roman  Catholic,  we 
see  the  influence  and  the  headship  of  Rome,  though 
the  man  himself  may  be  a  Briton,  an  American,  or 
a  Chinese,  and  though  they  may  differ  from  each 
other  in  many  points  of  ritual  and  ceremony.  It 
was  a  proverb  amongst  the  Romans,  "  Haruspex, 
Tuscus  semper," — not  that  the  man  was  always  Tus- 
can, for  the  Roman  magistrates  were  usually  Latin, 
but  that  the  office  was.  Women§  of  rank  exercised 
this  art  as  well  as  men,  for  Tanaquil,  the  wife  of 
Tarquin,  interpreted  the  signs  for  her  husband  ; 
Bygo'e||  wrote  a  book  upon  the  Ars  fulguritorum, 
which  became  one  of  the  statute  books  of  Etruria, 
andPlautus  speaks  of  theHarusj)ic3e,or  Lady  Harus- 
pices.^    This  science  had  fixed  principles,  or  it  could 

♦  Cic.  de  Leg.  iii.  3.  f  Div.  iii.  23.  J  Div.  i.  41. 

§  Liv)',  i.  34,  39.     Dionys.  iii.  47. 

11  Ser\uus  apud  JEn.  vii.  IF  Miiller,  b.  iii. 


186 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


not  have  continued  so  many  ages,  and  under  such 
altered  circumstances,  to  command  respect,  and 
to  influence  the  minds  of  men  :  whatever  these  prin- 
ciples might  be,  they  seem  to  have  remained  as  a 
treasure  and  mystery  in  the  liands  of  the  Etruscan 
princes ;  and,  like  the  almanac,  to  have  been  com- 
municated in  their  results  only  to  other  nations,  and 
not  in  their  elements ;  otherwise  we  siiould  not  find 
the  Romans  constantly  sending  for  Haruspices  and 
Diviners  into  Etruria,  rather  than  into  Sabina  or  any 
other  part  of  Italy. 

The  cradle   of   this   science   is   doubtless  to   be 
sought  in  Egypt  and  Assyria ;    the  latter  country 
alone  using  augury  by  the  flight  of  birds,  which  the 
Hebrews  were  forbidden  to  study,  and  by  lightning, 
which  does  not  exist  in  Egypt,  though  some  learned 
persons  imagine  that  electricity  and  magnetism  were 
much  practised  by  the   Egyptian  priests,  and  even 
believe  that  in  some  of  the  temple  scenes,  found  de- 
picted at  Thebes,  one  man  is  producing  sparks  from 
the  body  of  another.  Not  to  enter  into  this  discussion, 
we  have  scripture  authority  for  the  extraordinary 
knowledge  of  natural  phenomena,  possessed  by  the 
philosophers,  both  of  Egypt  and  Assyria,  through- 
out a  succession  of  ages,  under  the  name  of  magic 
and  divination,  practised  by  "  magi  and  diviners,  or 
wise  men."      The  king  of  Egypt,  in  the  days  of 
Joseph,  was  an  Assyrian,  and  his  philosophers  were 
probably    learned    men,    both    of  Assyria   and    of 
Egypt ;  whilst  the  Pharaoh  of  the  time  of  Moses, 
with  his  wonder-working  literati,  were  all   Egyp- 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


187 


tians,  and  possessed  of  knowledge  which  enabled 
them  to  exercise  powers  not  as  yet  attained  by  us. 
On    the   other    hand,    Nebuchadnezzar   and    Bel- 
shazzar,  with  their  learned  council,  were  all  Assy- 
rians.     From  the  honourable  position  of  these  men, 
and  from  Moses,  the  adopted  son  of  the  Egyptian 
princess,  among  the  one  people,  and  Daniel,  the 
young  Hebrew  prince,  among  the  other,  receiving 
their  style  of  education,  as  being  the  best  and  the 
highest  that  could  be  bestowed  upon  them,  and  from 
the  Scriptures  mentioning  it  as  praiseworthy  and 
honourable,  that  they  were  skilled  in  all  this  wisdom, 
we  gather  that  the  magi  of  the  east,  like  the  Augurs 
and  Aruspices  of  the  Rasena,  belonged  to  the  class  of 
the  nobility,  according  to  the  continental  idea  of  that 
term.     As  they  were  often  called  upon  to  interpret 
only,  whilst  the  priest  sacrificed,  we  learn  that  they 
did  not  supersede  the  priests,  and  were  not,  like  so 
many  of  them,  the  hereditary  servants  of  any  parti- 
cular divinity.* 

We  have  intimated  that  the  Augurs  and  Aruspices 
were  all  noble,  though  they  might  not  be  equal  in 
rank  to  the  Lucumoes.  Now,  upon  the  continent 
of  Europe,  we  have,  in  a  great  measure,  the  same 
divisions  of  classes  which  existed  in  Egypt,  in  Ludin 
and  in  Etruria,  in  the  days  of  Tarchun.  We  have 
the  sovereign  hereditary,  or,  as  it  lately  was  in  Poland 
and  Germany,  and  is  now  in  the  Papal  States,  elec- 
tive ;  and  we  have,  next  to  him,  the  greater  and 

•  Livy,  v.  22. 


188 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


lesser  hereditary  nobility,  by  whoni  alone  it  is  fitting 
that  all  the  court  offices,  and  highest  magistracies 
in  the  realm,  should   be  filled.     This  nobility  com- 
prises  the  whole  gentry  of  the  country  ;  all  of  them, 
and  them  only.     Upon  the  Continent  there  cannot 
properly  be  said  to  exist  such  an  institution  as  the 
British  peerage,  or  such  a  class  as  that  to  which  we 
English  are  accustomed   to  limit  the    term   noble. 
In  foreign  kingdoms  there  can  be  no  sons  of  dukes 
who  are  accounted  commoners,  and  no  grandsons 
of  dukes  who,  as  with  us,  sink  undistinguished  into 
the    body    of  the    people.     On    the  contrary,  they 
continue    to    be    marked    with    the    family   titles, 
ad    infinitum,    and    although    multiplied    by    tens 
and  hundreds,  all  the   branches  of  a  foreign  house 
are    as  noble   as    the   head:   noble   merely   mean- 
ing a  man  of  gentle    blood,  entitled  to  wear  the 
family  arms,  and  descended  at  some  period  more  or 
less  remote,  from  an   ancestor  whom   the  sovereign 
had  raised   to  the   ruling  class,  or  on  whom  he  had 
conferred  a  title.     On  the  Continent,  this  descent  or 
title    is   common    to  all  a  man's  posterity,  and  in 
virtue  of  it  they  are  eligible,  if  educated,  and  not 
in  other  respects   unfit,  to  all   places  of  trust  and 
power,  to  all  situations  in  the  court,  and  to  all  posts 
in  the  army.* 

•  To  compare  the  British  gentry  with  the  continental  nobility 
may  seem  foreign  to  a  history  of  the  Etruscans,  and  may  require 
some  apology  as  a  digression.  Yet  we  cannot  help  remarking, 
that  while  the  primogeniture  which  keeps  titles,  estates,  and 
lustre  in  the  elder  branch,  is  doubtless  a  most  beneficial  institu- 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    IKSTITUTIONS. 


189 


The  Etruscans  had  these  Nobles,  including  the 
knights  and  gentry,  and  besides  them  they  had,  like 
ourselves,a  peerage  called  ^'Lucumocs/'  who  formed, 
as  our  peers  do,  the  standing  council  of  the  sove- 
reign, and  the  hereditary  senate  of  the  state.  Their 
eldest  sons,  and  the  other  branches  of  their  families, 
were  not  their  equals  as  long  as  they  lived,  and 
until  they  became  Lucumoes,  were  not  eligible  to 
the  sovereign  jjower,  neither  were  any  foreigners, 
however  high  their  rank  or  great  their  considera- 
tion, capable  of  bearing  magisterial  offices  in  Etruria, 

tion  to  the  nation,  the  more  remote  branches  of  titled  families 
and  the  ancient  gentry  who  never  have  enjoyed  titles,  are  un- 
mindful of  their  proper  place,  when  they  allow  the  immediate 
scions  of  the  peerage  to  monopolize  the  name  of  nobihty  in  its 
continental  sense.  Mr.  Howard  of  Corby,  an  English  com- 
moner, is,  according  to  continental  judgment,  as  noble  as  his 
chief,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk ;  and  '*  Mr.  Dundas  of  that  ilk,"  a 
Scottish  commoner,  is,  in  hke  manner,  as  noble  as  his  cadets 
the  Earl  of  Zetland,  Viscount  Melville,  and  Lord  Amesbury. 
And  yet  both,  unless  they  possessed  more  acquaintance  with 
the  subject  than  most  EngUshmen  do,  would  be  in  danger,  on 
the  Continent,  of  being  confounded  with  the  Bourgeoisie,  be- 
cause both  are  commoners,  though  the  one  is  a  cadet  of  a  great 
ducal  house,  and  the  other  has  enjoyed  the  rank  of  gentleman 
since  the  Heptarchy,  with  various  peers  for  his  younger  branches. 
From  not  understanding  the  meaning  of  the  word  "  noble,"  in 
the  mouth  of  a  foreigner,  the  wife  of  an  Edmonstone,  whose 
family  twice  in  the  14th  century,  matched  directly  with  royal 
princesses,  would  now  very  Ukely  give  place  to  the  wife  of  a 
new  made  Bavarian  baron.  There  is  as  much  folly  in  losing 
one's  rank,  as  in  assuming  too  high  a  tone,  and  our  countrymen 
on  the  continent  are  often  unfortunate  in  falling  into  both 
errors. 


190 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


unless  they  were  first  created  Lucumoes.  From  the 
continuance  of  this  order  in  numbers  even  to  the 
latest  dates  in  the  sepulchres,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  king  or  Lar,  possessed  the  power  of  filling 
up  vacancies  in  his  Senate,  occasioned  by  the  ex- 
tinction, in  process  of  time,  of  the  original  great 
houses. 

The  Lucurao,  or  peer,  was  in  Rome  called  Senator ; 
though  it  may  admit  of  a  question,  whether  the 
term  Lucumo  was  common  to  all  the  peers,  or  be- 
longed only  to  the  chief  and  captain  of  the  peers. 
He  may  possibly  have  been  the  Decurion  of  his 
Curia,  or  we  believe  at  all  events,  that  there  were 
distinctions  among  the  men  of  lucumonal  rank,  as 
there  are  grades  in  the  British  peerage.  There 
were  many  privileges  and  offices  which  no  Etruscan 
could  enjoy  who  had  not  this  rank,  whilst  all  who 
had  it,  possessed  amongst  themselves  a  perfect 
equality  of  civil  rights. 

This  was  the  state  of  the  world  at  the  time  of 
Tarchuns  birth,  and  he  did  not  change  it.  He  is 
said  himself,  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  king  of  Lu- 
din.  But  this  king  was  probably  only  a  Lucumo, 
having  some  greater  authority  over  him,  for  Tar- 
chun  did  not,  as  the  son  of  a  despotic  monarch  pro- 
bably would  have  done,  establish  despotism  and 
hereditary  power.  We  have  examples  in  Etruscan 
history  of  one  great  family,  as  the  Tins  in  Perugia, 
and  the  Cecinas  in  Volterra,  by  preponderance  of 
influence  in  its  own  senate,  maintaining  the  rule 
in  one  state;  and  Tarchuns  children,  if  he  had  any, 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIOKS. 


191 


would  doubtless  have  been  selected  by  the  voice  of 
common  gratitude  to  succeed  him  in  Tarquinia. 
But  the  constitution  of  his  government  was  the 
absolute  dominion  of  law  over  all,  and,  consequently, 
the  superiority  of  office  united  to  the  equality  of  men. 
The  king  was  supreme,  and  for  life ;  but  the  king 
must  be  elected  by  the  Lucumoes,  and  from  amongst 
them.  The  augur  was  the  highest  of  earthly 
powers,  yet  the  augur  must  be  elected  by  his 
brethren. 

All  the  princes  of  Etruria  were  Lucumoes.  They 
were  the  chief  landholders  ;  and  in  them,  as 
a  body,  consisting  of  one  head  and  many  mem- 
bers, resided  the  whole  power  of  the  state. 
The  younger  branches  of  a  Lucumo's  family  were 
Aruns,  and  the  head  lucumo  or  king  was  *'  Lar," 
declined  by  Larth  and  Larthia,  &c.  &c.  Lar  is  pro- 
bably derived  from  the  Hebrew  "ID,  Sar,  a  prince  or 
chief.  Livy  latinizes  all  these  ranks  as  principes, 
whilst  Plutarch  continually  gives  the  term  "  Lucu- 
mo,*' without  understanding  its  meaning. 

Tarcliun,  in  the  name  of  Tages, commanded  that  all 
the  kings  of  Etruria  Proper  should  be  elected  by  the 
Lucumoes  of  the  several  states  for  life ;  each  king 
being  pontifex  maximus  in  his  own  dominions,  and 
absolute  whenever  not  restrained  by  law.  When  he 
died,  his  son  might  be  elected  to  succeed  him  ;  but  he 
had  no  more  rigiit  to  the  succession  than  the  heir  of 
any  other  family  of  his  tribe.  A  plurality  of  votes 
decided  ;  but  if  the  senators  could  not  agree,  as  to 


192 


HISTORY    OF    ETIiURlA. 


who  should  be  their  head,  each  chief  lucumo  reigned 
a  certain  number  of  days,  until  the  succession  was  de- 
termined. Livy  says,  each  senator  reigned  five  days. 
Plutarch  in  Numa  says,  only  twenty-four  hours, 
whilsit  Niebuhr  thinks  that  each  reigned  during  ten 
days,  or  perhaps  longer,  by  rotation.  The  king 
originated  every  new  law,  and  proposed  it  to  the 
senate,  who  approved  or  rejected,  amended  or  ad- 
vised upon  it,  but  could  originate  nothing.  At  the 
same  time  the  king  could  establish  no  law  without 
the  senate's  consent.  The  king  was  the  sole  and 
absolute  judge,  to  absolve  or  to  punish,  in  civil  and 
criminal  causes;  he  aj)pointed  all  the  great  officers 
of  state;  was  head  of  the  nobles,  father  of  the  peo- 
ple, protector  of  the  kingdom,  general  of  the  army, 
and  sole  declarer  of  peace  and  war.  The  king, 
says  Niebuhr,*  was  inaugurated  by  consulting 
the  gods,  and  all  the  tribes  must  agree  upon 
his  election.  He  was  probably  examined  by  the 
pontifices,  as  to  his  fitness  for  office,  because  he  was 
himself  to  be  pontifex  maximus ;  and  it  is  in  imita- 
tion of  this  Assyrian  custom  of  uniting  king  and 
high  priest  in  one  person,  that  we  find  the  kings  of 
Israel  so  frequently  presuming  to  take  upon  them- 
selves the  high  priest's  office. f 

The  king  fined  and  punished  ;  and  was  absolute 
without  the  city  and  in  war ;  but  within  the  city 
there  lay  an  a|)peal  against  his  sentence  from  every 


*  ii.  352. 


t  1  Sam.  xiii.  9.     2  Chron.  xxvi.  16. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


193 


citizen,  or,  at  least,  from  every  Lucumo,  to  his  peers. 
The  king*  had  lands  appropriated  to  his  dignity, 
called  demesne  lands,  and  a  determinate  portion  of 
the  spoil  and  conquered  territoryf  in  war,  consist- 
ing of  one-third.  He  could  assemble  the  senate  or 
the  people,  or  the  senate  and  people  together, 
whenever  he  chose ;  he  had  the  care  of  all  the 
public  money  ;J  and  it  was  his  duty,  every  ninth 
day,  i.  e.  the  day  following  every  eighth  day,  to  give 
audience,  and  to  show  himself  to  his  people  in  the 
gate,  or  in  the  forum,  in  order  to  hear  their  com- 
plaints, to  decide  quarrels,  to  redress  grievances,  to 
receive  their  salutations,^  and  to  announce  to  them 
the  feasts  for  the  following  week,  and  the  changes 
of  the  moon,  which  regulated  their  kalendar. 
Those  who  know  the  Scriptures,  are  well  aware  that 
this  custom  of  sitting  in  the  gate||  to  give  judgment 
is  eastern ;  and  it  implies  that  those  who  hold  the 
sovereign  power  should  be  careful  publicly  to  ac- 
knowledge the  sovereign's  duties.  The  prince  was 
hereby  reminded  that  he  was  to  rule  for  the  benefit  of 
his  subjects  ;  and  that  it  was  his  province  to  maintain 
the  peace,  to  prevent  robbery,  and  redress  wrong. 
Whilst  the  people  acknowledged  that  the  prince 
was  their  constituted  protector  as  well  as  ruler,  first 
in  justice  as  first  in  power ;  and  they  became  ac- 
quainted with  his  person,  not  only  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  law,  but  as  their  father,  and  the  object 

*  Arnold  from  Cicero.  f  Cic.  de  Repub.  v.  3. 

X  Dion.  i.  84,  83,  87-  §  Macrob.  Saturnal.  i.  15. 

II  2  Sam.  xix.  8.     Jerem  xxxviii.  7.     Prov.  xxxi.  23. 


194 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


of  their  obedience  and  affection.  Macroluiis* 
says,  that  every  week  the  Etruscans  greeted  their 
king,  and  asked  after  his  health,  at  these  patriarchal 


nieetinjjs. 


The  king  was  elected  by  the  senate.  This  senate 
Tarchun  caused  to  consist  in  each  separate  state,  of 
Lucumocs  or  peers  only  ;  and,  being  once  introduced 
by  him,  on  a  principle  of  government  agreeable  to 
the  genius  of  the  Italians,  the  senates  were  gra- 
dually adopted  in  every  little  capital  of  every  petty 
tribe  in  communication  with  the  Rasena,  until,  at 
the  time  when  Rome  was  founded,  Niebuhr  asserts 
that  there  was  no  city  on  the  Mediterranean  without 
them.  Livy  chiefly  mentions  the  senates  of  Etruria, 
us,  for  example,  Arretium  and  Perugia,  Falerii  or  Fa- 
lisci,  and  Veii.  Zonaras  and  Appian  name  Volsinia  ; 
and  we  shall  find  the  senates  of  the  various  Latin, 
Greek,  Umbrian  and  Samnite  towns  occasionally 
quoted  from  ancient  authors,  in  the  progress  of  this 
work.f  The  senate  consisted  of  all  the  Lucumoes 
or  peers,  and  with  them,  as  with  our  own  House  of 
Lords,  their  rank  was  hereditary,  their  class  the 
same,  their  political  privileges  equal,  but  their 
degrees  of  rank  were  different,  the  first  ten 
being  higher  than  the  others,  and  probably  having 
a  right  to  the  curule  chair,  which  appertained  either 
to  high  rank  or  office.  We  read  of  curule  Ediles  in 
Rome ;  and  we  find,  in  the  Etruscan  sepulchres, 
curule  chairs  of  different  materials,  on  which  images 


*  Saturnal.  i.  15. 


t  See  Livy,  ix.  0  ;  v.  2". 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


195 


(I 


of  departed  greatness  have  been  seated,  both  male 
and  female.  The  female  we  must  suppose  to  have 
been  the  wife  of  the  sovereign  only.  But  the  male, 
being  souietimes  of  stone,  sometimes  of  marble,  and 
sometimes  of  wood,  we  think,  may  denote  Senators 
of  merely  different  degrees  of  rank,  or  wealth.  One 
of  these  chairs  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Corsini  palace  in 
Rome.* 

Each  Lucumo  was  equally  eligible  to  become 
the  prince  of  his  people,  or  head  of  the  whole 
league.  Each  was  a  sovereign  in  his  own  house, 
and  master  of  his  own  dependants ;  and  each  had  a 
check  upon  the  acts  of  his  king  or  Lar  by  the  power 
of  the  auspices,  which  each  was  competent  to  con- 
sult, and  by  the  appeal  which  every  chief  might 
make  to  his  own  peers.  Each  might  declare  that 
what  his  prince  proposed  was  unlawful,  and  could 
hold  an  assembly  of  his  equals  to  try  the  question, 
as  we  learn  from  Attus  Naivius,  who  opposed  Tar- 
quin.  Not  only  every  Lucumo,  but  every  Etruscan 
citizen,  might  change  his  place  of  residence  as  often 
as  he  pleased,  and  become  the  denizen  of  any  other 
state  or  city  ;  but  the  great  families  never  did 
change  their  localities,  except  by  banishment.  They 
had  large  tracts  of  laud  allotted  to  them,  in  per- 
petuity, like  the  Highland  clans,  which  always 
remained  in  the  same  house,  as  we  learn  from  the 
many  generations  found  in  the  same  sepulchres, 
and  from  the  rivers  and  districts  which  they  have 
called  by  their  names,  and  upon  which,  if  we  may 

•  Vide  Niebuhr. 

.     K    2 


196 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


judge  from  similarity  of  nomenclature,  a  descendant 
here  and  tliere  is  supposed  to  linger  still. 

Tarcliun*s  first  colony  consisted  of  these  men  and 
of  their  families,  i.  e.  of  the  ^nb  L.ch.mes  or  chiefs, 
the  princes  of  whom  were  eleven  in  number,  and 
himself  the  twelfth  and  the  one  supreme  head ; 
and  along  with  them,  of  their  followers,  called 
vassals,  or  clients,  or  clansmen.  These  followers, 
the  country  being  once  settled,  consisted  not 
merely  of  the  original  Rasena,  who  came  with 
their  lords  from  the  opposite  shores  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, but  of  all,  of  every  description,  who 
chose  to  live  under  their  protection  ;  whether  from 
having  been  the  former  proprietors,  as  Umbri  and 
Pelasgi,  they  chose  to  remain  as  tenants  upon  the 
soil  which  they  had  once  called  their  own;  or  whether 
emigrating  from  foreign  tribes,  they  desired  to  esta- 
blish themselves  upon  the  property,  and  join  the 
vassalage  of  some  powerful  chief  in  Turrhenia. 

This  species  of  social  government  was  not  only  fairly 
represented  by  the  Highland  clans  in  Scotland,  but 
it  was  probably  called  by  the  very  same  name,  the 
word  "clan,"  susceptible  of  this  explanation,  being 
found  in  the  Etruscan  sej)ulchres,*  and  being  after- 
wards Latinized  into  clientes  or  clients.  Wherever 
Italy  was  civilized,  subsequent  to  this  period,  there 
we  find  the  government  of  Houses ;  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Houses  is  no  other  than  that  of  Clans.  In 
Rome  each  man  took  the  name  of  his  chief,  as  in 

*  Vide  Archapologia  Romana  for  1837.  Orioli  in  Tifone, 
vol.  vii. 


J 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


197 


Scotland,  and  formed  a  Gens  ;  the  name  being  pos- 
sibly derived  from  CLNs.  In  Etruria,  each  man 
kept  his  own  name,  but  formed,  quite  as  inalien- 
ably, part  of  a  particular  Clan.  The  bond  between 
clansman  and  chief  was  the  strictest  that  can  be 
conceived  between  man  and  man ;  the  Lucumo  every- 
where representing  his  people,  and  being  considered 
as  their  protector  and  head. 

The  Lucumo,  as  we  learn   from  Dionysius,  was 
bound  to  help  his  vassals  in  time  of  need,  to  do  and 
obtain  for  them  justice,  and  to  give  them  a  right  in 
all  the  land  or  spoil  which  conquest,  by  their  aid, 
might   bestow  upon    him.      From  Dionysius*  and 
Livyt  we  learn   that  it  was  his  province  to  arm 
them,    and    to   call    them  forth   to  war  when    re- 
quired.    The  clansman  who  deserted  his  lord,  and 
the  lord  who  broke  faith  with  his  clansman,  were 
equally  devoted  to  the  infernal  gods.      The  chief 
could  adopt  into  the  Clan  as  many  strangers  as  he 
pleased;   but  only  those  of  the  same  blood  could 
share  the  same  grave.J 

Varro  tells  us,  that  when  the  Romans  required 
help  from  the  Tuscans,  they  applied  to  the  Lucumoes. 
Plutarch  says,  that  the  Lucumo  and  his  men  helped 
Romulus;  and  Servius,  that  the  twelve  states  of 
Etruria  were  each  governed  by  a  Lucumo,  (i.  e.  Lar,) 
of  whom  one  was  chief.  Virgil,  a  Mantuan  by 
birth,  confirms  to  us  that  the  Lucumo  was  the  usual 
name  of  all  the  chief  peers,  and  not  of  the  sovereign 


IX. 


t  ix. 


X  Cicero  de  Leg.  22,  55. 


98 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


only;  for  he  says  that  Mantua  was  divided  in  twelve 
Curiae,  with  a  Lucurao  over  each.* 

The  Lucumo,  as  we  gather  from  Livy,  was  the 
governor,  judge,  priest,  and  general  of  the  people.f 
The  clansmen,  on  the  other  hand,  were  the  mem- 
bers who  supported   the  chief;    they  laboured   for 
him,    traded  for  him,  and   fought  for    him.      Tlje 
glory  of  his  house  was  their  glory,  and  the  misfor- 
tunes of  his  family  were  their  misfortunes.^     They 
paid  his  debts  if  poor,  ransomed   him,  if  prisoner, 
and  followed  him  into  banishment,  if  exiled.     This 
we   know  from    the  fate   of  Tarquin   and   others. 
They  found  their  well-being  in  him,  and  he  found 
his  well-being  in  them.      The  connexion   between 
them,  like  that  of  every  primitive  people,  was  pa- 
triarchal ;    and  they  had  even  their  share  in  the  go- 
vernment of  their  country,  by  voting  on  his  side.'' 

Men  who  despise,  as  slavish  or  degrading,  the 
relation  of  patron  and  client,  should  visit,  with  eyes 
and  ears  open,  the  mountains  of  Scotland.  There 
they  may  still  witness  the  hardy  independence  and 
intrepid  daring,  the  warm  affections  and  the  gene- 
rous impulses  which  grow  up  as  the  fruits  of  such  a 
system.  It  is  consoling  to  know  that  ronjance,  when 
It  exhibits  and  works  up  the  noblest  feelings  of  our 
nature,  has  its  elements  founded  in  truth.  It  is  "^ra- 
tifying and  delightful  to  our  better  minds,  though 
it  may  be  humbling  to  our  pride  and  selfishness,  "to 
see  amongst  the  poor  Highlanders,  the  contempt' for 

•  Servius,  .El,,  x.  202.       f  Livy,  x.  13  ;  ix  3.         :  Dion. 


'■ 


TAHCHUN    AND    IIIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


199 


all  that  is  mercenary,  the  value  for  all  that  is  ele- 
vated, the  refined  tone  of  feelings  which  marks  the 
])Oorest  cottage,and  the  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  and  sub- 
lime magnanimity,  which  will  display  itself  in  word 
and  action,  the  moment  that  chord  is  touched,  which 
lies  deep  in  the  Highland  heart,  of  the  connexion 
between  the  clansman  and  his  chief.  This  spirit  is 
not  yet  quite  extinct ;  and  oh !  that  it  never  might 
be  !  There  are  still  districts  in  which  the  old  bond 
has  not  been  broken ;  where  poverty  can  walk 
erect,  and  be  warmly  welcomed  in  the  houses  of  the 
great,  if  it  bear  but  on  its  front  the  ancient  badge 
of  integrity,  fidelity,  and  courage.  Throughout  the 
British  empire,  and,  indeed,  throughout  Europe, 
we  can  find  men  who  will  give,  and  proudly  give 
their  heart's  blood  for  the  man  or  the  principle 
they  love.  But  in  the  Highlands  we  find  the  poor 
and  uneducated,  who  will  give  it  from  depth  of  filial 
sentiment,  without  faction,  without  bigotry,  without 
self-interest,  and  who  have  not  learned,  and  never 
will  learn,  to  sell  either  their  minds  or  bodies  for 
the  price  of  gold. 

This  spirit  of  lofty  honour  and  profound  affection, 
though  doubtless,  in  some  respects,  the  result  of 
peculiarities  in  the  Highland  temperament,  yet,  from 
having  been  so  general,  proves  itself  also  to  have  been 
the  effect  of  the  Highland  institutions ;  and  where 
the  cord  has  been  loosed,  or  the  tie  dissolved,  it  has 
in  no  instance,  been  on  the  side  of  the  people,  but 
on  that  of  the  alienated  chief,  who  has  been  brought 


200 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


up  for  himself,  with  foreign  feelings  in  a  foreign 
land.* 

In  the  beautiful  words  of  the  Edinburgh  Review, 
No.  152, — "The  social  affections,  if  concentrated 
within  a  well-defined  circle,  possess  an  intensity 
and  endurance  unrivalled  by  those  passions  of 
which  self  is  the  immediate  object.  The  emotions 
with  which  the  Spartan  and  the  Jew  have  yearned 
over  the  land  of  their  fathers,  are  emotions  stronger 
than  appetite,  vanity,  ambition,  avarice,  or  death." 
And  these  are  the  emotions  which  the  Rasena  felt 
for  the  country  of  their  adoption,  the  original 
princes  of  their  blood,  and  the  sacred  institutions  of 
Tages. 

The  reasoning  Lowland  Scotchman,  and  the  calm 
phlegmatic  Englishman,  who  consider  all  these 
feelings  as  visionary,  will  no  more  believe  that  they 
existed  of  old  throughout  the  land  of  Etruria,  than 
that  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  Highlands  now. 
Because  they  find  no  such  devotion  in  themselves 
to  their  highest  or  first  of  kin,  they  cannot  credit 
it  in  others,  not  considering  that  their  state  of 
society  is  differently  ordered,  and  that  their  in- 
stitutions do  not  call  such  emotions  forth.     Where 

*  We  know  of  one  mighty  potentate,  who,  but  for  the  de- 
votedness  of  his  clan  in  former  times,  would  now  have  been  the 
insignificant  laird  of  a  httle  tower;  and  who,  of  late  years, 
when  asked  what  was  to  become  of  the  poor  cotters  whose 
black  turf  cabins  he  was  destroying,  replied,  with  a  sneer 
"  Lochdhu  is  deep  enough  for  them  all."  Towards  such  chiefs 
the  Highlander's  heart  is  cold,  and  the  throb  of  his  pulse  is 
low. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


201 


\ 


the  head  boasts  of  caring  nothing  for  the  body,  as 
in  England,  the  body,  in  return,  will  care  nothing 
for  the  head  ;  but  in  Etruria  no  man  lived  for  him- 
self, he  lived  for  his  country  and  his  kindred.  And 
this  is  as  free  and  as  happy  a  state  as  the  bulk  of  a 
nation  can  ever  know ;  for  amongst  the  Clans  any 
continuance  of  domestic  tyranny  was  impossible,  the 
good  will  of  the  people  towards  the  chief  being  even 
more  necessary  than  the  good  will  of  the  chief  to- 
wards his  people ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that, 
if  a  tyrant  did  arise  in  Etruria,  he  was  put  away  for 
the  next  of  kin  more  worthy,  even  as  has  occurred 
in  various  instances  amongst  the  clans  in  Scotland.* 
We  shall  find  examples,  as  we  proceed  in  this 
history,  which  show  that  the  Etruscans,  though 
patient,  peaceable,  and  orderly,  were  no  more  en- 
during of  unjust  wrong,  than  brave  men  have  been 
in  any  other  climate,  or  under  any  other  form  of 
social  life. 

We  have  dwelt  upon  this  matter,  perhaps  some- 
what long,  and  somewhat  wide  of  the  purpose,  yet 
it  was  impossible  to  describe  the  Lucumoes  without 
also  describing  the  clients,  through  whose  adhesion 
and  numbers  they  became  Lucumoes,  at  least  in  the 
first  instance ;  and  no  doubt  every  chief  at  Vol- 
tumna  had  also  with  him  chosen  followers  of  his 
own  Clan — followers  whom  he  treated  neither  as 
servants  nor  as  slaves. 

We  have  said  that,  besides  the  King,  the  Augur, 
the  Aruspex,  the   Lucumo,  and  their  vassals,  the 

*  See  Stuart's  Highlands. 


K    5 


202 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


presence  of  the  Feciales  was  requisite  at  the  coun- 
cil of  Voltumna.     The  Fecial  was  a  very  remark- 
able  Etruscan    institution.      He  was  an  officer  to 
watch    over   and    preserve    the    public    peace,    to 
take   away  the  reasons    for    war,   and    to   repress 
the  spirit  of  vengeance.      Servius  (viii.)   tells    us, 
the   order  was  derived  to  Rome   from    Falisci   or 
Ardea,  and   it  shows  us  that  the  Rasena,  though 
brave,  armed,  and  disciplined,  were  a  people  who 
had    no   delight  in   battle  or   in   blood.     Tarchun 
founded  colleges  of  these  men ;  they  were  all  noble, 
and  their  office  sacred  ;  and  hence,  whilst  officiat- 
ing, their   persons   were   inviolable.     There  were 
several  of  them  in  each  state,  and  their  character 
was    something    between    an    ambassador    and   a 
herald.     Like  all  the  Lucumoes,  they  were  priests, 
and  could  take  auspices ;  but  they  were  not  here- 
ditary.    If  one  tribe  offended  another,  the  Feciales 
were  sent  in  a  dress  of  ceremony,  and  crowned  with 
vervain,*  to  the  Senate  of  the  state  against  which 
complaint  was  made.     Doubtless  they  rode  in  cha- 
riots, each  drawn  by  two  horses,  richly  caparisoned, 
as  we  see  represented  in  the  sepulchres,  and  at- 
tended by  a  small  guard  of  armed  and  resolute  men. 
Arrived  and  admitted  into  the  senate,  where  state 
causes  were  heard,  the  Feciales  named  the  grievance 
of  which  they  complained,  and  demanded  redress 
within  thirty  days,  or,  as  some  authors  say,t  within 

*  A  plant  sacred  to  the  Phoenician  god  of  citadels. — A.  His. 
xvii.  p.  225. 
t  Niebuhr. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


203 


' 


ten  days,  repeating  the  demand  thrice,  so  as  to  give 
three  truces  to  the  offenders,  of  ten  days  each,  or 
thirty  days  in  all.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  if  their 
representations  were  not  attended  to,  they  took 
Tina  and  the  other  gods  to  witness,  that  they  had 
performed  their  duty,  and  that  it  was  now  for  their 
country  to  decide  upon  the  event.  On  their  return 
home,  they  announced  to  their  senate  that  war  was 
now  lawful ;  and,  if  it  was  resolved  upon,  they  re- 
turned to  the  limits  of  the  hostile  state,  and  there, 
casting  a  spear  across  the  frontiers  into  the  enemies' 
territory,  called  the  gods  to  witness  against  the 
want  of  justice  in  that  people,  and  their  obstinacy 
in  refusing  reparation. 

The  confederation  of  the  social  war  is  represented 
on  the  Samite  coins,  by  a  Fecial  clothed  in  a  tunic, 
sacrificing  a  pig,*  this  being  the  prayer  of  impreca- 
tion :  "  May  Jove  strike  the  breaker  as  the  Fecial 
strikes  this  pig."t  Virgil  (viii.)  represents  this  cere- 
mony as  consecrating  every  warlike  alliance,  and  it 
is  a  common  subject  upon  ancient  gems.  The  Fecial 
must  equally  sanction  by  his  presence  every  treaty 
of  peace,  and  alliance  of  friendship,  and  on  very 
solemn  occasions  the  head  of  his  college,  called  by 
the  Latins  "Pater  Patratus,"  was  himself  obliged 
to  attend.!  It  is  conjectured  that  the  chief  reason 
why  no  man  could  be  head  Fecial  who  had  not  both 

♦  Varro.  Cicero. 

t  Livy.  ix.  It  is  remarkable  that  this  sacrifice  and  prayer 
are  to  be  found  unaltered  amongst  the  gypsies.— See  Sorrow's 
Gipsies  in  Spain.  j  Liyy  j   24, 


I 


204 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


a  father  and  a  son  living,  was  that  these  ties  might 
bind  him  in  the  strongest  manner,  to  wish  for  peace 
and  to  deprecate  war  with  its  certain  evils  and  un- 
certain successes, 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  places  the  Feciales 
amongst  the  earliest  institutions  of  Italy,  and  calls 
them  by  the  name  of  Spondophorai,  a  Greek  heraldic 
office,  no  doubt  imitated  from  them.  The  Feciales, 
like  most  other  Etruscan  institutions,  gradually 
found  place  amongst  their  neighbours,  and  give  us  a 
most  interesting  view,  of  the  moderation  and  sobriety 
which  marked  the  indelibly  eastern  character  of  the 
Rasena. 

After  Turrhenia  was  conquered,  and  her  boun- 
daries fixed,  Tarchun  established  the  Feciales,  and 
encroached  upon  his  neighbours  no  more.  It  was 
in  his  time,  and  probably  is  still,  a  fixed  notion 
among  the  people  of  the  East,  that  God  has  given  a 
certain  portion  of  land  to  each  nation,  either  for 
perpetuity,  or  for  a  certain  number  of  centuries. 
That  during  this  time  he  will  help  them  to  defend 
their  land,  and  will  render  them  victorious  over  those 
who  attack  them  ;  but  that  he  will  not  give  them 
the  land  of  others,  nor  bless  them  in  any  attempt 
to  usurp  foreign  rights  and  properties.*  We  have 
the  most  convincing  evidence  of  these  ideas  in  many 
parts  of  the  Scriptures.  St.  Paul  tells  us,  speak- 
ing to  the  Greeks  at  Athens,  that  God  who  made  the 
world  and  all  things  therein,  hath  made  of  one  blood 

♦  Deut.  ii.  5,  19,  whole  chapter  very  strong  ;  Josh.  xxiv.  4; 
Judges  xi.  24. 


i 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


205 


all  nations  of  men,  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth,  and  hath  determined  the  times  before  ap- 
pointed, and  the  bounds  of  their  habitations.*  And 
Moses  says  that  when  the  Most  High  divided  to  the 
nations  their  inheritance,  when  he  separated  the 
sons  of  Adam,  he  set  the  bounds  of  the  people,  ac- 
cording to  the  number  of  the  children  of  Israel.  In 
the  Book  of  Numbers,  the  Israelites  are  encouraged 
to  fall  upon  their  enemies,  because  "  their  defence" 
(that  is,  the  protection  of  God  during  their  day)  is  de- 
parted from  them.  We  cannot  say  that  the  Israelites 
had  Feciales,  but  between  Egypt  and  Canaan  we  find 
them  once,  twice,  and  even  thrice,  sending  some  of 
their  nobles  as  ambassadors  of  peace  to  the  kings  of 
the  countries  they  passed  through,  to  Moab  and 
Ammon,  Edom,and  the  Amorites;  and  every  war 
and  every  j)eace  amongst  them  was  always  solemnized 
with  sacrifice. 

The  institution  of  the  Feciales  proves  to  us  that 
might  with  the  llasena  was  not  held  to  be  right, 
and  that  their  great  gods  were  considered  as  the 
foes  and  punishers  of  unjust  war.  In  consequence 
of  which  maxims,  the  Etruscans  conquered  far,  and 
colonized,  and  allied  themselves,  and  diffused  their 
influence  still  further.  Yet  they  never  considered 
the  twelve  dynasties  of  Etruria  Proper  to  extend 
beyond  the  bounds  originally  fixed  by  Tarchun, 
i.  e.  from  the  Po  to  the  Tiber,  and  they  looked 
upon  war  as  so  great  an  evil,  that  even  when  just 
and  necessary,  it  required  an  excuse,  and  time  to 
*  Acts  xvii.  26 ;  Num.  xiv.  9  ;  Deut.  xxxii.  8 ;  Judges  xi.  12. 


206 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


be  given,  both  to  the  offending  and  offended,  for 
passion  to  cool  and  reason  to  resume  her  sway.  The 
Feciales  were  a  college  appointed  to  watch  over  the 
public  peace,*  and  their  ceremonies  were  called  in 
Rome  the  Jus  Feciale. 

Besides  these  magnates,  whose  presence  was  in- 
dispensable at  Voltumna,  there  must  have  been  other 
classes  whom  we  shall    notice  afterwards,  such  as 
naturalized  strangers,  merchants,  and  slaves.     Pro- 
bably there  were  no  women  of  the  upper  classes  at 
these   meetings,  for  the    Etruscan    women,   though 
much  honoured  and  carefully  instructed,  and  eligible 
even  more  than   the   English   women,  to  offices  of 
responsibility,  but  seldom  came  forward  in    public 
life.     They  were  doubtless  educated   in   the   bosom 
of  their   own    families;    they  ruled   in   their  own 
houses,  for  they  kept  all  the  keys,  excepting  those 
of  the  cellar  ;t  they  headed  their  husband's  tables,  as 
we  see  in  the  representations  of  feasts  in  the  tombs 
at  Chiusi  and  Tarquinia.      They  rode  in  chariots, 
had  places  of  honour  in  the  public  games,  and  were 
admitted  both  to  the  throne  and  to  the  priesthood.  It 
is  even  possible  that  they  occasionally  fought  in  the 
army,  from  Virgil's  episode  of  Camilla,  queen  of  the 
Volsci;  as  Virgil  would  not  have  put  into  his  poem 
anything  that  would  have  revolted  the  common  opi- 
nions or  traditions  of  his  countrymen,  as  to  the  state 

*  Authorities  for  Feciales  :— MiUler ;  Niebuhr  in  Loco  ; 
Cicero ;  Varro ;  Liiy  i.  24,  ix. ;  Plut.  in  Nuraa ;  Dionys.  i. ,' 
Serv.  vii. ;  Virg.  JEn.  x.  14 ;  vii.;  viii.  G41 ;  Lx.  53. 

t  Dempster,  de  Etru.  Reg. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


207 


of  women  in  the  early  days  of  Italy.  But  whether 
they  ever  fought  or  not,  they  never  voted  in  the 
senate,  nor  had  any  voice  in  making  the  laws,  nor  any 
influence  in  the  general  elections,  and  they  never 
came  forward  as  a  public  body.  One  superior 
female  mind  may  be  found  in  every  large  society  at 
all  times,  equally  fit  for  self-government,  and  the 
government  of  others.  There  are  few  men  of  exten- 
sive acquaintance  who  could  not  name,  and  perhaps 
even  agree  upon  one  such  woman,  in  whom  they 
could  repose  confidence,  and  to  whom  they  could 
render  admiration.  But  an  assembly  of  such  women, 
firm  in  character  and  wise  in  council,  a  democracy,  or 
an  aristocracy,  or  even  an  oligarchy  of  such  women, 
is  a  phenomenon  which  the  world  has  yet  to  witness, 
and  which  has  never  been  fabled  even  amongst  the 
Amazons,  nor  tried  even  amongst  the  Radicals. 


208 


TARCIIUN    ASD    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


209 


OL.COLL. 


n.  r. 

CENT. 
-XII. 


X^ 


CHPTER  X. 

TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 

Division  of  the  Land,  and  Classes  of  the  People. 

"  The  laws  of  Tages,  promulgated  by  Tarchun,* 
treated  of  the  division  of  the   people  into  tribes — 
Curiae  and  Decurise,  the  apportionment  of  the  land, 
and  the  constitution  of  the  army."     It  is  surely  in- 
teresting to  have  some  clear  idea  of  the  form  of  go- 
vernment which  Tarchun  established  over  Etruria, 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  he  settled  the   twelve 
tribes  of  his  people  in  their  new  land,  along  with 
its  former  possessors,  and  this  prompts  us  to  ask,  by 
what  rule,  or  if  by  any,  he  divided  amongst  them  the 
conquered  country  ?     We  shall  say  upon  this  point, 
and  upon  all  other  subjects  of  civil  polity,  as  much  as 
we  think  necessary  for  the  perfect  comprehension  of 
the    subsequent    history,    and    no    more ;    as   each 
article  must  be  treated  of  in  detail,  when  we  come  to 
the  chapter  upon  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Etruscans. 

"The  Rasena   were  divided   into  tribes,"  and  a 
tribe  in  all  cases  of  colonizing  amongst  the  later 

•  Cicero  de  Div. 


Italians  was  represented  by  one  thousand  men,  this 
thousand  being  again  represented  in  the  Senate  by 
a  hundred.  The  number  of  the  tribes  when  the 
Rasena  landed,  was  probably  twelve.  But  as  on 
their  location  in  Etruria,  each  of  these  twelve  occupied 
only  one  state,  and  we  know  that  the  Senate  in  each 
state  consisted  of  more  than  one  tribe,  and  that  the 
Etruscans  incorporated  with  themselves  the  Umbri, 
the  Pelasgi,  and  in  some  places  the  Siculi  also  ;  so  in 
each  state,  the  senate  probably  was  composed,  as  we 
find  it  afterwards  in  Rome,  Fidene,  Mantua,  and  in 
other  places,  of  the  hundred  families  of  the  Rasena? 
who  represented  the  thousands  of  their  tribe,  and  of 
an  equal  number  of  Umbri,  Pelasgi,  or  whatever 
other  nation  they  associated  with  themselves.  Each 
body  of  senators  was  again  represented  by  ten  chiefs 
— the  L.ch.mes  or  Lucumoes  of  the  Etruscans,  and 
the  Decuriones  of  the  Latins;  and  the  tribes  com- 
posing the  senate  were  so  far  not  equal,  that  the 
votes  of  the  first  in  order,  were  always  taken  first, 
and  those  of  the  second  next,  and  the  majority  of 
votes  decided ;  so  that,  when  these  two  agreed  in 
opinion,  the  acquiescence  of  the  third  was  of  no  con- 
sequence, and  excepting  for  form's  sake,  their  votes 
need  not  have  been  asked.  This,  however,  was  not  the 
case  upon  the  election  of  a  king,  when  all  the  tribes 
must  be  agreed.  Every  city  of  the  Rasena,  esta- 
blished by  Tarchun,  or  between  his  time  and  that  of 
Romulus,  when  submitted  to  criticism,*  has  been 
found  to  consist  of  three  different  elements,  viz.  (1) 
♦  See  the  remarks   of  Miiller,  Niebuhr,  Arnold,  Gell,  and 


1 


210 


III-TURV    OF    KTRUniA. 


Etruscan,  (2)  Uiiibrian,  or  Sabine,  and  (3)  Pelasgic, 
Latin,  or  Sikelian,  i.  e.  of  any  other  native  tribe  of 
Italy;  and  as  the  Romans  took  their  hiws  «nd  reli- 
gion,* (which  we  shall  afterwards  more  fully  prove,) 
their  forms  and  ceremonies  from  the  Etruscans,  so 
we  must  suppose  what  we  find  in  Rome  ot  later  days, 
to  have  been  only  a  copy  of  that  which  previously, 
and  from  the  beginning,  was  practised  in  Etruria. 
If  Tages  gave  rules  for  tribes,  then  the  tribes  were 
an  ordinance  of  Tarchun,  and  indeed  that  they  were 
so,  is  further  proved,  because  all  the  land  through- 
out civilized  Italy  was  divided  with  a  special  re- 
ference to  the  tribes,  and  all  authors  and  critics  are 
agreed,  that  the  Italian  division  of  land  was  derived 
from  Etruria.  The  senate,  composed  of  three  tribes, 
agrees  with  all  the  ordinances  and  superstitions  of 
the  Etruscans,  and  with  the  three  sreat  jrods,  the 
three  holy  gates,  the  three  classes  of  priests,  warriors, 
and  people,  with  masters,  vassals,  and  slaves,  and 
even  with  chiefs,  clans,  and  strangers,  which  made 
up  the  whole  population. 

In  each  Tarchunian  city,  the  tribe  was  represented 
in  the  senate  by  one  hundred  peers:  each  peer 
standing  for  ten  registered  houses,  of  which  he  was 
captain,  or  Dn'?,  L.ch.ui.  These  captains  were 
again  divided  into  ten  each,  forming  a  curia,  and 
over  every  curia  was  a  prince,  called  in  Latin  a  Decu- 
rion,  commanding  one  hundred  warriors.  Hence 
the  ten  Decurions  of  the  chief  tribe  were  the  princes 

Micali,  upon  any  of  the  towns  in  the  vicinity  of  Rome  with 
which  Romulus  and  Tullus  Hostilius  were  at  war. 
*  See  Dionysius,  Livy,  Festus,  Ser^ius, 


TARCUUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


211 


of  the  Senate,  whose  votes  were  upon  all  occasions 
taken  first,  and  it  is  not  unlikely,  that  as  each  of 
these  princes  voted,  so  the  nine  under  them  would 
consider  themselves  bound  to  vote,  and  as  the  sove- 
reign would  probably  belong  to  them,  and  vote  with 
them,  and  the  majority  of  votes  decided,  if  ever  a 
senate  consisted  of  two  tribes  only,  these  ten  first 
would  virtually  rule.  All  throughout  Italian  history, 
we  find  these  "  first  ten,"  these  princes  of  the  Senate, 
distinguished  beyond  their  co-senators.=^  It  is  also 
very  likely  that,  provided  the  Decurion  or  great 
Lucumo  was  in  his  place,  the  presence  of  the  other 
members  of  the  curia  might  not  be  thought  indis- 
pensable, and  their  absence  might  be  little  regarded. 
This  is  probable,  because  the  senators  voted  in  curia, 
and  therefore  every  ten  counted  only  one  vote, 
and  was  represented  by  the  Decurion,  though  the 
majority  decided  the  sense  of  the  whole. 

We  presume  tlien  that  each  nation  which  sub- 
mitted itself  to  the  constitutions  of  Tages,  was  really 
represented  in  the  senate  by  ten  of  its  chiefs  or  De- 
curions, though  the  actual  number  of  men  was  one 
hundred,  and  the  proportion  of  influence  which  each 
bore  in  the  original  government  would  be  like  the  pro- 
portion between  Normans,  Saxons,  and  Celts,  under 
William  the  Conqueror.  One  hundred  and  twenty 
Etruscan  Lucumoes  in  twelve  different  Senates,  might 
possibly  represent  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand, 
or  any  lesser  number  of  souls,  whilst  a  hundred  and 
twenty  Umbrian  or  Pelasgic  chiefs  would  represent 
many  millions.  The  votes  of  the  Umbri  would  not 
♦  Niebuhr  on  ten  Princes  of  Italian  Senates. 


212 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


TARCfUJN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


213 


be  taken  until  after  those  of  the  Tuscans,  and  those 
of  the  third  class,  that  of  the  Pelasjri  or  Sikeli, 
woukl  have  little  chance  of  any  weight,  excepting 
when  the  other  two  disagreed,  or  when  tlie  caprice 
and  favour  of  the  king,  for  which  there  was  small 
room,  raised  to  undue  influence  some  chosen  indi- 
vidual. The  justice  and  equality  of  the  Etruscan 
rule,  whatever  it  might  be,  are  demonstrated  by  the 
perpetual  fidelity  of  the  Umbri,  whilst,  nevertheless, 
Tuscany  did  not  become  a  part  of  Umbria,  but  Urn- 
bria,  says  Cato,  "  pars  Tusciae."  And  the  inferior 
weight  of  the  Pelasgi  to  either  of  the  others  is  de- 
monstrated, in  that  we  know  of  no  chief  and  no 
law^s  bearing  their  name,  nor  indeed  of  anything 
relating  to  them,  excei)ting  that  their  descendants 
continued  to  dwell  undisturbed  and  contented  in 
several  towns  of  the  Umbri  and  Turrheni  down  to 
the  days  of  Augustus. 

Our  ideas  of  this  composition  of  the  Senate  are 
derived  partly  from  the  reasonings  of  Niebuhr 
upon  the  Latin  states;  but  chiefly  because  all 
the  senates  of  which  we  have  any  detailed  ac- 
counts were  actually  so  composed.  That  of  Ardea 
consisted  of  Latins,  Siculi,  and  Tuscans  ;  that  of 
Cere  of  Tuscans,  Pelasgi,  and  Siculi;  that  of 
Tusculum,  of  Tuscans,  Latins,  and  Siculi ;  that  of 
Fidene,  of  Tuscans,  Sabines,  and  Latins,  and  so  on. 
We  may  doubt  whether  in  the  towns  which  the 
Umbri  had  previously  conquered  from  the  Pelasgi, 
this  last  race  retained  any  shadow  of  rule  or  not,  but 
it  is  most  consonant  with  Etruscan  policy  that  they 
should  have  done  so,  and  we  therefore  believe  the 


,1 


senates  of  Perugia,  Cortona,  Pisa,  Falleria,*  kc.  to 
have  consisted,  like  the  others,  of  three  tribes.  The 
word  tribe  everywhere  throughout  Italian  history, 
denotes  a  nation,  or  the  distinct  people  of  some 
smt.ll  district.  A  tribe  was  represented  in  towns 
by  congeries  of  tens,  and  in  the  Senate  by  curiae 
and  decuriaj.  In  the  state,  i.  e.  throughout  the  coun- 
try, these  tribes  were  divided  into  centuries  or 
hundreds,  the  names  denoting  things  rather  than 
nunibers,  even  as  our  land  division  in  England  of  a 
hundred  has  long  ceased  to  signify  a  numerical  dis- 
trict or  relation. 

That  reckonings  in  round  numbers  were  of  this 
loose  sort  amongst  the  easterns,  we  may  learn  from 
observing,  first,  that  the  men  of  a  certain  age  only 
were  reckoned,  not  including  women,  children,  or 
followers ;  and,  secondly,  from  many  examples  in  the 
Scriptures.  For  instance,  in  numbering  the  children 
of  Israel  in  Exod.  xii.  37, 600,000  are  put  for  603,000, 
and  in  Exod.  xxxviii.  26,  and  again  in  Numb.  i. 
where  this  enumeration  is  repeated,  it  is  expressly 
said  not  to  include  the  Levites,  who,  with  their  male 
children,  amounted  to  22,000  more,  (JNumb.  iii.  39,) 
doubtless  leaving  out  odd  numbers.  In  Exodus  and 
Galatians  the  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  in 
Egypt  is  said  to  have  continued  430  years,  (Exod. 
xii.  40,  Galat.  iii.) ;  and  in  Gen.  xv.  and  in  Acts  vii. 
it  is  called  400  years ;  and  so  we  find  of  almost  all 
the  symbolical  and  round  numbers  when  subjected 
to  criticism.     Thousands  and  centuries,  therefore, 

*  The  senate  and  curia  are  described  by  Plut.  and  Dion.  Hal. 


214 


niSTORV    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCIIUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


215 


amonirst  the  Etruscans,  were  conventional,  and  not 
real  numbers. 

The  centuries  were  districts  of  land  wliicli  were  di- 
vided between  the  chiefs,  the  clients,  and  the  Plebs  or 
natives,  this  last  being  an  order  of  which  we  have  not 
yet  spoken, and  of  which  we  do  not  know  the  Etruscan 
name.  The  Plebs  were  natives,  or  subjects,  either  so 
born,  or  so  made  by  agreement  or  by  conquest,  who 
were  amenable  to  the  laws, and  claimed  the  protection 
of  the  state,  but  none  of  whom  were  peers,  and  conse 
quently  none  of  whom,  of  whatever  rank,  had  any 
share  in  the  public  offices,  nor  any  seat  in  the  senate 
of  the  country.  Mliller*  says  that  patron,  client, 
and  plebs,  tribe  and  curia,  were  all  Etruscan  institu- 
tions, and  that  either  the  names  or  the  things  or  both, 
were  derived  from  Etruria  to  Rome.  King  Servius 
the  Etruscan,  separated  the  Roman  centuries  into 
tribes,  i.  e.  into  the  different  nations  of  which  they 
were  composed,  and  it  is  probable  that  he  only  in- 
troduced into  his  new  kingdom,  the  customs  long 
established  in  his  native  land.  The  centuries  had 
votes  as  well  as  the  curiae,  but  of  immeasurably  less 
weight,  and  the  proportion  between  them  was  most 
aptly  expressed  by  the  body  of  the  child  to  the  head 
of  the  man,  at  the  same  time  that  the  possession  of 
even  a  portion  of  a  vote,  satisfied  with  some  notion  of 
dignity,  the  Umbrian  or  Sabine  noble,  numbered 
amongst  the  Plebs,  who  submitted  to  the  Etruscans. 
The  centuries  chose  the  magistrates,  had  a  voice  in 
questions  of  war,  and  confirmed  the  laws  which  were 
accepted  by  the  Senate,  and  proposed  by  the  king.f 
♦  Miiller  ii.  on  Vulci.  t  Ancient  Hist.  vol.  xi. 


According  to  Niebuhr,*  every  government  by 
houses  or  chiefs  of  clans  must  necessarily  have  Plebs, 
that  is,  ^vee  and  native  subjects,  who  are  not  within 
the  pale  of  the  chiefs  and  their  prescriptive  rights. 
They  served  in  war,  inherited  lands,  had  their  own 
privileges  and  rights,  and  took  part  in  the  common 
laws  ;  but  they  could  never  sit  in  the  Senate,  except- 
ing by  adoption  into  one  of  the  original  houses,  or 
by  the  gift  of  a  peerage  from  the  king:  a  right,  the 
exercise  of  whicli  was  always  viewed  with  the  utmost 
jealousy,  and  which  in  later  times  was  probably  never 
exercised. 

Each  peer,  or  senator,  or  member  of  a  curia,  had 
of  course  his  house  and  establishment  in  the  metro- 
polis of  the  state,  and  Dionysiusf  tells  us  that  (ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  Tages)  each  curia  had  one 
hundred  portions  of  land  allotted  to  it,  each  man's 
portion  being  two  jugeraj  or  four  vorsi,  which  he 
was  bound  to  cultivate;  one  jugera  for  corn,  and 
one  for  orchard,  besides  the  common  pasture.  Hence 
each  curia  possessed  four  hundred  vorsi  of  land, 
called  its  "  Fundus,"  and  each  Senator  was  answer- 
able for  the  cultivation  of  the  forty  vorsi,  and  for  the 
conduct  of  the  ten  soldiers'  houses  which  he  repre- 
sented. In  the  country  centuries,  each  soldier's  por- 
tion was  reckoned  by  the  same  measure,  and  half 
this  portion  was  given  to  the  plebeians.  Muller  calls 
the  curiae  by  the  admirable  name  of  town  parishes,  so 
that  we  may  say  each  city  tribe  was  divided  into  ten 
j)arishes,  or  Curiae,  and  each  parish  into  ten  magis- 
*  Nieb.  vol.  i.  442,  ii.  50C.  f  Dion.  ii.  7,  p.  82.   X  Pint,  in  Rom. 


1 1 


216 


HISTORY    OF    ETRIIRIA. 


trades,  or  senators'  jurisdictions,  and  every  magis- 
trate was  bound  to  furnish  ten  men  to  the  militia  or 
national  i^^uard  of  his  country.* 

Each  Curia  or  parish  had  its  own  jiriest  and  tem- 
ple, and  most  prol)ably  this  office  appertained  to 
the  Decurion  who  was  priest  amongst  his  brethren, 
for  his  and  their  retainers;  and  when  the  house  of 
any  Decurion  became  extinct,  another  house  would 
be  elected  to  take  the  priority  in  its  place.  In  this 
view,  the  ten  princes  of  a  tribe  would  also  be  the 
ten  priests,  to  take  auspices  and  offer  sacrifices,  to 
register  births,  deaths,  and  marriages,  to  see  that 
military  discipline  was  preserved,  and  to  exercise  in- 
spection over  the  conduct  of  the  others.^  Many  of 
the  curule  magistrates,  perhaps  most  of  them,  had 
large  possessions  in  the  country,  besides  their  sena- 
torial property  in  the  towns,  and  they  might  be 
chiefs  of  the  centuries,  as  well  as  holding,  under  a 
light  tax,  a  large  portion  of  the  common  land,  which 
they  gradually  came  to  consider  as  their  own.  The 
country  proprietors  and  the  peasantry  first  located 
in  the  centurial  districts,  may  have  consisted  of  one 

♦  All  this  will  be  found  admirably  explained  in  Arnold's  his- 
tory of  early  Rome,  from  Livy,  Varro,  and  Cicero  ;  and  we  need 
only  to  bear  in  mind  that  not  only  the  first  Roman,  but  the  first 
Italian  institutions,  were  all  Etruscan.  Dionysius,  who  wrote 
the  Etniscan  histor}',  now  lost,  is  the  author  who  gives  us  the 
fullest  account  of  the  tribes,  curiae,  and  centuries,  though  they 
had  ceased  to  exist  in  Rome  two  hundred  years  before  he  wrote, 
and  he  says  that  they  were  all  Etruscan  in  their  origin. 

t  Miiller  says  the  Decurion  was  priest,  captain,  and  magis- 
trate of  the  curia. 


.•■*v. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


217 


liundred  families,  or  of  an  unlimited  number  of  fa- 
milies under  one  hundred  names,  upon  one  hundred 
portions  of  that  district ;  the  portions  being  deter- 
mined by  varying  circumstances,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Latins  afterwards,  whose  land  was  divided  ac- 
cording to  the  limits  of  their  conquests,  and  there- 
fore in  some  districts  the  portions  would  be  much 
larger  than  in  others.*  This  land,  once  inscribed  in 
the  Agrimensoral  books  as  "  a  century,"  continued 
ever  after  to  constitute  it  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  and 
some  of  these  old  Etruscan,  and  perhaps  Tarchunian, 
centurial  fundi,  can  be  recognised  at  this  day. 
Niebuhrf  names  two  close  to  Ferentinum,  "  Roiana 
and  Ceponia,"  now  called  "  La  Roana,  and  La  Cipol- 
lara."J  No  doubt,  Italians  themselves  are  acquainted 
with  many  more.  These  districts  are  ascertained 
from  old  records,  old  inscriptions,  and  the  Pandects. 
The  land  of  the  centuries  might  be  sold  or  be- 
queathed ;  but  however  often  it  might  change  hands, 
the  proprietor  was  always  reckoned  as  belonging  to 
the  same  century  with  tho  land.  § 

The  century,  in  its  original,  certainly  referred  to 
persons,  as  one  hundred  families,  or  one  hundred 
soldiers,  with  their  kindred  ;  and  the  measured  por- 
tion  of  land  assigned    to  each  century  was  called 

•  >*'iebuhr.  f  vol.  ii.  p.  708. 

X  Lands  took  the  names  of  the  tribes.  (Plin.  xviii.  3.) 
§  All  this  account  of  the  centuries  is  taken  from   Niebuhr. 
The  centuries,  according  to  Livy,  were  patricians,  clients,  and 
plebs,  altogether.    They  had  ceased,  long  before  his  day,  in 
Latium. 

L 


218 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


*'  Fundus."  The  curia  or  hundred  warriors*  houses, 
in  the  town,  doubtless  imaged  the  century  or  hundred 
warriors'  houses  in  the  country;  and  in  counting  a 
house,  it  is  possible  that  the  establishments,  or  the 
cabins  of  one  mans  father  and  grandfather, and  of 
another  man's  seven  sons,  may  have  been  reckoned 
as  one  only,  he  being  the  effective  head,  and  there- 
fore standins:  in  the  militia  roll  for  one  house. 

For  an  instance  of  how  families  and  households 
were  calculated  in  eastern  reckonings,  see  Joshua 
vii.  17,  where  Achan  is  drawn  by  lot  from  the 
tribe  of  Judah,  compared  with  1  Chron.  ii.  "Joshua 
brought  the  family  of  Judah,  and  the  Lord  took 
the  family  of  the  Zarhites :  and  he  brought  the 
family  of  the  Zarhites,  man  by  man  :  and  Zabdi  was 
taken.  And  he  brought  his  household,  man  by 
man:  and  Achan,  the  son  ofCarmi,  the  son  of  Zabdi, 
the  son  of  Zerah,  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  was  taken." 
Achan  is  made  the  grandson  of  Zabdi,  and  Zabdi 
the  grandson  of  Judah.  Four  generations  are  given 
as  the  result  of  470  years,  for  Judah  himself  was  an 
elderly  man,  when  he  went  down  into  Egypt.  The 
tribe  of  Judah  at  this  time,  numbered  76,500  fighting 
men  in  round  numbers,  all  above  the  age  of  twenty, 
and  these  in  Chronicles,  where  we  have  the  numbers 
most  in  detail,  are  ranged  in  three  branches,  under 
sixteen  households.  Again,  we  have  an  example  of 
households  in  Josh.  xxii.  1 3  and  14,  when  the  two  and 
a  half  tribes  send  Phineas  the  prince  of  Levi,  and  ten 
princes  with  him,  as  a  sort  of  Feciales  to  their  bre- 
thren, "  of  each  chief  house  a  prince,  each  one,  head 


TARCIIUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


219 


of  Q,  house,  among  the  thousands  of  Israel;'*  or  as 
we  might  say,  "each  one  a  Sar  and  L.ch.m'  among 
the  hundreds  of  thousands,  of  the  children  of 
Jacob. 

When  new   laws   were  made,  the  Senators  an- 
nounced these  laws  to  the  people  assembled  in  cen- 
turies,  and  these  centuries    were  entitled  to  meet 
every  ninth  or  market-day,*  though,  in  fact,  they 
probably  only  met  when  desired  to  do  so,  or  when  it 
was  important  for  them  to  know  the  great  feasts  or 
periods  which  occurred  in   the  month,  such  as  the 
time  to  reap,  or  to  sow  ;  or  the  new  ordinances  agreed 
upon  after  some  council  at  Voltumna.     The  dans- 
raen  (clients   or  gens)  could  only  vote  in  curia,  that 
IS,  as  belonging  to  the  city  parishes  of  their  patrons 
Besides  the  portion  of  each  citizen  senator,  for  vine 
and  corn  land,  each  city  had  a  district  assigned  to  it 
upon  Its   foundation,   called   "Agger,"   which  was 
never  afterwards  enlarged,  and  in  which  were  built 
the  suburbs.      All  the  measured  land  beyond,  was 
pasturage,  and  belonged  to  the  Senators  only,  for  the 
use  of  them  and  of  their  clans.  This  land  was  limited, 
and   its    boundaries    were   carefully    marked,    and 
placed  under  the  perpetual  care  of  twelve  nobles 
representing  the  twelve  Etruscan  tribes,  all  Arus- 
pices,  and  called  Arvales,  or  by  the  Latins  "  Fratres 
Arvales,"  when  the  same  establishment  was  intro- 
duced  into  the  Latin  cities. 

The  Arvales  were  men  who  placed  the  boundary 
stones  which  were  held  sacred,  and  it  was  their  duty, 

*  Miiller. 

l2 


•220 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


221 


once  every  year,  to  keep  a  feast,  with  hymns  and 
processions,  pacing  round  the  boundaries,  to  see 
that  they  were  preserved  uninjured.  The  word 
"  Arvales"  is  probably  Etruscan  from  its  great  like- 
ness to  "  urvare  or  arvare,"  which  Festus  and  Varro 
tell  us  was  the  Tuscan  for  "  surround,  inclose." 
The  processions  of  the  Arvales  were  called  Arvalia 
and  Ambarvalia,  (ab  anibiendis  arvis,)  and  the 
sacrifices  offered  at  them  were  a  pig,  a  sheep  and  a 
bull,  all  purely  Etruscan.  The  brethren  walked 
three  times  round  the  boundaries,  crowned  with  oak, 
the  "  corona  Etrusca."  These  men  decided  all  con- 
troversies with  respect  to  boundaries  and  divisions 
of  land ;  they  held  their  dignity  for  life,  and  they 
took  care  of  all  public  funerals,  and  of  the  monuments 
to  illustrious  patriots.  As  Romulus*  was  one  of 
this  order,  we  presume  that  the  prince  of  the  people 
was  often,  if  not  always,  at  their  head  ;  and  as  they 
are  by  some  authors  called  Augurs,  it  is  likely  that 
the  Augurs  also,  by  right,  belonged  to  their  body ; 
but  Latin  authors  so  constantly  confuse  together 
Augurs  and  Haruspices,  that  we  cannot  trust  their 
use  of  the  word,  without  collateral  evidence.  Plinyf 
tells  us  that  the  Arvales  were  crowned  with  corn  in 
honour  of  Ceres,  which  cannot  refer  to  processions 
round  the  agger,  since  it  was  wholly  pastoral ;  but  to 
Ambarvalia  in  the  agricultural  centuries,  throughout 
Etruria  and  those  parts  of  Italy  which  adopted 
Etruscan  civilization.  As  Rome  introduced  the 
Arvales  from  Laurentum,the  Latin  states  are  proved 
•  Plut.  t  Plin.  lib.  xviii.  2. 


to  have  adopted  them  before  Romulus ;  and  as  the 
first  Arvalian  funeral  honours  in  Rome  were  per- 
formed for  Tatius,  the  Sabine  king,  the  Sabines 
are  proved  to  have  adopted  them  also.  The  first 
Sodales  in  Rome,  i.  e.  Arvales  in  a  funeral  capacity, 
were  the  "  Sodales  Titii."  * 

Terminus  was  the  god  of  boundaries,  and  therefore 
we  cannot  but  suppose  that  sacrifices  were  offered  to 
him,  and  that  hymns  were  sung  in  his  praise,  as  well 
as  in  that  of  the  patron  saint,  which  last  would  vary 
in  each  place.  The  Roman  Carmen  Arvale  which  has 
come  down  to  us  in  honour  of  Mars,  seems  strangely 
incongruous  for  a  procession  of  peace,  and  so  does 
the  Sabine  Carmen,  mentioned  in  Latin  authors  in 
honour  of  Ceres,  were  it  ever  used,  to  celebrate  the 
limits  of  what  was  strictly  reserved  for  pasture  land. 
None  but  the  Senate  had  any  right  in  this  land ; 
and  therefore  no   stranger,  however  noble,  and  no 
merchant,  however  rich,  though  both  might  be  na- 
turalized, could  have  any  portion  in  it.     It  was  the 
state  or  government  property,  and  therefore  no  man 
could  have  any  share  in  it  unless  he  formed  part  of 
the  government.f 

The  great  Niebuhrf  says  that  the  Agrimensores 
or  land  measurers,  under  whatever  name  we  may 
find  them,  or  with  whatever  dignity  their  office 
might  be  combined,  were  undoubtedly  as  to  origin, 
Etruscan,  and  that  by  this,  we  may  trace  the  Etrus- 

*  Authorities  for  Arvales  :  Virg.  Geor.  i.  v.  339,  345 ;  Tib. 
2,  el.  i,  V.  19 ;  Cato  de  R.  R.  c.  141 ;  Varro  de  L.  L.  4.     ' 
t  See  Xiebuhr  on  Agger.  t  j^  jj^  p  g^g 


I 


222 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


223 


can  settlements  throughout  Italy.      Indeed  he,  Sir 
Wm.  Gell,  and   other  modern  writers,  have  in  this 
manner  of  late  years  discovered  the  introduction  of 
Etruscan    institutions    into  the  Greek  colonies  in 
Campania  and  South  Italy,  where  it  had  not  before 
been  even  suspected.   "The  agrimensoral  or  arvalian 
measurement,"  says  Niebuhr,*  "  was  older  than  the 
foundation  of  Rome,  and   it   survived  the  empire 
for  five   hundred  years.     The  elements  of  it  were 
Etruscan  mathematics,  applied  to  Etruscan  astro- 
nomy."    Its  grand  work  was  the  tempi  um  of  square 
measurement,  with  cardo  and  decumanus,   and  we 
need  no  more  repeat   that    wherever  we  find  the 
templum,  there  we  trace  the  Etruscan  augury,  and 
that  the  first  Etruscan  Augur  was  the  Ludin  Prince 
**  Tarchun  of  the  Rasena."      He  commanded    the 
division  of  the  land  according  to  the  tribes  of  the 
people,  as  part  of  the  laws  of  Tages,  and  we  learn  the 
sacred  nature  of  the  landmarks  from  a  fragment  of 
the  Lib.  Vegojseji-  now  in  the  Vatican,  and  from  the 
refusal  of  Terminus  to  move  his  bounds  even  for 
Tina,  when  the  multitude  desired  to  extend  beyond 
them  his  metropolitan  temple.J 

As  the  Etruscan  land,  in  the  first  instance,  was  all 
conquered,  and,  in  the  second,  all  colonized,  so  we 
must  believe  it  to  have  followed  the  laws  which 
Tages  laid  down  for  conquered  lands  and  colonies 
in  general:  whether  his  people  originated  these  laws 
by   their   example,   or   whether   in    their    conduct, 

♦  ii.  p.  697.  t  Ap.  rei  agr.  p.  258. 

X  Pkit.  in  Pub. 


only  they  acted  according  to  previously  known  and 
written  precepts. 

By  the  law  of  conquest  in  Etruria  Proper,  the 
whole  of  the  land  belonged  to  the  conquerors,  so 
that  all  dwelling  upon  it  were  reckoned  Etruscans 
henceforward,  whatever  they  might  have  been  before, 
and  one-third  of  this  land  was  restored  to  its  old 
possessors,  subject  to  a  tax  of  one-tenth  of  the  pro- 
duce, to  government.*  The  remainder  was  again 
divided  into  three,  of  which  one  part  was  appor- 
tioned to  the  army,  one  to  the  priesthood,  i.  e.  was 
reserved  for  religious  and  public  purposes,  and  one- 
third  was  for  the  crown  or  senatorial  government, 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  these  divisions  were 
equal.  The  land  for  the  army  was  portioned  off  in 
centuries,  each  taking  the  name  of  the  Centurial 
chief,  and  the  allotment  was  two  jugera  per  man  for 
the  Etruscan  or  Curial  soldier,  and  one  for  the 
Plebian  or  non-curial  soldier. 

An  Etruscan  lot  in  the  century,  according  to 
Niebuhr,t  whether  in  Etrurian  Umbria,  or  in  the 
colonies  of  Campania  and  of  North  Italy,  measured 
ten  rods  of  ten  feet  each,  making  one  vorsus,  and 
one  of  these  lots  was  the  legal  award  of  each  inde- 
pendent or  Plebeian  soldier,  four  of  them  being  the 
due  of  each  Patrician.  Each  vorsus,  therefore,  con- 
tained one  hundred  square  feet,  and  each  fullj  cen- 
tury ten  thousand,  being  one  hundred  feet  every  way. 

♦  Xiebuhr.  f  ii.  p.  ;o5. 

t  We  have  already  stated  that  many  of  the  centuries  were 
not  full  measure. 


224 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


All  the  centuries,  whether  in  town  or  country,  were 
limited,  that  is,  were  measured  off  by  the  Augurs 
in  this  manner  -L  ,  and  within  the  cardo  and  decu- 
manus,  auguries  might  be  taken.     This  land  was  as 
sacred  to  the  century,  whether  patrician  or  militial, 
as  the  gates  and  walls  were  to  the  city.      The  limits 
were  drawn  round  it  by  the  plough,  according  to  the 
old  Phoenician  custom  recorded  of  Carthage,  with 
ridges  ;  and   the  corners  were  marked  by  boundary 
stones,  which  were  numbered  with  the  letters  of  the 
old  Ogham  alphabet,  i.  e.  with  Etruscan  numerals. 
Cicero  says,*  when  a  colony  had  once  been  settled 
in  this  manner,  its  lands  throughout  Italy  were  holy, 
and    could  never   be   resumed,   neither   could   any 
other  colony  ever  be  settled  in  its  place.     As  the 
Arvales  divided  the  land,  and  appear  to  have  con- 
secrated it,  which  last  was  the  office  of  the  Augur 
alone,  we  infer  that  the  Augurs  or  some  of  them,  ne- 
cessarily formed  a  part  of  the  Arvalian  College. 

The  Latin  measurement  of  these  portions  was  larger 
than  the  Etruscan,  being  one  hundred  and  twenty 
feet  square,t  instead  of  one  hundred ;  hence  we  learn 
that  the  size  of  the  lot  was  decided  by  some  considera- 
tion external  to  it,  such  as  a  difference  of  sacred  num- 
bers amongst  the  people,  or  certain  numbers  being 
sacred  to  certain  gods.  Niebuhr  says  that  twelve 
Etruscan  rods  made  ten  Roman.  The  Roman  portion 
in  the  century,  therefore,  was  measured  like  the 
Etruscan,  ten  rods  square,  and  the  difference  of  size 
would  result  from  the  rod  of  the  one  bein^:  longer  than 
*  See  Nieb.  p.  701.  f  Varro  de  R.  R.  i.  10. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


225 


the  rod  of  the  other,  whilst  both  were  supposed  to 
represent  one  measure.     As,  for  instance,  the  Scotch 
pint  is  double  the  English,  but  an  Englishman  giving 
a  receipt  to  a  Scotchman,  and  not  aware  of  this, 
would  cause  him  to  use  wrong  proportions.  A  Scotch 
acre  is  larger  than  an  English,  which  would  cause  a 
mistake  to  Englishmen    in  the  sale  and  value  of 
lands;  and  if  Scotland  adopted  as  a  military  rule  from 
England,  that  each  soldier*s  portion  should  be  one 
acre,  the  Scotchman's  portion  would  be  larger  than 
the  Englishman's,  though   both  were  supposed  to 
express  the  same,  and  though  the  former  nation  took 
its  rule  from  the  latter.* 

Our  knowledge  of  the  exact  sizes  of  these  allot- 
ments enables  us  in  Italy  to  trace,  concerning  certain 
centuries  or  aggers,  whether  they  were  laid  off  by 
Romans  or  Etruscans,  Miiller  names  some  tables 
lately  found  at  Heraclea  in  Calabria,  which  give  the 

*  The  pound  Scot  also  differs  from  the  pound  English,  the 
former  reckoning  20d.  and  the  latter  20*.     Ignorance  of  this 
difference,  by  EngUsh  lawyers,  once  occasioned  a  curious  piece 
of  good  fortune  to  a  Scotch  family.     James  VI.  owed  a  sum, 
say  5,000  pounds  Scots,  to  a  man  of  the  name  of  Callender, 
which  being  unpaid  when  he  ascended  the  Enghsh  throne,  the 
man  sued  for  it  in  London ;  the  king  accordingly  ordered  his 
debt  to  be  paid,  and  the  Exchequer  dehvered  to  him  £5,000 
English,  with  which  he  bought  the  estate  of  Craig  Forth,  now 
enjoyed  by  his  family.    It  is  evident  that  20  weights,  in  its  origin, 
represented  a  lb.,  and  the  lb.  Scot  being  much  heavier  than 
the  Enghsh,  consisting  frequently  of  20  oz.,  it  is  Hkely  that  20 
copper  pieces  in  the  one  country  were  equivalent  to  the  same 
nominal  weight  with  the  20  silver  in  the  other,  and  were  imagined 
to  be  the  same  tiling. 

L   5 


226 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


227 


division  of  the  temple  land  after  the  Etruscan  fashion. 
The  cardines  are  called  Automai,  and  show  that 
Etruscan  fashions  were  also  adopted  by  the  Greeks 
according  to  the  testimony  of  Plato  de  legibus,  v. 

The  profound  Niebuhr*  says  that  the  Sabellian 
sacred  number  is  four,  and  the  Latin,  three  and  ten  ; 
and  that  twelve  in   Rome,  expresses  the  union  of 
three  multiplied  by  four,  i.  e.  of  the  Latin  and  Sa- 
bine tribes.     The  Etruscan  number,  he  says,  is  ten, 
which,  if  it  means  to  limit  Etruscan  sacredness  to 
that  number,  we  can  by  no  means  understand,  since 
it  is  certain  that  three  and  twelve  were  equally  sacred 
in  the  Etruscan  kalender.     Three  great  gods,  three 
holy   gates,  three  classes  of  people;  twelve  tribes, 
twelve  fasces,  twelve  lictors,  &c.  &c.,  twelve,  and 
three,  and  four,  in  their  numismatic  system,  as  well 
as  ten  in  the  number  of  their  seculse,  and  in  the 
division   of  their    people.     We  are,  therefore,  in- 
clined to  attribute  the  introduction  of  all  these  num- 
bers amongst  the  native  Italians  to  the  Rasena,  even 
as  we  must  attribute  to  them  the  numeral  characters 
by  which  they  are  noted.     The  fact  of  each  of  these 
different  numbers  being  sacred,  united  with  the  fun- 
damental rule  of  Etruscan  theology,  "  to  take  away 
the  worship  of  no  native  god,"  would  admit  of  a  di- 
versity of  measures    amongst    the  different  tribes, 
though  all  might  be  governed  by  one  and  the  same 
grand  ruling  principle.     We  know,  from  the  history 
of  the  Jews,  the  Egyptians,  and  the  Hindoos,  that 
these  numbers  of  four  and  twelve,  three  and  ten, 

*  Nieb.  vol.  ii.  p.  95. 


were  prevalent  and  sacred  in  that  part  of  the  world 
which   was    the   centre   of    primitive  civilization  ;* 
therefore  we  are  again  inclined  to  trace  back  even  the 
holy  numbers  of  the  Etruscans  to  an  Assyrian  origin. 
Need  we  here  allude  to  the  Eastern  origin  of  land- 
marks? to  their  necessity  in  Egypt,  where  all  the 
land  was  every  year  overflowed,  and  where  without 
landmarks,  no  man  could   have  reclaimed  his  own 
when  the  waters  retired,  or  to  the   many  laws  and 
precepts  concerning  them  scattered  throughout  the 
Scriptures  ?     Need  we  mention  the  measure  of  the 
Hebrew  pontifical  agger  of  two  thousand   cubits,t 
which  is  prescribed  to  the  priestly  cities  in  Israel,  or 
the  reference  which  is  made  to  it,  as  a  universal  cus- 
tom of  Ludin  in  the  days  of  ancient  Job  ?    "  Some 
remove  the  landmarks,  (from  the  pastoral  lands,  per- 
haps a  patrician   agger,)  and   they   violently   take 
away  the  flocks."     The  Etruscan  Curial  agger  with 
its  landmarks,  was  pastoral,  whilst  all  the  rural  cen- 
turies were    agricultural,    being   measured   out  for 
corn,  which  was  cultivated  in  Italy  before  all  history, 
and  found  there  by  the   Rasena,  and  for  the   vine, 
which  their  first  king  is  said  to  have  introduced,  as 
we  shall  see  hereafter. 

*  The  twelve  tribes  of  the  Hebrews,  from  the  time  of  Moses 
down  to  the  Babylonish  captivity,  were  divided  into  tens,  and 
fifties,  and  hundreds,  and  thousands. 

The  ancient  Hindus  were  divided  into  governments  of  one 
town,  ten  towns,  twenty  towns,  one  hundred  towns,  and  one 
thousand  towns. — See  Sir  W.  Jones. 

t  Numb.  XXXV. 


IN 


228 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


229 


Moses,  the  Egyptian  Hebrew,  who  came  out  of 
the  Avaris,  the  Assyrian  part  of  Egypt,  either  sup- 
poses that  land-measuring  and  landmarks  were  cus- 
toms that  must  have  obtained  amongst  all  civilized 
nations,  or  he  knew  that  it  was  the  order  of  the  coun- 
try throughout  the  wealthy  and  populous  Palestine. 
In  Deut.  xix.  14,  he  says  to  the  Israelites,  giving 
them  laws  for  their  future  settlement,  "  Thou  shalt 
not  remove  thy  neighbour's  landmark,  which  they 
of  old  time  have  set."  (The  old  time  is  mentioned 
before  the  new  time  had  commenced.  Moses  quotes 
antiquity  !)  "  Which  thou  shalt  inherit  in  the  land 
that  the  Lord  thy  God  giveth  thee,  to  possess  it.** 
The  landmarks  amongst  the  Hebrews  were  sacred  ; 
and  as  if  the  Arvalian  College  of  twelve  men  had 
also  been  an  institution  of  Egypt,  or  of  the  patri- 
archal times,  with  some  significant  meaning,  Moses 
commands  that  one  prince  out  of  every  tribe  should 
divide  the  land  by  inheritance.* 

Both  with  the  Hebrews  and  the  Rasena,  the  land 
of  the  tribe  and  of  the  century  was  divided  by  lot;t 
because  the  extent  of  a  single  portion  was  the  same, 
whether  the  land  were  good  or  bad,  and  the  person 
to  whom  the  lot  fell,  in  both  cases,  referred  the  event 
to  his  god.  Amongst  the  Etruscans,  all  was  re- 
ferred to  Tina,  or  to  Nortia,  the  Goddess  of  Fortune, 
or  to  the  patron  saint,  they  being  sought  by  sacrifice  ; 
and  amongst  the  Hebrews  we  all  remember  the  wise 

*  Num.  xxxiv.  18. 

t  Lota  :  Numb.  xxvi.  55;  xxxiii.  54;  xxxiv.  13;  Josh.  xv. 


I 


king's  sentence,  "  The  lot  is  cast  into  the  lap,  but 
the  whole  disposing  thereof  is  from  the  Lord.'*  * 

When  the  century  was  measured  off  and  divided 
into  one  hundred  parts,  these  were  numbered,  and 
one  hundred  tickets,t  also  numbered,  were  put  into 
an  urn.  As  each  man  drew  out  his  number, 
his  name  was  inscribed  against  it,  in  the  public 
land  register,  and  it  became  his  possession.  The 
remainder  of  the  land  was  common  or  crown 
land,  and  a  large  portion  was  sometimes  bestowed 
upon  individuals  for  eminent  services,  but  more  com- 
monly, it  was  given  only  for  life.  Limited,  i.  e. 
measured-off  portions  were  let  to  the  people  for  pas- 
turage, and  the  unlimited  belonged  to  the  Lucu- 
moes,  subject  to  a  tax  of  one-tenth,  until  reclaimed 
by  the  state  at  the  death  of  an  individual,  and  then 
given  away  upon  the  same  terms  to  his  heir.  The 
pasture  lands  were  relet  every  five  years,  i.  e.  every 
lustrum.  This  constitution  had  for  ages  obtained  all 
over  Asia  and  Egypt, J  and  being  once  introduced 
by  the  Rasena,  it  became  common  to  every  people 
in  Italy.  Will  any  man  say  that  the  Rasena  from 
Ludin  learnt  this  system  from  the  barbarous  Italians, 
or  semi-barbarous  Pelasgi  ?  If  they  did  not  originate 
it,  from  whom  did  they  adopt  it,  and  how  came  the 
elements  of  it  in  Italy  to  be  always  theirs  ? 

The  conquered  people  who  did  not  belong  to  the 

*  Prov.  xvi.  33.     See  further  on  this  subject,  Levit.  xxv.  10, 
23,  25 ;  Prov.  xxii.  28,  xxiii.  10. 
t  Niebuhr. 
I  See  Josephus;  Herod,  ii.  168;  Nieb.  ii.  p.  152;  Gen.  xlvii. 


It: 


!■■' 


230 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA, 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


231 


chiefs,  with  seats  in  the  senate,  and  land  in  the 
agger,  were,  as  we  have  said,  called  plebs,  or  ple- 
beians, such,  at  least,  is  the  word  in  a  Latin  form, 
which,  according  to  Muller,  represents  a  caste 
amongst  the  Etruscans.  The  plebs*  comprehended 
all,  whether  noble  or  simple,  whether  great  or  small, 
who  were  neither  senators,  nor  the  clansmen  of  sena- 
tors ;  they  were  conquered  subjects  and  naturalized 
strangers,  only  connected  with  the  senatorial  houses 
politically.  They  had  property  and  votes  in  the 
centuries,  municipal  rights,  commercial  liberty,  state 
protection,  and  domestic  privileges ;  they  shared  the 
public  burdens,  paid  taxes,  and  fought  in  the  army, 
but  they  could  not  marry  with  the  senators'  houses, 
and  hence  the  misalliance  of  a  Lucumo's  daughter 
with  the  Greek  chief,  Demaratus  ;  they  belonged  to 
no  city  tribe,  or  curia  ;  they  had  no  Etruscan  peer- 
age, and  therefore  they  could  have  no  share  in  the 
government,  nor  in  the  state  property .f  So  devoted 
were  the  Hasena  to  order  and  discipline  amongst  all 
classes  of  the  people,  that  in  the  cities,  the  non-noble 
of  this  class,  were  divided  into  corporate  trades  and 
colleges  of  art.  Niebuhr  conceives  the  nine  cor- 
porations of  Servius  to  have  been  Plebeian. 

♦  The  Plebs  ought  never  to  be  confounded  with  the  populus 
or  people  of  which  they  were  only  a  class. 

t  The  land  was  allotted  to  the  plebs  in  centuries,  and  the 
plebeian  soldier  had  half  the  share  of  his  officer.  In  all  divi- 
sions, hmits  were  kept  for  the  highways.  Each  tribe,  or  sepa- 
rate people  in  centuries,  had  its  chief  and  temple,  its  arable  and 
its  common  or  pasture  land,  and  the  pasture  alone  of  the  ple- 
beians was  taxed.     Neibuhr ;  Muller ;  Plin.  xxiii. 


When  new  lands  were  conquered  and  the  natives 
received  one-third  back  as  their  own,  they  were  sub- 
jected to  a  tribute  of  what  Niebuhr  calls  the  Etruscan 
sacred  number,  of  one-tenth  to  government ;  and  if 
they  were  allowed  to  retain  their  own  lands  altogether 
upon  submission,  (which,  beyond  the  bounds  of 
Etruria  Proper,  seems  always  to  have  been  the  case 
during  the  dominion  of  the  Rasena,)  then  they  held 
them  in  use  only ;  the  state  being,  as  in  many  Euro- 
pean countries,  perpetual  lord  paramount  of  the  soil, 
and  in  legal  fiction  entitled  to  resume  it,  or  portion 
it  out  for  colonies,  whenever  it  chose.  The  pasture 
land  at  all  times  paid  the  sacred  tax  to  government, 
i.  e.  the  tithe,  of  the  young,  of  wool,  and  of  cheese. 
This  tithe  was  doubtless  a  sacred  tribute  with  the 
early  patriarchs,  and  amongst  all  the  first  great  Asiatic 
nations,  for  Jacob*  vows  the  tenth  of  his  substance  to 
the  Almighty.  Abraham  gives  Melchisedec  f  the 
tenth  of  his  spoils,  and  the  curse  of  heaven  was  said 
to  have  fallen  upon  the  Phoenician  tribes  when  they 
were  obliged  to  wander,  because  they  withheld  the 
tenths  from  their  gods. 

That  part  of  the  lands  which  belonged  to  the  go- 
vernment, or  which,  in  the  case  of  conquest,  was 
neither  appropriated  to  colonists,  nor  yet  returned 
to  the  old  possessors,  was  let  out  to  the  senators, 
and  cultivated  by  their  clansmen.  Honours  were 
conferred  upon  the  clever  husbandman,  and  a  lazy 
cultivator  was  considered  a  defrauder  of  the  state, 
and  disgraced  by  his  name  being  struck  off  the  land 
•  Gen.  xxvi.  22  ;  b.  c.  1760.         f  Gen.  xiv.  20;  b.  c.  1913. 


232 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


roll,  SO  that  he  lost  his  place,  and  all  his  landed 
rights  in  the  tribe  of  his  fathers.*  All  these  lands 
paid  tithes,  therefore  if  not  fully  and  properly 
managed,  the  state  received  less  than  was  fairly  due; 
and  as  these  tithes  in  kind  were  often  couiuiuted  for 
a  sura  of  money,  the  state  was  clearly  defrauded 
when  they  were  sold  at  so  much  per  modus  of  pro- 
duce. The  rent  of  the  agger,  wholly  j)atrician  and 
lucumonal,  the  Romans  called  "fructus,"  and  this 
fructus  was  always  sold  every  year  at  a  very  low 
valuation. 

In  the  portion  of  land,  appropriated  to  religious 
purposes  and  public  buildings,  the  Vestals,  the 
Augurs,  and  the  Colleges,  had  all  fixed  allotments 
assigned  to  them,  the  fruits  of  which  they  might 
sell  for  a  lustrum,  or  for  a  longer  period,  and  which 
were  paid  at  a  fixed  rate,  termed  "  Vectigal."  Vec- 
tigales  have  therefore  a  religious  import.f 


•  Dionys.  ix. 


t  Niebuhr,  ii.  311 


233 


CHAPTER  XI. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


Army— Seculum — Political  Relations. 


We  now  come  to  the  relation  which  the  sub- 
jects, of  which  we  have  just  been  treating,  viz.  the 
division  of  the  land,  the  arrangement  of  the  various 
classes  in  the  cities,  and  the  decimating  of  the  whole 
population,  bore  to  the  army.  Tarchun's  colony 
must  by  necessity  have  all  been  military,  and  the 
chiefs  were  evidently  warrior,  priest,  and  magis- 
trate all  in  one.  Their  followers,  the  clansmen, 
were,  and  in  every  country  must  be,  soldiers,  and 
the  Rasena  only  differed  from  other  clansmen  in  this, 
tliat  they  were  well  armed  and  regularly  disciplined, 
when  they  first  accompanied  their  lords  from  the 
east  into  Ausonia.  It  is  almost  superfluous  to  re- 
peat, that  the  discipline  and  military  tactics  of 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  (or  Ludin,)  consequently  showed 
themselves  forth  in  them,  and  in  all  their  warlike 
arrangements ;  so  much  land  being  bound  to  arm 
and  to  furnish  so  many  men. 


B.  C. 

CENT. 

XII. 


234 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


We  learn  from  Plutarch  that  Rome  was  founded 
upon  the  ritual  of  Etruria,  according  to  the  code 
of  Tages ;    and    these  laws  limited  the  pomeerium, 
as  well  as  the  enclosed    city,  by  the  plough.     In 
the  pomaerium,  two  jugera,  or  a  double  measure, 
was  allotted  to  each  soldier-citizen,  one  for  vines, 
and  one  for  corn,  each  jugera  containing  two  vorsi, 
and  each  curia  had  one  hundred  of  these  allotments, 
forming  the  patrician  century  enclosed  in  Etruscan 
limits.*     Every  house  of  each  curia  gave  one  man  to 
the  legion,  i.  e.  one  hundred  per  curia,  and  each  curia 
gave  ten  men  to  the  cavalry,  or  one  man  per  decuria. 
Every  member  of  the  curia,  dying  without  heirs,  left 
his  estate  to  the  curia  in  general,  for  the  land  being 
sacred  as  apatrician  century,  would  never  be  alienated, 
'  and  each  curia  was  always  obliged  to  furnish  the  same 
number  of  men  to  serve  the  state,  and  to  be  obe- 
dient to  the  officers  of  the  state,  besides  the  private 
forces  of  the  clients,  which   each  chief  might  raise 
according  to  his  pleasure.     All  the  land,  in  Tar- 
chun^s  days    throughout    Etruria,    and   afterwards 
throughout  the  nations  of  Italy,  was  held  by  feudal 
tenure  and  military  service. 

The  first  legion  of  Rome  answered  to  the  city  tribe 
often  curiae,  and  consisted  of  one  thousand  foot  and 
one  hundred  horse,  and  such  must  have  been  the 
Etruscan  legion,  because  Tarchun's  whole  colony  was 
divided  into  companies  of  tens,  one  thousand  of  which, 
according  to  early  eastern  nations,  was  considered  the 
band  of  a  L.ch.m.  or  Lucumo.     This  we  find  from 

*  Varro,  i.  10. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


235 


the  Hebrews  upon  their  quitting  Egypt  ;*  and  in 
tracing  out  the  constitutions  of  Etruria,  we  are 
justified  in  quoting  examples  from  Rome,  tested  by 
the  practices  of  the  Phoenician  and  Egyptian  colo- 
nies or  tribes,  because  it  is  the  testimony  of  ancient 
authors,  corroborated  by  the  criticisms  of  Mliller 
and  Niebuhr,  that  the  Roman  and  all  the  primeval 
Italian  military  discipline  was  derived  from  the 
Etruscans.  This  division  into  tens,  was  observed 
by  Moses,  the  ancient  Egyptian  general,  as  long  as 
he  held  the  command  of  the  Hebrews.  His  officers 
were  over  tens,  and  hundreds,  and  thousands,t  nor 
were  they  ever  reckoned  after  any  other  order  ;  and 
we  have  a  curious  proof  of  this  being  the  genuine 
Egyptian  discipline,  from  a  tomb  of  the  18th  or 
19th  dynasty,  visited  by  Rosellini  at  Gurnah,  where 
in  one  chamber,  nine  men  are  following  their  cor- 
poral, and  in  another,  nine  are  enrolling  themselves 
with  their  captain  or  prefect.  It  was  also  the 
division  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  In  1  Sam.xxix.  2, 
the  lords  of  the  Philistines  make  their  men  pass  on 
by  hundreds  and  by  thousands  ;  in  xvii.  18,  David  is 
sent  to  the  captain  of  his  brother's  thousand  ;  and 
xviii.  13,  David  is  himself  made  captain  over  a 
thousand  by  Saul. 

The  Etruscan  infantry  was  divided  into  three 
ranks,  which  have  come  down  to  us  as  "  Principes"t 
or  first  men,  "  Hastati,"  or  spear  bearers,  "  Triarii," 
or  third  rank,  and  which  were  differently  armed. 

♦  Xumb.  X.  4.  t  Deut.  i.  15. 

X  Liv.  viii.  8. 


23G 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


237 


The  first  row,  Miiller  says,  was  loo  few  in  number 
to  consist  of  clients,  and  too  many  to  be  composed 
of  nobles,  therefore  he  judges  them  to  have  been 
the  burgers  or  free  peasants,  and  all  paid.  Every 
one  of  these  men  gained  new  land  or  booty  upon 
victory  over  external  foes.  Besides  these  three 
ranks  they  had  the  Velites,  a  body  of  light  armed 
troops,  so  called  by  the  Latins,  because  their  first 
regiment  of  these  men  came  from  Velites,  a  town 
in  Etruria.  The  light  iron  spear  which  distin- 
guished them,  the  "  Hasta  Velitaris,"  was  called  by 
the  Greeks  an  Etruscan  invention,  because  de- 
rived from  "Velites,"*  or  "  Veles,"  an  Etruscan 
city. 

The  Etruscans  we  believe  also  to  have  had 
Celeres,  or  the  body-guard  of  the  prince,  i.  e. 
the  cavalry  raised  in  the  metropolis,  which  was 
afterwards  called  "  Celeres"  in  Rome,  because  the 
first  captain  wasf  "  Celer  the  Tuscan."  J  We  can- 
not now  decide  whether  these  Latin  names  were 
Etruscan  also,  as  the  English  militia  is  Latin,  or 
whether  they  were  only  Roman  denominations  for 
Etruscan  things ;  but  the  three  ranks,§  with  the 
velites  and  the  cavalry,  make  five  classes  of  troops, 
which  is  the  number  Livy  attributes  to  Servius  the 
Etruscan,  who  introduced  his  own  military  disci- 
pline into  Rome.      The  cavalry  was  divided  into 

♦  Miiller  on  Army.    Origen,  xviii.  54.    Isidorus.     f  Plut. 
X  Ancient  Hist.  vol.  xi.  says,  that  the  Celeres  were  the  king's 
body  guard,  all  horesmen,  and  that  each  curia  gave  ten. 
§  Liv.  i.  43. 


hands  or  turmae,  ten  in  each  row ;  and  as  every 
senatorial  tribe  must  contribute  an  equal  number  of 
men,  the  legions  of  the  Rasena  would  probably  con- 
sist of  three  thousand  foot,  and  three  hundred  horse, 
for  every  ruling  city  which  reckoned  three  tribes  ; 
and  the  same  number  would  be  imposed  upon  every 
corresponding  district  in  the  country ;  i.  e.  every 
rustic  century  answering  to  the  curia,  would  be 
bound  to  contribute  one  hundred  men  to  the  in- 
fantry, and  ten  to  the  cavalry,  when  called  out. 
Each  ally  must  furnish  the  same  proportion  ;  and 
for  this  reason,  when  Rome  took  the  place  of  Etruria 
in  her  dominion  over  Italy,  whenever  her  citizen 
force  was  three  thousand,  her  allies,  supposing  they 
were  ten  in  number,  would  be  obliged  to  support  her 
witli  thirty  thousand,  and  theirs  would  be  the  loss  and 
the  brunt  of  the  battle.  From  the  Roman  history  we 
conceive  one  hundred  of  these  men  (in  Latin  a 
IManipulus)  to  have  been  under  a  captain,  and  one 
tliousand  under  a  prince,  or  chief,  or  L.ch.m.  Each 
regiment  had  its  own  standard,  and  each  manipulus 
the  same  repeated,  as  we  see  in  Rosellini's  pictures 
of  Egyptian  warfare,  and  as  we  find  in  the  description 
of  the  encampment  and  marchings  of  the  children 
of  Israel  under  Moses.* 

It  is  probable  that  the  whole  arrangement  of  the 
Roman  armies,  previous  to  the  time  of  Camillus,  was 
derived  from  the  Etruscan,  because  it  was  settled  by 
Etruscan  sovereigns.  Mastarna  divided  the  Roman 
conquered  country  into  tribes,  and   all   the  tribes 

♦  Numb.  ii. 


238 


HISTORY    OP   ETRUniA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


239 


were  plebs  only.  A  tribe  in  this  sense  was  a  town 
and  its  district,  such  as  Crustunieriuin,  &c.,  which 
did  not  admit  a  Roman  colony.  Each  of  these  tribes 
furuished  only  one  man  to  each  division  of  the  legion, 
which  occasioned  the  numbers  in  a  divison  to  vary 
much  and  often.  When  Rome  had  thirty  plebeian 
tribes,  each  division  of  the  legion  contained  thirty 
men ;  and  when  she  had  only  twenty  tribes,  as  after 
the  war  with  Porsenna,  each  division  of  the  legion 
had  only  twenty  men.  No  doubt  this  was  the  regu- 
lation of  the  Etruscans  with  regard  to  their  plebs, 
and  it  must  have  occasioned  a  permanent  diminu- 
tion of  their  army,  after  the  fall  of  Veii.*  A  freed 
slave  might  become  a  citizen,  but  never  a  member 
of  one  of  these  tribes.  Varro  says  that  both  the 
plebs  and  the  libertini  were  Etruscan  constitu- 
tions. 

The  cavalry  usually  was  stationed  on  the  wings 
of  the  infantry,  and  the  whole  army  consisted  of 
centuries  of  horse  and  foot  in  legions,  the  numbers 
in  which,  varied  with  different  epochs,  but  always 
according  to  some  fixed  rule;  and  the  phalanx  was 
the  whole  body  in  compact  order  ready  for  battle.f 
The  century  of  horse  or  foot  means  the  number 
which  was  furnished  by  a  century,  and  does  not 
express  a  hundred  men,  but  the  men  which  each 
hundred  was  bound  to  furnish.  The  model  of  the 
phalanx,  i.  e.  compact  bodies  of  serried  warriors 

*  Niebuhr  on  Army. 

t  Phalanx  Etruscan,  Nicias  ap.  Allien.  Deip.  vi.  Dempster 
iii.  c.  44. 


marching  in  battle  array,  may  be  seen  in  Rosellini's 
Egyptian  plates  of  the  18th  dynasty,  where  we  may 
find  all  the  Italian  forms  of  armour ;  the  helmet 
and  cuirass,  shield  and  spear,  sword  and  battle- 
axe,  bow  and  arrow,  javelin  and  sling.*  The 
difference  which  strikes  us  is,  that  the  cavalry  of 
the  Rasena  answer  to  the  chariots  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, a  change  which  was  forced  upon  them  by  the 
necessities  of  things,  for  they  could  command  horses 
before  they  could  have  time  to  make  chariots,  and 
horses  would  be  infinitely  more  convenient  than 
ciiariots,  in  their  first  warfare  through  the  roadless 
and  mountainous  Italy.  The  Tuscan  cavalry  were 
all  noble,  and  answered  to  the  decuriae,  and  each 
trooj)er  had  a  mounted  slave  provided  by  the  state 
to  attend  upon  him.  The  idea  doubtless  was  derived 
from  the  notion  that  each  cavalier  represented  the 
Egyptian  or  Assyrian  noble  driving  his  chariot,  where 
every  man  must  be  accompanied  by  his  charioteer. 

The  infantry  w  as  attended  by  the  light-armed  sol- 
diers called  the  velites,  a  body  of  reserve,  a  band  of 
cari)enters  vvho  were  held  in  high  esteem,  a  baggage 

*  See  Dempster  de  K.  R.  The  Galen,  Cassis,  Plumes,  and 
gemmed  armour,  were  all  taken  by  the  Romans  from  the 
Etruscans,  or  as  Dempster  terms  it,  were  "  invented"  by  them, 
i.  e.  were  introduced  by  them  into  Italy.  Livy  names  as  theirs 
the  l)ras8  aspis,  shield,  and  scentum.  Dionys.  ix.  19,  ascribes  to 
them  the  Roman  lances,  short  spears,  arrows  and  slings.  The 
velites,  and  the  back  ranks  of  the  phalanx,  Livy  says,  used  sickles 
and  "gaesa,"  and  these  and  most  other  arms  were  made  inArezzo. 
Livy  xxviii.  ap.  Miiller.  All  these  arms  were  likewise  used  by 
the  Syrians  and  the  Israelites.     Vide  2  Chron.  xxvi.  14. 


% 


f 


1     '^ 


240 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


241 


train,  and  a  number  of  musicians  ;  and  these,  with 
the  cavah-y,  composed  the  legion,  which  Niebuhr 
says,  was  an  order  and  institution  purely  Italian,  and 
in  no  ways  derived  from  the  Greeks. 

The  original  of  the  Roman  phalanx,  all  authors 
attribute  to  Etruria,  and  the  phalanx  consisted  of  the 
legions  drawn  up  for  battle.*  The  soldiers,  even  in 
the  first  instance,  when Tarchun  had  to  defend  himself 
against  the  Umbri,  and  much  more  when  he  had 
settled  his  people,  and  given  them  the  Tagetic  laws, 
were  not  all  the  men  of  his  colony,  but  only  a  cer- 
tain proportion.  When  the  Hebrews  left  Egypt, 
no  man  was  reckoned  fit  for  war,  or  counted  in  the 
numbering  of  the  people,  who  was  under  twenty 
years  of  age  ;t  and  amongst  the  Rascna  no  one  was 
counted  under  seventeen  complete,  i.  e.  having  en- 
tered his  eighteenth  year,  nor  was  he  obliged  to  go 
out  to  war  beyond  the  age  of  45.  %  This  through 
the  Umbri  passed  as  a  law  to  the  Latins,  and  then 
to  the  whole  of  Italy. 

Upon  this  point,  Tarchun  delivered  to  the  Lu- 
cumoes  several  precepts  of  the  laws  of  Tages,  con- 
cerning the  limits  of  human  life,  and  the  various 
duties  allotted  to  its  several  ages.  He  taught  that 
the  life  of  man,  as  originally  bestowed  by  Tina, 
lasted  for  120  years.  Surely  this  is  the  patriarchal 
tradition,  as  we  find  it  in  Genesis,  and  it  points  to  a 
time  when  men  were  already  declining  from  that 

♦  Athen.    Deip.  vi. ;  Isidorus  18;   Dempster  iii.  44.     Ant. 

Hist  xvi.  60. 

t  See  Numb.  i.  3.  ♦  M  tiller  and  Niebuhr. 


giant  vigour  which  distinguished  the  early  fathers 
of  the  human  race.     "  Now,"  says  Tages,  «  in  these 
degenerate  days,  fate  has  abridged  man's  life  to  three 
periods  of  thirty  years  each,  (i.  e.  to  the  sacred  num- 
bers three  and  ten  of  the  Rasena,)  which  fortune  is 
continually    making   less.      The   half  of  the    first 
thirty,  or  fifteen,  is  the  period  of  cliildhood,  when 
the  noble  youth  shall  wear  the  Bulla  against  the  evil 
eye,  because  he  cannot  defend  himself,  and  the  praj- 
texta  shall  be  his  distinctive  dress.     Upon  entering 
his  sixteenth  year,  (i.  e.  at  fifteen  complete,)*  let  him 
assume  the  toga,  and  begin  to  practise  military  exer- 
cises, which  he  shall  follow  for  two  full   years.     At 
seventeen,  he  shall  be  eligible  for  thearmy,and  to  vote 
at  elections  ;  and  at  twenty-five,  but  not  earlier,  he 
shall  be  capable  of  magistracies  and  offices  of  trust. 
Until  the  half  has  run  of  his  second  period,  or  until 
forty.five,  he  is  bound  to  go  forth  with  the  host,  when 
they  fight  against  an  enemy,  and  until  his  second  pe- 
riod is  closed,  he  must  bear  arms  in  the  service  of  the 
state;  but  the  latter  halfof  his  second  period,!,  e.  from 
forty-five  to  sixty,  let  him  stay  and  fight  within  thecity, 
and  defend  his  own  frontiers  and  his  father's  home.'' 
Ulpian  tells  us  that  for  twenty-eight  years  of  life, 
the  state  laid  claim  to  the  military  service,  and  to 
the  mental  and  corporeal  powers  of  all  its  members ; 
but  at  forty-five,  the  citizen   was  rated  as  ''  senior," 
and  was  liable  to  bear  arms,  only  in  defence  of  his 

*  In  the  laws  of  Menu,  childhood  always  ceases  at  fifteen 
years  complete,  and  the  property  of  an  orphan  until  that  age,  was 
under  the  guardianship  of  the  king. 


]V 


242 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


243 


own  town  or  territory,  but  not  to  go  forth  to  war. 
At  sixty,  he  became  "  senex,"  and  during  his  last 
triad,  all  his  cares  and  duties  were  supposed  to  cease, 
excepting  in  the  case  of  princes  and  commanders, 
and  of  the  equestrian  order  in  general,  who  were 
never  held  to  be  past  the  service  of  their  country.* 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  regular  armies 
were  composed  of  young  men  between  seventeen 
and  forty-five  for  the  field,  and  between  forty-five  and 
sixty  for  home  service  and  garrison  duty.  The 
foot  soldiers  were  chosen  first,  out  of  the  whole 
body  of  liable  men  in  each  Century,  and  the  arms 
which  they  used  in  the  legion  may  be  seen  in  the 
pictures,  vases,  and  bronzes  of  Italian  museums,  or 
in  the  Etruscan  tombs.  They  wore  magnificent 
helmets  of  different  shapes,  cuirasses,  greaves,  buck- 
lers of  many  various  forms,  bows  and  arrows,  spears, 
javelins,  long  broadswords,  short  swords,  and  dag- 
gers ;  (specimens  of  these  will  be  given  hereafter ;) 
and  Arretium  was  the  state  most  famed  for  their 
manufacture.t  According  to  Miiller,  the  Tuscan 
Mastarna  introduced  these  military  laws  into  Latiuni, 
which  lasted  till  the  timeof  Camillus,  and  he  formed 
the  Roman  ranks  from  his  own.  The  rich  and  well- 
armed  were  placed  in  front,  and  the  poorer  and  less 
armed  formed  the  second  and  third  ranks,  and 
strengthened  the  first.  AthenodorusJ  says  that  the 
Bomans  (that  is,  the  Italians)  learnt  from  the  Tuscans 

♦  Niebuhr,   Ulpian,  Ser.  ad  -^'En.  iv.   653;    Liv.  xliii.  14, 
Muller  on  Army,  Athenodorus  vi.  273. 
t  Miiller.     Pliny.  %  vi.  273. 


to  fight  with  lances  in  closed  ranks.    Diodorus,  in  a 
fragment,  tells  us  that  the  Romans  at  first  had  four- 
cornered  shields,  but  when  they  saw  the  Tuscans 
with  brass  aspides,  they  adopted  them.     The  Aspis  is 
the  Clypeus  of  Servius's  first  class.*     Balteus    the 
girdle,  Varro  tells  us,  is  a  Tuscan  word,  so  also  is 
Cassis,  the  helmet,  so  are  the  Scuta  and  the  Galea 
spoken  of  by  Livy,  and  so  also  are  Phalerae,t  a 
horse  ornament,  and  Tuba,  the  military  trumpet 
This   last   is  ascribed  by  Pliny  and   Dionysius   to 
the  Etruscans,  as  a  most  useful  invention,  though, 
in  fact,  it  had  been  used  in  many  a  well-fought  field,' 
by  the  troops  of  all  the  Menephthahs,  and  of  all  the 
Ramseses,  ages  before  Tarchun  was  born.     Brazen 
and  silver  trumpets  for  the  host,  were  in  use  also 
among  the  Israelites  under  Moses. 

The  helmet   with   its   ostrich  plume,  the   thigh 
pieces,  the  coats  of  mail,  and  the  scale  armour  intro- 
duced by  the  Rasena  into  Etruria,  may  all  be  seen 
in  the  Egyptian  paintings  or  sculptures  of  the  wars 
between  the  Egyptians  and  the   people   of  Ludin, 
three  centuries  earlier  than  the  sera  of  the  Etruscans! 
The  soldiers,  during  the  time  they  were  in  the' 
field,  or  on  service  in  garrison,  always  received  pay, 
and  this  was  provided  for  by  a  regular  tax,  to  which 
all  orders  of  citizens  were  subject.     The  lands  which 
belonged  to  the  government  were  let  out ;  and  they 
paid,  when  arable,  one-tenth  of  the  corn,  and  two- 
tenths  of  the  wine  and  oil,  for  the  army :  and  every  man 
from  seventeen  to  sixty,  paid  a  poll-tax.    The  widows 
•  Livy,  i.  43.  t  Festus,  1,  5. 

M  2 


4\ 


(  i 


,   I 


244 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


245 


and  heiresses  made  up  the  knights'  pay  of  their  own 
Century  or  Curia,  at  so  much  per  head,  and  not  more, 
the  deficiency  being  supplied  by  the  state.  The 
pasture  lands  everywhere  paid  one-tenth,  and  the 
iErarii  or  fundholders  throughout  the  country,  made 
up  whatever  more  might  be  wanting  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  troops. 

The  heavy-armed  soldiers  were  taken  from  among 
the  rich,  and  as  they  received  more  booty  than  the 
others,  so  they  were  expected  to  be  at  more  expense, 
and  were  required  to  arm  themselves,  receiving  how- 
ever pay,  whilst  on  service  ;  and  as  the  taxes  would 
be  levied  upon  the  centuries,  and  not  upon  indivi- 
duals, so  Niebuhr  conjectures,  that  many  poor  per- 
sons would  jwn  together  to  pay  one  soldier. 

Plutarch  says  that  Romulus  introduced  the  poll-tax 
into  Rome,  and  made  both  rich  and  poor  pay  the  same 
sum.  Miiller  says  that  Etruscan  Servius  reformed 
this  mistaken  law  according  to  the  rules  of  his  own 
host,  and  limited  the  tax  to  men  of  a  certain  amount 
of  property,  whilst  Niebuhr*  adds,  that  the  second 
Tarquin  regulated  the  proportions  of  pay  between 
the  liorse  and  foot  soldiers,  his  model  being  taken 
from  his  own  land  of  Tarchunia.  The  first  class  of 
Servius  was  always  fully  armed,  and  composed  half 
the  leo-ion.  The  common  soldier  received  100  asses 
per  month;  the  trooper  200  per  month,  and  a  knight 
with  his  own  horse  300  per  month ;  the  generals  re- 
ceived also  300  per  month,  and  the  booty  was  divided 
amongst  them  exactly  in  this  proportion  of  one,  two 

*  ii.  97,  iii.  76- 
8 


and  three,  the  last  representing  the  spolia  opima, 
which,  as  we  may  learn  from  the  Egyptian  plates  of 
Rosellini,  and  from  the  Scriptures,  it  was  the  Eastern 
custom  for  conquerors  to  offer  to  their  gods.  We 
find  in  Rosellini,  the  Thutmeses,  and  Menephthahs 
and  Amenophs  and  Ramseses  of  Egypt,  bringing 
their  prisoners  and  their  booty  to  Amon-Re;  and  we 
find  the  Philistines*  hanging  up  the  armour  of  Saul, 
as  a  dedicated  trophy,  in  the  house  of  Ashtaroth  their 
god. 

The  taxes  for  the  army  were  therefore  of  three 
kinds.  First,  a  poll-tax  upon  all  ranks  of  the  peo- 
ple ;t  secondly,  a  tenth  of  the  state  lands;  and,  thirdly, 
an  imposition  upon  widows,  heiresses,  and  iErarii. 
Besides  this,  the  army  on  active  service  had  a  right 
to  the  booty,  in  the  proportions  of  one,  two  and 
three,  for  chiefs,  officers  and  soldiers,  and  to  new 
centuries  of  land  in  the  conquered  country.  The 
government  had  always  at  their  command  for  the 
payment  of  their  servants,  a  fund  called  Manubiae, 
which  consisted  of  the  sale  of  booty,  the  profit  of 
lands,  and  the  rent  received  from  individuals  for  the 
Usufruct.  The  same  arguments  which  have  sa- 
tisfied Niebuhr  and  Miiller  that  the  troops  of  Celes 
Vibenna  and  of  Pursena  must  needs  have  been  paid 
men,  will  apply  with  tenfold  force  to  Tarchun,  who 
must  long  have  maintained  regular  garrisons  in  all 
his  fortified  towns,  and  who  derived  the  custom  from 
Janias  and  Archies,  the  Ludin  kings,  who  reigned 
in  Lower  Egypt,  and  who  used  to  visit  the  Avaris 
yearly,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  their  troops.f 


4 


•  1  Sam.  xxxi.  10. 


t  Plut.  in  Rom. 


246 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


247 


From  the  warlike  array  of  Rome  being  a  counter- 
part of  that  of  Etruria  until  the  time  of  Camillus,  we 
conclude  the  knights  to  have  been  an  order  of  rank 
from  birth,  and  not  from  office ;  and  though  they 
usually  served  on  horseback,  even  like  our  own  young 
nobility,  and  first-class  commoners,  yet  they  were  oc- 
casionally found  on  foot ;  as,  for  instance,  L.  Tar- 
quitius,  a  knight,  who  served  on  foot  at  the  siege  of 
Veii.  Tarquitius,*  Mlillert  says,  is  the  Tuscan 
name  "Tarchise,'*  also  translated  "Tarquin."  The 
knights  were  the  same  as  the  continental  noble  class 
of  the  Cavallieri,  and  all  their  children  had  the  same 
rank  as  themselves.  A  knight's  horse  was  different 
from  a  common  trooper's,  and  valued  in  Rome  at 
10,000  asses,  or  from  £80  to  £100,  including  in  the 
valuation,  the  knight's  slave,  and  the  slave's  horse  ; 
but  this  must  also  have  been  the  same  in  Etruscan 
valuation,  for  Rome  was  so  close  to  Etruria,  that  any 
difference  of  price  would  have  been  immediately 
equalized,  and  as  the  Etruscans  were  famous  for 
their  horses,  and  very  particular  in  their  breeds,  in 
all  probability,  the  best  of  the  Roman  cavalry  would 
be  brought  from  them.  The  government  frequently 
rewarded  merit  by  the  present  to  a  gallant  soldier 
of  a  knight's  horse,  and  this  was  neither  heritable 
nor  saleable.J 

After  describing  the  composition  of  the  legion, 

*  Authorities  for  Army  :  Nieb.  ii.  97,  iii.  76,  ii.  498  ;  Polyb. 
vi.  39 ;  Festus  ;  Plut. 

t  Tarquitius,  a  noble,  who  served  on  foot,  was  made  master  of 
the  horse  by  the  Dictator  Cincinnatus.    Vide  Livy,  lib.  iii.  27. 

J  Nieb.  vol.  i.  p.  459. 


and  the  laws  for  forming,  recruiting,  and  main- 
taining the  army,  we  must  mention  the  camp  of 
Tarchun,  and  the  rules  he  prescribed  for  its  con- 
struction, rules  of  which  we  have  practical  examples 
still  remaining,  in  many  parts  of  our  own  island, 
because  they  were  afterwards  observed  and  adopted 
by  the  Romans. 

The  first  spot  that  Tarchun  occupied  must  have 
been  a  camp;  and  some  notion  of  its  probably  strong 
fortifications  and  military  form^  we  may  derive  from 
Rosellini's  Egyptian   Plates.     Some  idea  we  may 
also  deduce,  from  the  regular  squares  observed  in 
the  Hebrew  encampments  under  Moses  *    We  find, 
accordingly,  that  in  all  camps,  the  Augur,  and  in  this' 
instance  Tarchun,  the  original  Augur,  marked  out 
first,  the  holy  temple  ground  200  feet  square,  in  the 
centre   of  which  was   planted    the   standard  ;   and 
divided  it  by  Cardo  and  Decumanus.     The  Cardo 
was  the  Latin  "  Via  principalis,"  and  the  Decumanus 
was    the   broad   street   which   crossed   it   at   right 
angles.     The  Templum  was  the  sacred  Pr«torium, 
within  which  stood  the  tribunal  for  judgment,  and 
the  altar  for  divination  and  sacrifice.     Around  this, 
the   ground    was    measured   off  on   every   side   in 
squares,  according  to  the  divisions  of  the  people, 
and  afterwards  of  the  troops.     The  Praetorian  gate 
was  upon  the  eastern  side,  the  quarter  whence  favour- 
able answers  to  prayer  were  given  ;  and  the  Porta 
Decumana  was  on  the  western,  or  unpropitious  side; 
the  dwelling  of  the  Dii  Manes  and  infernal  gods, 
through  which  gate  the  criminals  and  the  dead  were 

♦  Numb.  ii. 


^ 


248 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


249 


led  out  or  carried  forth.  On  one  side  of  the  Praeto- 
rium  was  the  commissariat,  and  on  the  other  side,  the 
forum  or  market-place.  Thus  the  camp  was  only 
the  mimic  and  temporary  representation  of  the 
Tarchunian  cities,  the  first  ot  which  was  Tarquinia ; 
as  in  both  the  dwelling  of  the  Lar,  the  fortress,  the 
temple,  the  seat  of  judgment,  and  the  forum,  were 
all  close  together.  The  Etruscan  camp  was  the 
model  of  the  Roman,  always  of  a  square,  or  at  least 
of  a  quadrangular  form,  inclosed  in  ridges  two  or 
three  deep,  and  was  considered  holy  ground. 

There  is  a  verse  of  Propertius  which  preserves  a 
tradition  of  the  Romans  : 


ti 


Prima  galeritus  posuit  pnetoria  Lucmo," 


or,  in  other  words,  the  Lucumo  who  helped  Romulus, 
was  the  first  who  taught  the  Romans  how  to  form  a 
Praetorium.  The  whole  of  this  is  taken  from  Miiller.* 
The  Augur  who  was  with  the  host,  must  either 
choose  the  ground  for  encampment,  or  he  must  ap- 
prove of  and  sanction  it ;  as  the  Praetorium,  the  heart 
of  the  camp,  could  have  no  existence  without  him.  If 
therefore,  at  any  time,  an  Augur  had  chosen  ineligi- 
ble ground,  any  other  Augur  with  a  better  military 
head,  could  change  it,  by  declaring  that  he  had 
received  stronger  auguries,  which  marked  out  for  it 
some  better  position.  Thus  the  credit  of  augury 
itself  was  kept  up,  as  far  as  the  faculties  of  men 
could  devise  for  its  support,  by  an  endeavour  at  all 
times,  to  unite  the  highest  power  with  the  largest 

*  Vide  Miiller,  vol.  ii.  p.  150. 


capacity ;  and  by  instilling  the  warmest  patriotism 
into  the  breasts  of  a  class  of  men,  whose  first 
and  longest  lesson  it  was  to  govern  themselves, 
and  to  live  in  constant  obedience  to  laws,  which 
had  been  imposed  upon  them,  by  powers  above 
themselves,  just  and  upright,  pure  and  holy, 
immutable,  impeccable  and  eternal.  The  divine 
Fallibilities  of  Greece  and  Rome  were,  in  Tarchun's 
days,  "things  undreamt  of  and  unknown." 

When  the  camp  was  raised,  and  the  army  with- 
drawn from  a  hostile  neighbour,  because  of  a  truce  or 
treaty  of  peace  which  had  been  entered  into,  such 
truce  or  treaty  was  only  understood  to  last  during  the 
lifetime  of  the  princes  between  whom  it  was  made ; 
and  the  death  of  either  set  the  other  free,  unless  the 
agreement  were  renewed;  even  though  a  term  of 
years  had  been  previously  specified.  We  find  con- 
stant traces  of  this  oriental  practice  in  the  Jewish 
history  ;  also  of  the  ten-month  year,  as  the  time  for 
military  service;  for  the  Hebrews  as  well  as  the 
Etruscans,  kept  the  field  only  from  March  to  the 
end  of  December;  and  we  find  the  regular  cessation 
of  hostilities  and  recommencing  of  operations,  mark- 
ed in  the  Scriptures  by  the  expression,  "At  the 
time  when  the  kings  went  out  to  war."* 

We  may  be  accused,  in  many  parts  of  this  account, 
of  giving  the  Roman  military  constitution,  and  call- 
ing it  Etruscan,  and  of  quoting  Polybius,  Festus, 
and  Plutarch,  and  calling  their  descriptions  the 
laws  of  Tages,  which  we  refer  back  to  the  days  of 
•  2  Sam.  xi.  1,  &c.      1  Chron.  xx.,  &c. 

M  5 


I 


260 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


TARCItUK    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


251 


Tarchun.  To  this  we  answer,  did  not  Tarchuii 
deliver  the  laws  of  Tages  ?  Did  not  the  laws  of 
Tages,  according  to  Cicero  and  Festus,  treat  of  the 
constitution  of  the  arrny?  And  is  there  anything  in 
their  great  antiquity  which  presents  a  valid  impe- 
diment to  their  being  known  to  us  through  the 
works  of  later  writers  ?  May  we  not,  from  a  Scotch 
statute  law  book  of  a.  d.  1840,  gather  the  prin- 
ciples of  Roman  law,  as  compiled  by  Justinian? 
May  we  not,  from  a  child's  catechism,  published  in 
1842,  supposing  all  our  Bibles  were  burnt,  know 
what  were  the  words  spoken  by  the  mouth,  and 
engraved  by  the  finger  of  Deity  3300  years  ago, 
upon  two  tables  of  stone,  and  delivered  to  Moses 
at  Mount  Sinai  ?  It  is  not  high  antiquity  which 
can  ever  present  a  bar  to  our  knowing  what  has 
happened  in  past  ages,  upon  this  young  planet  of 
ours  ;  but  rather,  it  is  a  childish  credulity  in  the 
progressive  advancement  of  the  human  intellect, 
which  we  have  no  facts  to  establish,  and  an  unrea- 
sonable estimation  of  the  originality  of  great  minds 
in  various  ages ;  attributing  to  them,  as  inventions, 
things  which  were  merely  combinations,  or  im- 
provements of  objects  already  long  familiar.  It  is 
this,  combined  with  an  ignorance  of  Scripture,  which 
makes  us  consider  the  maxim  of  Solomon  as  an  old 
wife's  fancy,  when  he  tells  us  in  the  words  of  inspi- 
ration, "  The  thing  that  is,  and  the  thing  that  shall 
be,"  is  only  that  which  "hath  been,  and  there  is 
nothing  new  under  the  sun."* 

*  Eccles.  i.  9. 


The  most  acute,  and  the  most  profound  of  modern 
critics,  have  determined,  that  the  Roman  kings  intro- 
duced amongst  their  soldiers  nothing  more  than  the 
military  rules,  pay  and  discipline,  which  had  prevail- 
ed in  Italy  before  their  day,  and  that  they  introduced 
them  from  Etruria;  and  again,  when  we  come  to  in- 
quire who  invented  these  rules  in  Etruria,  we  find 
them  referred  back  to  Tages,  or  Thoth,  as  altered 
and  modified  by  the  great  leader  of  the  Etruscans, 
the  Ludin  Prince  Tarchun, 

Besides  the  nobles,  with  their  Clans,  and  the 
Plebs,  there  were  three  classes  who  paid  taxes  to 
the  state  and  served  in  the  army,  known  to  us  as 
iErarii,  Municipia,  and  Isopolites ;  all  fully  de- 
scribed in  Niebuhr's  Roman  History. 

The  iErarii  were  not  landholders,  and  therefore  -^rarii. 
were  not  members  of  centuries  or  tribes,  and  had 
none  of  the  rights  or  consequence  which  are  at- 
tached in  every  country  to  land.  They  were  free, 
and  might  be  the  richest  subjects  of  the  government, 
rich  burghers,  merchants,  peasants,  and  strangers,  but 
they  were  not  Rasena,  nor  proprietors  of  the  soil. 
They  paid  taxes  to  the  army,  and  served  in  the  field, 
but  they  had  no  share  in  the  booty  or  common  land, 
and  no  benefit  from  war.  They  swelled  the  ranks, 
in  return  for  the  protection  afforded  them  by  the 
state,  in  their  commerce  and  in  security  of  life  and 
goods.  All  the  guilds  were  iErarii,  and  so  was  every 
man,  however  illustrious,  who  was  not  enrolled  in  a 
land  tribe  or  century.  For  this  cause,  one  of  the 
severest  punishments  to  a  lazy  client,  or  an  ofiensivc 


252 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


253 


citizen,  or  a  turbulent  noble,  was  to  erase  his  name 
from  his  tribe,  as  it  immediately  deprived  him  of  his 
personal  weight  and  interest  in  the  country.  The 
JErarii  were  enrolled  in  the  census,  and  reckoned 
citizens,  and  had  votes,  but  only  iu  common  with 
the  multitude. 
Isopo-  The  Isopolites  were  the  foreign  neighbours  or 
^*^®'  allies,  with  whom  Tarchun  made  such  treaties  of 
peace,  as  were  in  his  day  the  common  fashion  of  the 
Eastern  nations.  Isopolity*  meant,  a  community  be- 
tween independent  states,  of  all  things  divine  and 
human,  so  long  as  the  subjects  of  either,  dwelt  in  the 
towns  of  the  other ;  and  as  they  conceded  to  each  other 
this  right  of  interchanging  countries,  the  mere  act 
of  residence  constituted  them  burghers,  preserving, 
in  their  new  homes,  the  same  rank  which  they  had 
held  at  home.f  They  might  enter  the  Senate  to 
attend  the  debates,  and  be  seated  there  in  the  place 
of  himour;  they  might  inherit  or  purchase  land, 
join  in  the  national  sacrifices  and  feasts,  marry  w^ith 
the  people  on  an  equal  footing,  claim  a  native's  ex- 
emption from  toll  and  excise,  fill  offices  of  dignity 
and  trust,  (head  the  army,  for  instance,  as  Coriolanus 
headed  the  Volsci,)  bring  causes  for  judgment  in 
their  own  name,  and  enjoy  every  legal  and  civil 
right ;  but  they  could  not  be  Senators.  There  was  an 
impassable  gulf  between  them  and  the  peers  of  the 
realm,  and  they  could  never  share  in  the  govern- 

•  Dionys.  iv.  225  ;  viii.  538,  542,  544.      Nieb.  ii.  71 ;  ii.  56, 
57,  84. 
t  Nieb.  ii.  72. 


ment  of  that  country  in  which  they  were  Isopolites. 
This  will  at  once  explain  to  us  the  situation  of  De- 
maratus,  the  father  of  Tarquinius  Priscus ;  as  well  as 
many  other  difficult  passages  in  the  Italian  history. 
Isopolity  was  an  inter-national  law  and  privilege 
between  free  and  independent  states,  and  constituted 
"  the  Italian  right  of  exile,"  by  which  a  man,  when 
banished  from  his  own  country,  had  yet  several  others 
to  which  he  might  retire;  and  he  might  consider  him- 
self the  lawful  subject  and  citizen  of  whatever  state 
he  chose  to  settle  in,  which  stood  in  this  interchange 
of  common  rights  with  his  own. 

A  foreigner,  who  was  not  an  Isopolite,  that  is,  who 
came  from  any  country  not  thus  united  to  Etruria  by 
treaty,  though  the  mere  act  of  settlement  made  him 
a  citizen,  and  placed  him  in  the  condition  of  an 
iErarian,  must  choose  a  patron,  with  whom  he  be- 
came as  it  were  incorporated,  and  through  whom 
alone  he  could  bring  any  cause  for  judgment. 

With  the  Isopolites,  the  state  itself  was  patron,  and 
if  they  were  not  its  children,  they  were  its  honored 
guests.  Little  was  required  from  them  ;  and,  ex- 
cepting the  peerage  and  its  inalienable  rights,  all 
was  permitted.  They  were  welcome  to  serve  in  the 
army,  but  not  obliged. 

The  Municipium  was  a  state  of  alliance  instituted  Muni- 
by  Tarchun,  and  the  condition  of  Municipia  was  pe-  '''^'^' 
culiarly  according  to  the  genius  of  theTagetic  faith, 
which  desired  each  people  to  preserve  its  own  gods. 
The  Municipia  are  exemplified  by  the  treaty  which 
the  Rasena  made  with  the  Umbrians  and  the  Pelasgi. 


I 


I 


254 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS   INSTITUTIONS. 


255 


They  had  the  Isopolity  and  the  right  of  exile ;  but, 
more  than  this,  whilst  subject  to  Etruscan  dominion, 
as  the  Scotch  and  Irish  are  to  the  English,  each  muni- 
cipal people  kept  its  own  laws,  being  simply  bound  to 
serve  in  the  army,  and  to  pay  the  pasture  and  crown 
land  tithes.  The  Municipia  had  their  allotted  num- 
bers as  regiments,  and  their  equal  share  in  the 
booty,  and  in  the  right  of  colonization ;  and  they 
had  a  court  of  justice  of  their  own,  in  or  near  the 
Forum,  where  causes  were  tried  by  their  own  of- 
ficers, and  according  to  their  own  laws.  As  the  na- 
tives of  the  Municipia  could  not  be  peers  of  the  realm, 
they  also  had  no  vote  in  the  Senate,  no  share  in  mak- 
ing the  laws,  and  no  right  to  the  supreme  dignity. 

This  condition  of  the  Municipia  was  called,  in 
Rome,  the  "  Jus  Ceriti,"  sufficiently  denoting 
whence  it  was  derived  to  the  Latin  colony  of  Ro- 
mulus.* Native  citizens,  who  were  degraded  from 
their  own  class  and  lost  their  right  of  voting,  were 
enrolled  in  Rome,  and  probably  all  over  Italy,  with 
the  allied  Municipia. 
Colo-  The  law  of  colonies  was  also  an  Etruscan  institu- 
"***•  tion,  derived  from  the  immemorial  customs  of  the 
East,  and,  we  are  inclined  to  think,  originating  in 
the  first  great  Assyrian  dispersion  of  mankind, 
when  the  bond  of  kindred  was  so  severed  by  the 
confusion  of  tongues,  that  each  family  or  tribe  was 
forced   to  take   up  its  own   ground   entirely  inde- 

*  The  iErarii,  Isopolites,  and  Municipia,  are  from  Miiller 
and  Niebuhr. 


pendent  of  all  home  recollections  and  former  ties. 
Modern  colonies   are  considered  as  parts  of  our- 
selves, and  are  subject   to    the   mother  country  as 
children   to   a   parent  ;   but,  with   the  ancients,  a 
colony   once  gone  forth,   acknowledged    subjection 
to  its   parent  no  more.       It   became   self-existent, 
with  no  previous  history,  but  it  was  the  stock  of 
its  adopted  country,  and  the  origin  of  its  own  new 
race.     Such  as  the  Rasena  were,  from  the  moment 
of  their  settlement  in  Italy,  such  was  every  colony 
that   proceeded   from  them  ;   and  such,  taught  by 
their  laws  and  customs,  became  every  after  colony 
of  the  Italians.  Whether  sent  out  by  a  Sacred  Spring, 
and  the  Augur  going  with  them,  or  whether  violently 
settled  in  their  new  quarters,  as  the  reward  of  mili- 
tary valour,  the  offset  had  no  connexion,  from  that 
moment,  with  the  parent  stem.     The   colony  was 
everywhere  free  and   independent,  making   peace 
and  war  where  it  pleased,  and  ordering,  without 
reference  to  any  superior,  its  own  internal  govern- 
ment.     An   open  commerce  between  the  old   and 
new  states,  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  the  only 
bond  of  union  which  remained  between  them,  as  a 
matter  of  course  ;   and  in  the  case  of  colonies  by  con- 
quest, Dionysius*  tells  us,  that  only  the  third  part  of 
the  lands  was  assigned  to  the  colonizers,  which  implies 
that  a  large  portion  was  always  left  for  the  ancient 
inhabitants,  as  we  mentioned  on  the  founding  of  the 
Etruscan  cities.    Niebuhr  thinks  that  the  colonizers 
did  not  allow  of  Connubium  and  Commercium  be- 

*  Dionys.  ii.  103. 


256 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


tween  themselves  and  the  natives  until  later  times.* 
When  they  joined  the  mother  state  in  war,  they  sup- 
plied their  own  quota  of  troops  ;  and,  like  all  other 
allies,  they  shared  in  the  booty,  and  in  the  new  lands 
set  apart  for  fresh  military  colonization,  exactly  ac- 
cording to  the  proportion  they  had  furnished. 

We  have  now  enumerated  the  component  parts 
of  Tarchun*s  government,  and  the  chief  classes  of 
his  subjects  :  his  Lucumoes,  with  their  Senates  and 
Clans  ;  the  Plebs,  who  lived  amongst  them  and 
with  them  ;  the  ^rarii,  or  landless,  amongst  that 
denomination  ;  the  allied  Municipia,  the  Isopolites, 
and  the  Colonies. 
Slaves.  But  there  was  another  class  of  beings,  not  enu- 
merated amongst  any  of  these,  and  yet  attached  to 
them  all — the  slaves.  These  unfortunate  men,  who 
were  not  few  in  number,  had  no  protection  from 
mutual  interest  or  public  law%  no  representation  in 
the  government,  no  recognised  position  in  society,  no 
rank  or  rig:hts  to  ffain,  and  no  character  to  lose. 
They  found  their  safety  in  being  the  slaves  of  an 
Eastern,  and  not  of  a  Northern  people,  who,  under 
every  form  of  government,  excepting  that  of  the 
Clans,  seem  to  have  had  their  hearts  frozen,  in  pro- 
portion as  their  heads  grew  clear.  In  tlie  East, 
domestic  slavery  is  compatible  with  every  enjoy- 
ment excepting  the  consciousness  of  liberty ;  and  it 
is  the  loss  of  freedom,  rather  than  the  obligation  to 
labour,  or  the  endurance  of  suffering.      Niebuhr 

♦  See  Niebuhr  on  Colonies,  where  all  the  Latin  authorities 
are  quoted. 


mm 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS   INSTITUTIONS. 


257 


does,  indeed,  refer  all  the  great  and  lasting  monu- 
ments of  Etruria  to  her  slaves ;  but  we  think  we 
have  shown  that  this  opinion  is  not  tenable,  and 
derives  not  a  shadow  of  support  from  history  or 
tradition. 

Whilst  the  Pyramids  of  Egypt  were  to  her  peo- 
ple the  object  of  groans  and  execrations,  and  the 
memory  of  their  founders  was  loaded  with  oppro- 
brium, the  walls  and  drains  of  Etruria  were  ever 
her  glory  and  her  pride,  and  were  referred  to  the 
might  and  wisdom  of  her  greatest  hero,  acting 
under  the  inspiration  of  her  demi-god.  The  na- 
tions whom  she  supplanted  and  subdued,  the 
Umbri  and  Pelasgi,  are  numbered  by  succeed- 
ing historians,  Greek  and  Roman,  amongst  the 
children  of  her  people,  and  not  a  whisper  has  come 
down  to  us,  that  her  wondrous  tunnels  were  sacri- 
fices to  Manto,  or  that  her  gigantic  walls  were 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  men.  The  same  works, 
carried  forward  into  Rome,  and  accomplished  with 
the  same  instruments,  when  she  was  under  Etruscan 
dominion,  have  not  branded  the  memory  of  the  first 
Tarquin,  nor  tarnished  the  fame  of  the  good  king 
Servius,  nor  diminished,  even  by  the  shadow  of  a 
stain,  the  reverence  and  affection  with  which  the 
poor  and  oppressed  ever  regarded  him,  as  their 
friend  and  protector.  Indeed  Niebuhr  himself 
proves  that  the  Etruscan  kings  and  Etruscan  laws, 
obliged  the  rich  to  contribute  their  full  share  to 
every  monument  of  national  strength  and  glory. 

After  the  very  first  victory,  near  the  heights  of 


258 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN   AND   HIS   INSTITUTIONS. 


259 


Corneto,  the  Etruscans  must  have  had  slaves,  and 
Strabo  (v.)  says,  that  one  of  the  reasons  of  their  fight- 
ing was  to  obtain  them  ;  and  in  all  cases,  the  slaves 
consisted  either  of  captives  taken  in  war,  or  of  men 
who  were  sold  for  debt,  either  from  amongst  their 
own  peasantry,  or  from  the  neighbouring  states.  The 
slaves  became  domestic  servants  in  the  great  fami- 
lies, who  vied  with  each  other  in  having  them 
handsome  in  person,  richly  dressed,  delicately  fed, 
and  trained  to  graceful  and  athletic  exercises.* 

The  slaves  were  incapable  of  entering  the  army, 
which,  for  that  very  reason,  was  more  honoured  and 
respected  in  the  eyes  of  the  soldiery  and  people. 
They  were  degraded  as  a  caste,  but  might  be  freed 
and  placed  amongst  the  clients,  in  which  case  they 
could  vote  in  the  census,  and  serve  in  their  lord's 
own  regiment,  and  exercise  all  the  rights  of  a  clans- 
man. The  first-made  slave,  whether  captive  by 
war,  or  captive  by  debt,  might  also  be  ransomed,  and 
then  he  resumed  his  original  rank.  But,  as  slaves, 
Tarchun  could  not,  and  did  not,  legislate  for  them. 
He  left  them  to  public  opinion  and  common  custom, 
and  to  that  humanity  which  is  engendered  by  clans- 
ship,  when  every  man  is  educated  to  extend  his 
affections  and  sympathies  over  so  wide  a  field  of 
ideal  connexion,  that  he  naturally  cares  for  all, 
whatever  their  rank  and  condition,  who  in  any  way 
belong  to  him,  and  seeks  their  welfare  from  daily 
unconscious  habit,  as  long  as  they  dwell  within  his 
sphere. 

♦  Posidonius.     Diod.  v.  40.    Athenaeus,  iv.  1 53. 


The  slaves  had  often  much  education,  especially  Pea- 
in  what  was  ornamental,  but  the  Etruscan  peasan-  ^"*^ 
try  were  uneducated ;  for  Tages  had  somewhat  of 
the  spirit  of  the  English  government,  and  would 
not  so  far  abridge  the  liberty  of  his  subjects,  as  to 
command  that  his  peasants  should  read  and  write. 
These  accomplishments  were  by  no  means  forbid- 
den ;  they  were  merely  left  to  their  own  good  sense 
and  discretion ;  and  the  peasantry  of  happy  Etruria, 
like  the  peasantry  of  happy  England,  saved  them- 
selves the  trouble,  having,  unlike  our  peasantry,  the 
means  of  gaining  a  great  deal  of  instruction  without 
any  mental  exertion  or  intellectual  fatigue. 

Tages  fixed  the  sacred  times  of  his  people,  which  Kaleu- 
Lar,  Lucumo,  and  Velthur,  every  prince,  governor,  ^^' 
and  magistrate,  was  obliged  to  learn ;  and  which  on 
each  market  day  he  must  proclaim  to  those  who  as- 
sembled at  the  place  of  meeting.*  Tages  instituted  one 
great  year,  which  he  called  a  secle ;  hence  our  word 
"  cycle  ;"f  and  it  was  to  consist  of  one  hundred  and 
ten  minor  years,  divided  into  twenty-two  Lustrums, 
or  twenty-two  periods  of  five  solar  years  each. 
A  Lustrum  was  the  period  for  which  the  state 
lands  were  let.  The  minor  years  were  either  civil 
or  sacred.  The  civil  began  in  March,  and  consisted 
of  365  days,  divided  into  ten  months  and  two  inter- 
calaries;  and  the  sacred  began  in  September,  ac- 
cording to  the  manner  of  the  Egyptians  and  the 
nations  of  Ludin  ;  and  it  also  consisted  of  ten  months 
only.     The  ten  months  of  these  years  were  divided 

*  See  Miiller  on  the  Kalendar.  f  Nieb.  on  the  Cycle. 


260 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


into  thirty-four  weeks,  each  week  containing  eight 
days,  which,  like  the  Jewish  days,  were  probably 
named  in  numerical  order. 

The  Jewish  week  used  to  be  counted  "  One  of  the 
Sabbath,"  "  Two  of  the  Sabbath,"  &c.  ;*  and  the 
Tuscans  probably  called  theirs  "  One  of  the  Feast," 
"  Two  of  the  Feast,"  &c. ;  at  least,  such  is  the  idea 
we  gather  from  Varrof  and  Macrobius.J  Three  of 
their  names  have  been  preserved  to  us,  as  Ides, 
Nones,  and  Kalends.  "  Ides"  is  an  Etruscan  word, 
meaning  to  divide.  It  was  the  full  moon,  and 
marked  each  grand  lunar  division  of  the  year,  divid- 
ing the  month  into  half.  The  other  two  words  are 
just  as  likely  to  be  Etruscan,  and  to  have  been 
adopted  by  the  Latins.  **  Nones,"  means  each 
ninth  day,  counting  from  the  Ides,  "  Kalends"  was 
the  division  of  the  month,  after  which  it  was 
counted  backwards,  to  the  full  moon  again.  This 
ten-month  year  was  the  term  of  mourning  for  near 
relations,  of  paying  portions  left  by  will,  of  credit 
for  debt,  of  sale  on  yearly  profits,  of  all  money 
transactions  and  interest  upon  capital,  and  of  all 
truces,  treaties,  and  engagements  relating  to  war  or 
military  affairs. 

As  this  ten-month  year  was  adopted  by  the 
Latins,  we  have  traces  of  it  in  our  kalendar  now ; 
for  we  call  our  final  months  September,  October, 
November,  and  December,  because  the  Romans 
called  theirs  so,  after  the  example  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, 2500  years  ago. 

•  See  Home  on  Jewish  Time.        t  v.  52,  53.         X  i.  15. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


261 


The  peasantry  of  Etruria  kept  themselves  in 
ignorance  and  subjection,  because  the  uneducated 
do  not  seek  for  education,  and  do  not  desire  a  know- 
ledge which  implies  trouble,  and  the  value  of  which 
they  are  unable  to  appreciate. 


262 


CHAPTER  XII. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


B.  C. 

XII. 

CKNT. 


Written  laws — Religious  basis—  Fate — Education  of  the  Lucu- 
moes — Castes — Coins  and  Monetary  System — Commerce — 
Roads — Hydraulic  operations. 

In  contradistinction  to  the  peasantry,  and  their 
liberty  of  non-instruction,  come  the  Lucumoes  and 
the  whole  class  of  the  nobles,  who  were  obliged  to  a 
strict  and  a  highly  scientific  education.  Tages  was 
resolved,  that  if  the  body  of  his  people  should  repre- 
sent a  child,  the  rulers  of  his  people  should  have 
the  heads  of  men.  Accordingly,  as  they  were  the 
princes,  and  senators,  the  generals  and  judges,  the 
augurs  and  haruspices,  the  land  measurers  and 
astronomical  calculators  of  their  day,  they  were 
forced,  not  only  to  know  the  laws  of  Tages  inti- 
mately themselves,  and  to  teach  them  to  their  chil- 
dren, but  they  were  obliged  to  acquire  all  that  know- 
ledge, and  to  pursue  all  those  studies  which  were 
needful  to  make  the  laws  practical  and  effectual.  In 
this  respect,  indeed,  Tages  was  as  much  opposed  to 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


263 


the  genius  of  England  as  in  the  case  of  the  i3easantry 
he  had  been  like-minded. 

Amongst  his  nobles,  no  one  was  permitted  to  ad- 
minister the  laws,  who  did  not  understand  them  ; 
and  no  one  might  presume  to  teach  who  had  not 
himself  first   learned.       He    who   could   not   obey 
might  not  command  ;    and  he  who  had  no  religion 
was  regarded  as  a  monster  unfit  for  power.     Idle, 
undisciplined,  useless  nobles ;  and  chattering,  self- 
conceited,  ignorant  senators,  are  phenomena  which 
can  never  have  been  seen,  nor  even  thought  credi- 
ble,  (though  but  merely  in  speculation,)  during  the 
first  ages  of  Etruria.     The  young  Lucumoes ''were 
educated  in  colleges,  the  names  of  some  of  which 
we  occasionally  read  in  history;  and  they  were  not 
only   obliged  to  read,  write,  and  cypher,    but    to 
possess  some  competent   knowledge   of  astronomy 
and     mathematics,    some    tolerable    acquaintance 
with  agriculture  and  hydraulics,  some  settled  state 
principles,   and   some  instruction   in   political  eco- 
nomy.   They  were  also  required  to  be  so  thoroughly 
masters  of  their  religion  as  to  know  the  laws  of  Ta- 
ges by  heart,  or,  in  the  words  of  scripture,  "  to  write 
them  in  their  memories,  and  to  engrave  them  upon 
the  palms*  of  their  hands."t 

The  most  sceptical  of  modern  inquirers  will  not 
maintain  that  the  command  from  Deuteronomy,  just 

*  Deut.  vi.  8. 

t  Festus  and  Censorinus  say,  that  the  Lucumoes  kept  and 
taught  the  discipline  of  Etruria,  and  that  the  laws  of  Tages  were 
transcribed  by  them.    See  MuUer  and  Dempster  de  Etrur.  Reg 


264 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


quoted,  was  given  to  the  children  of  Israel,  because 
they  could  not  read  or  write.  They  had  all  been 
taught  to  do  so,  ages  earlier  than  the  days  of  Tar- 
chun  ;  and  in  the  same  sense  as  Moses  commanded 
the  chiefs  of  his  people,  so  Tarchun  commanded  his 
Lucumoes,to  teach  diligently  their  children,  and  their 
children's  children. 

Niebuhr  hints  that  the  laws  of  Tages,  as  delivered 
by  Tarchun,  were  probably  not  written  in  his  day, 
but  only  sung  and  committed  to  oral  tradition. 
But  as  the  minds  and  memories  of  men  are  in  all 
ages  the  same,  we  cannot  admit  of  such  a  theory. 
How,  if  this  had  been  the  case,  could  they  have 
been  known  and  preserved  in  purity  throughout  all 
the  cities  of  Etruria  ?  So  far  from  a  unity  of  disci- 
pline amongst  the  twelve  states,  we  should  have 
had  different  versions  of  these  laws,  and  curious 
additions  to  them  in  various  places.  In  some  they 
would  have  remained  a  mere  tiadition,  destitute  of 
all  observance ;  and  in  others,  the  most  opposite 
customs  would  have  been  founded  upon  the  same 
ideal  commands. 

But  nothing  of  this  sort  ever  happened.  The 
laws  of  Tages  were  uniform  wherever  the  religion 
of  Tages  prevailed ;  and  this  could  only  have  followed 
upon  their  being  written,  and  upon  the  writing  hav- 
ing been  held  as  sacred.  They  must  have  been  read  as 
well  as  written,  studied  as  well  as  read,  known  to  all 
the  rulers,  received  by  all  the  people,  and  believed 
to  be  divine,  and  therefore  unalterable.  The  Etrus- 
cans had,  in  the  course  of  time,  other  books  and 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


265 


other  laws.  Pontifical  ordinances,  kingly  institu- 
tions, historical  records,  the  sweet  songs  of  the 
princess  Camese,  and  the  holy  maxims  of  the 
priestess  Bygoe.  But  none  of  these  were  ever  held 
in  equal  reverence,  or  ever  placed  upon  a  level  in 
antiquity  or  sanctity,  with  the  books  of  Tages.  And 
why  ?  Because  the  laws  of  Tages  were  written  by 
him  who  framed  and  promulgated  them.  They 
were  a  standard  and  engraved  code,  which  could 
be  known  and  referred  to  by  all  parties,  and  they 
were  what  Miiller  calls  them,  the  same  as  their  sacred 
predecessors  and  cotemporaries  amongst  the  other 
races  of  Ludin,  the  same  as  the  Vedas  to  the  Hindus, 
and  Leviticus  to  the  Jews.  It  would  be  a  monstrous 
absurdity  to  believe  that  the  Rasena  alone,  of  all 
the  civilized  nations  of  the  East,  carefully  educated 
their  nobles,  and  yet  had  no  written  laws. 

All  the  ancient  legislators  rested  their  systems 
upon  a  religious  sanction,  and  strove  to  found  the 
institutions  of  time  upon  the  basis  of  eternity. 
Hence  they  inculcated  all  the  natural  and  civil 
obligations  of  social  life  as  emanations  of  the  divine 
will ;  and  as  such  they  held  to  be  every  sentiment  of 
patriotism,  and  every  exhibition  of  public  courage. 
The  state  ritual  taught  each  man  his  rights  and 
duties,  and  the  prescribed  line  of  his  public  and 
private  conduct,  as  that  which  was  pointed  out  for 
him  by  the  gods.  No  one  was  suffered  by  Tages 
to  separate  the  interests  of  his  country,  the  inspira- 
tions of  human  genius,  or  the  purposes  of  human 
rectitude,  from  the  divine  guidance  or  divine  will. 


266 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


No  one  was  allowed  to  consider  this  world  as  the 
ultimate  object  of  his  hopes  and  desires ;  and  far 
less  was  he  permitted  to  regard  the  applause  of  his 
fellow  creatures,  or  his  own  self-interest,  as  the 
measure  of  his  actions  or  the  ruling  principle  of  his 
understanding. 

The  will  of  the  gods  was,  from  early  education, 
everything  to  the  Lucumo,  and  ever  present  to  his 
imagination.*  He  consulted  that  will  by  sacrifice, 
when  first  he  took  his  seat  in  the  senate,  and  when 
he  delivered  his  opinion  there  ;  when  he  married, 
when  he  went  forth  to  battle,  when  he  put  out  to 
sea,  when  he  sowed  and  when  he  reaped,  when  he 
planted  and  when  he  gathered  in,  when  he  increased 
his  estate  and  when  he  diminished  it.  He  sacrificed, 
when  he  desired  to  atone  for  his  offences,  or  to 
satiate  his  vengeance,  to  endure  manfully  loss  and 
disappointments,  or  to  triumph  over  his  foes.  He 
sacrificed  and  took  auspices  as  a  bounden  duty,  to 
moderate  his  exultation  in  prosperity,  to  alleviate 
his  sufferings  in  adversity,  to  guide  his  active  career, 
and  to  cheer  his  dissolution.  The  Etruscan  noble 
not  only  consulted  this  will  upon  all  occasions,  but 
he  met  it,  when  he  knew  it  to  be  adverse,  most  sin- 
gularly, for  a  child  of  the  East.  He  met  it,  not  as 
a  fatalist,  but  as  a  man.  His,  was  a  persevering 
and  unimaginative  temperament,  tenacious  of  all 
which  custom  had  rendered  familiar  to  him,  whe- 
ther from  without  or  from  within.  His  courage 
was  indomitable,  his  fortitude  enduring,  his  hope 
♦  See  Miiller  on  the  Religion  of  the  Etruscans. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


267 


unquenchable ;  and  yet  we  regard  with  surprise,  the 
grasp  of  his  solid  understanding,  and  wonder  to  see 
Oriental  beings  so  manly  in  their  sentiments,  and  so 
sober-minded  in  their  views.  The  Etruscan  be- 
lieved in  the  decrees  of  heaven  concerning  human 
affairs,  and  that  they  were  predetermined  before 
they  came  to  pass:  and  his  faith  taught  him  that 
it  was  vain  for  man  to  resist  those  decrees,  when 
they  had  once  gone  forth.  Yet  he  also  held  that  it 
was  sinful  to  give  way  to  despair  and  apathy,  and 
that  enlightened  submission,  virtuous,  persevering 
conduct,  and  continued  prayer,  might  delay,  and 
even  sometimes  avert,  the  purposes  of  fate.  He 
reminds  us  of  the  patriarchal  faith  exhibited  by 
Abraham,  when  God  revealed  to  him  the  doom  of 
Sodom.  Abraham  heard  the  decree,  and  he  knew 
by  whom  it  was  pronounced,  and  yet  he  says,  "  If" 
there  shall  be  found  mitigating  circumstances,  (fifty 
righteous,  or  ten  righteous,)  wilt  thou  not  reverse 
the  sentence  of  destruction?  And  the  Lord  an- 
swered Abraham,  If  these  mitigations  be  found,  I 
will.  « If  there  be  found  ten  righteous,  I  will  spare 
all  the  city  for  their  sakes."t 

The  nobles  alone  of  Etruria  were  compulsorily 
educated,  because  to  them  alone  belonged  all  the 
political  authority  in  church  and  state.  The  Augurs 
and  Haruspices,  who  declared  the  will  of  the  gods, 

•  See  Miiller  on  the  Haruspex. 

t  It  is  almost  equally  remarkable  that  the  Auf^rs  taught  the 
impossibiUty  of  prolonging  human  life,  after  man's  last  hour 
was  decreed. 

N    2 


268 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCUUN    AND    HIS   INSTITUTIONS. 


269 


must  needs  have  known  how  to  ascertain  that  will. 
The  Generals  who  commanded  the  army,  must  have 
understood  the  maxims  of  war.  The  Senators  who 
were  to  maintain  the  existing  laws,  must  have  been 
acfjuainted  with  their  theory  ;  and  they  who  were 
assembled  to  oppose  or  to  support  such  alterations 
or  improvements  as  the  king  wished  to  introduce, 
according  to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  must  necessa- 
rily have  interested  themselves  in  the  state  of  their 
country.  The  calculators  of  the  new  moons  and  feasts, 
the  keepers  of  the  annals,  the  regulators  of  the 
kalendar,  and  the  measurers  of  land,  must  necessa- 
rily have  been  versed  in  astronomy  and  numbers; 
and  Niebuhr,  no  mean  judge,  esteems  their  early 
knowledge  to  have  been  much  more  deep  and  pro- 
found than  that  of  their  later  days. 

We  have  said  that,  amongst  the  Senators,  each 
Decurial  Lucumo  was  the  Priest  of  his  Curia ;  and 
as  the  Lucumo  was  an  hereditary  rank,  so  would  be 
the  Decurion,  and  so  also  the  priesthood  attached  to 
that  dignity.  The  priests  were  not  a  separate  class, 
though  the  service  of  particular  gods  was  here- 
ditary in  particular  families.  As,  for  instance,  the 
priesthood  of  Talna  or  Juno*  at  Veii,  and  that  which 
was  handed  down  in  the  families  of  the  Potizii  and 
Pinarii  in  Latium,f  who  boasted  a  right  to  administer 
the  sacrifices  of  Hercules,  the  Turrhenean  god. 

The  priestly  Lucumoes  remind  us  of  the  Brah- 
min caste  in  India,  because  they  were  in  no  way 
distinguished  from  their  noble  fellow-countrymen,  ex- 
•  Livy.  t  Micali,  Italia,  a.  d.  R. 


cepting  by  an  hereditary  priesthood  ;  and  when  the 
Assyrians  first  entered  Hindostan,  their  social  re- 
lations would  appear  to  have  been  the  same  with 
those  of  the  Rasena.  They  also  probably  consisted 
of  "  the  man's  head  and  the  child's  body  ;"  of  one 
class,  educated,  whose  privilege  it  was  to  command 
and  to  protect,  and  of  the  other,  uneducated,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  defend  and  to  obey.  They  all 
reckoned  themselves  the  children  of  one  and  the 
same  parent ;  the  priestly  warrior,  and  the  warrior 
who  was  not  a  priest,  being  each  required  to  read 
and  write,  to  sacrifice  and  to  give  alms.  It  is  evident 
that  the  Hindoo  priest  would  neither  have  obtained 
nor  have  preserved  the  influence  of  caste,  which  for  so 
many  ages,  distinguished  him  amongst  his  fellows,* 
had  not  his  dignity  first  arisen  from  some  such 
office  as  that  of  Decurion  of  his  Curia,  the  holiest 
and  the  wisest  of  the  warriors.  And  it  is  owing  to 
a  difference  in  the  temper  and  surrounding  circum- 
stances of  the  brother  tribes  of  Ludin,  dwelling  in 
Italy  and  in  India,  that  both  did  not,  in  the  same 
manner,  divide  themselves  into  castes,  distinguished 
by  impassable  bounds,  which  became,  through  the 
corruptions  of  time,  and  the  influence  of  imagina- 
tion, the  case  in  Hindostan. 

Those  who  are  best  versed  in  Eastern  history,  are 
most  aware  that  every  reformer  amongst  the  Hin- 
doos has  endeavoured  to  abolish  the  distinction  of 
castes,  and  to  prove,  from  their  oldest  records  and 
most  ancient  statutes,   that  all  the  educated  were 

•  Vide  Sir  William  Jones. 


270 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


equal  to  each  other.  In  all  countries  where  the  priests 
have  not  been  also  military,  the  army  has  held  a 
higher  rank  than  the  church,  and  the  union  of  both 
offices,  in  the  Rasena,  and  in  the  Assyrian  Hindoos, 
is  simply  a  continuation  of  the  patriarchal  polity, 
which  had  for  its  cradle  the  land  of  Shinar. 

The  four  castes  of  the  early  Hindoos  are  thus 
classified  by  Sir  W.  Jones : — 

1.  The  priests,  all  noble,  and  capable  of  every 
employment  and  occupation.  Necessitated  to  read, 
write,  and  teach.  They  also  measured  land,  and 
regulated  the  calendar  ;  being  possessed  of  very 
deep  and  curious  mathematical  knowlege,  the 
results  of  which  only  are  known  to  their  successors. 
These  men  might  exercise  both  tillage  and  traffic. 

2.  The  military;  who  were  not  priests,  but  all 
noble;  and  who  must  all  read,  and  be  able  to  sacri- 
fice and  to  fight. 

3.  The  merchants ;  who  traded,  lent  at  interest, 
were  fundholders,  and  had  herds  and  flocks. 

4.  The  people ;  who  were  the  vassals  of  the  two 
first  classes,  and  might  serve  the  third. 

The  Rasena,  though  not  distributed  into  castes  so 
strictly  marked,  because  they  had  amongst  them 
more  of  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  less  imagination, 
to  raise  every  slight  difference  into  an  important 
distinction,  may  thus  be  paralleled  with  them. 

1.  The  highest  class  of  Lucumoes  or  Decurions, 
warrior  priests ;  all  noble,  all  capable  of  any  em- 
ployment ;  obliged  to  extensive  general  knowledge, 
and  allowed  tillage  and  traffic. 


TARCIIUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


271 


2.  Their  brethren  of  the  Curia ;  who  were  also  all 
noble,  and  all  military ;  and  all  educated,  and  all 
capable  of  offering  sacrifices. 

3.  The  fundholders  and  merchants  ;  whether 
iErarii,  Plebs,  Municipiales,  or  Isopolites. 

4.  The  vassals  and  followers  of  the  noble  houses. 
The  Lar  in  Etruria,  we  have  already  said,  was 

Pontifex  Maximus  in  each  state,  a  dignity  which 
was  hereditary  to  the  office,  and  not  to  the  man. 
It  was  his  duty  to  take  charge  of  the  public  annals, 
which  were  not  history,  but  an  enumeration  of  the 
leading  events  in  each  year,  written  in  the  fewest 
words  and  in  the  driest  manner  possible,  upon  a  whited 
table,  which  always*  remained  in  his  palace,  and 
whence  calculations  were  made,  and  the  annals  and 
histories  of  the  country  compiled.  This  custom  the 
Etruscans  of  course  introduced  into  Rome,  and  all 
Livy*s  tenth  book  is  written  ftom  one  of  these  his- 
torical tables,  which  were  not  the  less  authentic,  for 
being  exceedingly  brief.  The  Romans  never  used 
them  after  the  days  of  the  Gracchi ;  and  the  Etrus- 
cans doubtless  abandoned  them  after  the  fated 
period,  the  day  which  Tina  had  given  them,  had 
been  shown  by  these  monuments  to  have  run  its 
course. 

The  most  extraordinary  invention  which  Tarchun  Coin- 
left  to  his  people,   and   the  most  useful  and  im-  ^®' 
portant  which  can  be  left  to  any  people,  was  the  art 
of  coining,  of  which  the  Etruscans  possessed  a  pecu- 
liar method  in  reference  to  weights  and  measures, 

*  Cicero  de  Leg.  i.  2. 


272 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


and   to   the   value   of  articles  of  exchange.      The 
Etruscan  copper  coinage  is  the  oldest  in  Europe, 
and  the  only  one  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge, 
prior  to   the  foundation   of  Rome.      The  Jesuits' 
Museum  in  that  city  has  examples  of  no  less  than 
forty  different  mints   used   by  the  Italian  nations, 
before  the  days  of  Romulus,  each  one  stamped  with 
the  head  of  their  patron  deity,  or  with  whatever  other 
device  they  conceived  to  be  the  most  characteristic. 
This  coinage  is,  in  its  origin,  Etruscan,  and  is  altoge- 
ther peculiar  to  that  people,  and  to  those  with  whom 
thev  trafficked,  whether  amongst  their  own  colonies 
and  the  Italian  tribes,  from  the  Rhoetian  Alps  to  the 
straights  of  Sicily ;  or  whether  amongst  their  more 
distant  allies  in  Sicily  and  Greece,  and  amongst  the 
various  colonies  of  Egypt  and  of  Carthage.  Through- 
out the  peninsula,  and  in  every  different  state,  this 
coinage  is  marked  with  Etruscan  letters,  and  is  of  the 
same  value.    Its  measure  is  the  bronze  As  or  iEs;  the 
pound  Turrhenoi,  or  as  we  now  pronounce  it,  the 
pound  Troy,  which  still  preserves  its  old  division  into 
twelve  ounces,  as  delivered  to  us  by  the  Romans,  and 
by  which  we  measure  those  things  which  they  most 
valued,  viz,  wine  and  strengthening  liquors,  healino 
medicines,  and  the  precious  metals.  The  oldest  device 
upon  the  As,  as  far  as  we  can  ascertain,  is  the  double 
bead  of  Janus  upon  one  side,  and  the  prow  of  a 
ship  upon  the  other,  both  types  of  the   Etruscan 
people.     The  prow  denotes  a  maritime  and  com- 
mercial nation,  and  it  was  with  peculiar  propriety 
assumed  by  the  Etruscans,  who,  Pliny  says,  invented 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


273 


the  prow ;  that  is  to  say,  they  were  the  first  who 
used  it  in  Italy,  having  crossed  the  Mediterranean 
sea  in  vessels  of  burden,  that  bore  most  probably, 
some  image  or  ornament  upon  their  prows,  as  we 
see  on  the  Egyptian  vessels  of  Sethos,  in  the  plates 
of  Rosellini,  and  as  we  know  to  have  been  the  Car- 
thaginian custom  with  their  Pataeci,  in  imitation  of 
the  Tyrians.  The  largest  vessels  of  the  Pharaohs 
were  always  stationed  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  Avaris-Rasena  had  usually 
composed  the  best  part  of  their  crews. 

In  any  view,  the  prow  was  a  most  appropriate 
emblem  of  the  Rasena,  but  in  conjunction  with  the 
head  of  Janus,  it  becomes  an  historical  record,  and 
it  is  very  likely  that  in  this  hieroglyphical  but  most 
significant  form,  it  first  took  a  place  in  Tarchun's 
pontifical  tables.  It  expresses  that  the  coin  so 
stamped  is  the  authorized  medium  of  exchange 
among  the  children  of  Janus,  who  have  come  to 
Italy  in  prow-built  ships.  Ovid*  says,  that  the 
head  of  Janus  on  the  one  side,  is  in  memory  of  the 
first  civilizer  of  the  Italians,  and  the  prow  on  the 
other  side,  is  in  memory  of  the  Tuscan  vessel  in 
which  he  landed.  Janus,  or  Janias,  the  Assyrian 
shepherd  king,  we  believe  to  have  been  the  antitype 
of  this  coin.  He  was  a  double-headed  hero,  that  is, 
he  not  only  ruled  over  but  he  united  two  people  ; 
being  the  Assyrian  monarch  of  Lower  Egypt,  and  af- 
terwards a  demi-god  of  the  Rasena,  whose  spirit  and 
deeds  reappeared  in  Tarchun,  and  in  whose  form  he 

♦  Fast.  i.  228,  &c. 

n5 


274 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


was  again  the  double-headed,  uniting  the  Assyrians 
and  the  Italians.  Janus  of  the  Rasena  was  double, 
in  that  he  looked  forward  to  the  dominion  of  his  tribe 
in  their  new  land,  and  backward  to  the  times  of  his 
government  in  the  land  from  which  they  had  de- 
parted. Janus  was  an  ever-present  remembrance  to 
the  Rasena,  of  how  completely  man's  existence  is 
divided  between  the  past  and  the  future. 

"  II  presente  e  un  baleno 
Che  cadde  da  nulla  in  seno 
Onde  la  vita  e  appunto 
Una  memoria^  una  speranza,  un  Punto!" 

The  king  who  succeeded  Janus  in  Egypt  was  As 
or  Assith,*  and  the  connexion  between  Janus  and 
As,  gives  us  the  idea  of  a  coin  bearing  the  king's 
name,  as  a  Jacobus,  a  Carolus,  a  Napoleon,  or  a 
Louis.  If  not  too  ridiculous,  we  might  instance  the 
Scotch  bawbee,  so  called  from  the  baby  King  James 
VI.,  under  whom  it  was  introduced,  f 

"  As"  may  have  been  the  king  who  first  struck 
the  coin,  and  stamped  it  with  the  head  of  his  prede- 
cessor "  Janus,"  or  this  may  be  a  later  thought  of 
Tarchun's.  And  though  we  do  not  know  that  this 
coin  was  ever  used  in  Egypt  or  in  the  Avaris,  we  have 
no  reason  to  imagine  that  it  may  not  have  been,  and 
we  are  moreover  sure  that  the  double  head  is  the 
idea  of  an  eastern  people.  The  Etruscan  coinage 
must  have  been  known  in  Egypt,  through  a  long  suc- 

*  Coins :     see  Pliny,  xviii.  3 ;    xxxiii.   3.       Varro   de   Re 
Rus.  ii.  1. 

t  Eusebius,  Africanus,  and  Manetho. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


275 


cession  of  ages,  during  the  time  that  Etruria  carried 
on  an  active  commerce  with  the  ports  of  Lybia  and  of 
the  Delta;  and  therefore  we  can  prove  nothing  from 
the  absence  of  such  coins  in  the  Egyptian  remains. 

Coins  of  various  metals  and  various  devices  were 
used  in  Egypt  many  ages  before  Tarchun,  and 
therefore  we  cannot  doubt  that  he  introduced  into 
Italy,  in  imitation  of  Egypt,  that  indispensable 
method  of  exchange,  to  which  he  had  always  been 
accustomed,  whatever  devices  he  may  at  first  have 
assumed ;  though  anything  more  appropriate  than  the 
head  of  Janus,  the  hero  of  his  race,  and  of  the  prow  by 
which  the  subjects  of  Janus's  successors  were  brought 
into  their  new  country,  cannot  be  conceived. 

In  one  of  the  painted  tombs  at  Beni  Hassan,  of 
the  age  of  Osortasen  the  Second,  that  of  Me- 
noth.p.h,  Rosellini*  has  found  different  weights 
of  coin,  expressed  by  different  stamps.  These  are 
an  ox,  a  gazelle,  and  a  frog,  in  the  proportions  of 
one,  two,  and  three  to  each  other;  and  these  stamps 
and  proportions,  he  has  found  repeated  in  other 
paintings,  without  any  variation.  In  this  same  tomb 
gold  and  silver  are  weighed  in  the  ba- 
lances, which  are  represented  of  this 
form,  and  gold  is  in  small  round  lumps 
of  equal  size,  like  buttons,  neither 
wrought  nor  stamped.  The  objects  marked  for  coin 
in  Menoth.p.h's  tomb  are  rings  of  silver  and  gold, 
but  there  must  also  have  been  a  lower  coinage  of 
copper,  or  clay,  or  of  some  inferior  substance,  for  the 

♦  Vol.  iv.  p.  287. 


276 


HISTORY    OF    ETRTJRIA. 


use  of  the  common  people,  and  for  the  every-day  pur- 
poses of  life.  Now  if  the  Egyptians  had  a  coinage  so 
early  as  1700  b.c,  their  neighbours,  the  Lybians,  Nu 
bians,  Phoenicians,  Assyrians,  and  all  the  nations  of 
Ludin,  who  traded  with  them,  must  have  had  it 
also,  and   we  have  the  express  testimony  of  Scrip- 
ture, that  money,  "  even  current  money  of  the  mer- 
chant," in  small   pieces  of  marked  and  ascertained 
weight,  was  used  in  the  land  of  Canaan  in  the  time 
of  Abraham.     Wlien  this  patriarch  bought  the  cave 
of  Macpelah,*  he  did  not  cut  off  so  muchof  a  wedge 
of  gold  or  silver,  but  he  paid  "  four  hundred  pieces 
of  money   current   with   the   merchants."      When 
Jacob  arrived  at  Shalem  of  the  Hivites,  he  paid  for 
his  field  **  one  hundred   pieces  of  money,"  supposed 
to  have  been  stamped  with  a  Iamb.     When  Joseph's 
brethren  sold  him,  it  was  for  twenty  pieces  of  silver, 
paid  by  the  Midianites,  who  were  then  on  their  way 
to  trade  in  Egypt,  and  who  would  doubtless  carry  with 
them,  the  coin  that  was  exchangeable  in  that  country. 
Every  man  who  reflects,  must  acknowledge  the 
necessity  which  exists,  the  moment  nations  begin 
to  trade  with  eacli  other,  of  some  common  medium 
of  exchange,    in  a   small  and    ascertained  weight, 
coined  in  those  metals  which  do  not  lose,  in  passing 
from  hand  to  hand.     The  possessor  of  a  wedge  of 
gold  might  require  to  cut  it  into  twenty  pieces,  and 
the  acquirer  of  each  of  these  twenty  pieces  might 
be  obliged  to  divide  them  into  fifty,  in  order  to  pro- 
cure what  he  wished   to  purchase,   and    then  the 

*  Gen.  xxiii. 

10 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


277 


filings    must    have    been    lost,  and    the   awkward- 
ness  and   the  difficulty  of  such  an  exchange  is  too 
apparent  to  require   any   argument.     Indeed,   the 
testimony  of  Scripture,   the   evidence  of  the  Beni 
Hassan  tombs,  and  the  corroborating  circumstance 
of  the  laws  of  Menu,  which  treat  of  coin,  of  debt,  and 
of  the  rate  of  interest,  render  argument  quite  super- 
fluous.    The  Egyptians  used  stamped  rings  for  coin, 
and  so  did  probably  all  the  eastern  people,  and  all 
the  Phoenician  tribes  in  their  earliest  days  ;  for  when 
Caesar  landed  in  Britain  he  found  that  the  Druids 
had  introduced  into  our  island,  rings  of  brass  and 
iron  for  money.*    The  Britons  had  also  small  round 
coins  of  gold  and  silver,  with  strange  rude  devices 
upon  them,  whence  it  appears  that  they  knew  both 
the  flat  and  the  annular  forms  of  money.    Both  must 
have  been  known  in  Egypt,  and  both  were  probably 
used  in  Etruria,gold  and  silver  rings  being  exchanged 
for  things  of  great  price,  and  the  copper  or  bronze  As, 
with  the  head  of  Janus,  or  with  the  Egyptian  ox, 
hence  called  "  Pecunia,"  being  current  for  the  com- 
mon purposes  of  life.     It  is  very  evident  that  the 
man  who  could  invent  the  stamped  ring,  could  also 
invent  the   flat   small   coin ;  and  though   we  trace 
back  the  original  idea  of  coinage  from  Etruria  to 
Egypt  and  Ludin,  we  are  not  surprised  to  see  a 
different  expression  of  the   thought  given  to  it  by 
the  colony  of  Tarchun,  from  what  it  presented  in 
the  climes  of  the  East. 

In  every  colony  which  settles  at  a  distance  from 

•  Bel.  Gal.  v.  12. 


278 


HISTORY    OF    ETRCRIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


279 


the  mother  country,  we  must  expect   to  find,  not 
only  the  civilization  it  brings  along  with  it,  but  also 
its  own  peculiar  development,  and  the  modifying  in- 
fluence which  every  man  receives,  when  he  is  placed 
in  an  entirely  new  sphere.     As  the  Madeira  grape 
has  a  different  flavour  in   Madeira,  at  the  Cape  of 
Good   Hope,  and  at  Bourdeaux,  so   the   child   of 
Assyria  will  exhibit  a  difierent  development  in  his 
father  land,  in   Hindustan,  and  in  Etruria.     The 
Ludin  colony  of  Tarchun   were   distinguished    for 
their   veneration    and    their  love   of  truth.     Their 
hearts  ever  yearned  upon   their  ffods,  their  ances- 
tors, and   their  kings ;  and   hence  we  see  that  the 
coin  of  their  own  devising,  bore  upon  it  the  heads  of 
Janus  and  Archies,  two  of  their  former  kings,  of 
Jupiter  and  Minerva,  the  Egyptian  male  and  female 
Ammon,  and   of  Mercurv,  who   was  the  same  with 
Thoth,*  the  messenger  of  the  gods,  their  Tages  or 
the  genius  of  Etruria. 

The  coinage  of  Tarchun,  like  every  other  eastern 
coinage,  expressed  weight,  and  the  As  or  pound 
Turrhenoi  was  divided  into  six  parts,  each  marked 
with  as  many  dots  as  expressed  its  division,  and 
translated  by  the  Latins,  as  one  half,  one-third, 
one-fourth,  one  sixth,  and  one  ounce, — Semis,  Ter- 
tiens,  Quadrans,  Sextans,  and  Uncia.  We  do  not 
know  the  Etruscan  names,  but  this  is  their  mean- 
ing. The  shekel  and  the  talent  of  the  Jews,  though 
coins,  were  also  weights. 

Jupiter  or  Tina,  which  we  believe  to  be  a  corrup- 

*  Vide  Rosellini. 


tion  of  Atina,  or  Adonai,  the  Hebrew  for  lord,  was  the 
same  Being  with  the  Egyptian  Ammon,  and  Ammon 
was  the  Amen  of  the  Hebrew  people,  and  the  one 
true  God  common  to  the  Egyptians,  the  Arabians, 
the  Canaanites,  and  all  the  shepherd  tribes  until  the 
death  of  Joseph.  The  great  Amen,  corrupted  into 
Amnion,  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob, 
was  equally  known  in  those  days,  to  the  Pharaoh 
of  the  land  of  Ham,  to  the  Assyrian  Laban,  the  Ara- 
bian Job,  the  Philistine  Abimelech,  and  probably 
to  the  Hindostanee  Menu.  Egyptian  scholars  are 
well  aware  that  this  Ammon,  in  Hebrew  "Amen," 
was  the  one  supreme  and  eternal  God,  worshipped  in 
Egypt  throughout  all  generations,  even  from  the  days 
of  Abraham,  when  the  Lord  visited  the  Pharoah  in 
visions  of  the  night,  to  the  days  of  St.  Paul,  when  the 
Almighty  had  given  them  up  to  their  own  inventions, 
and  when  they  had  forgotten  that  all  other  gods 
were  merely  names  for  his  attributes. 

The  only  modern  idea  with  which  Tarchun  im- 
pressed his  coins  was  the  prow,  in  commemoration 
of  the  means  by  which  he  gained  a  footing  in  Italy  ; 
if,  indeed  the  prow  was  a  new  idea,  and  if  it  be  not 
highly  probable  that  even  in  Egypt,  the  Rasena 
may  have  been  the  first  to  use  it.  It  must,  however, 
strike  every  considerate  person  as  very  extraor- 
dinary, that  neither  Tarchun  their  leader,  nor  Tages 
their  lawgiver,  should  in  their  own  proper  forms,  have 
ever  been  impressed  upon  the  coins.  And  this  is  one 
reason  why  we  assign  the  choice  of  the  emblems  to 
Tarchun  himself,  and  not  to  any  of  his  successors ; 
because  all  the  forms  were  older  than  his  day,  and 


280 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


being  once  fixed  and  settled,  could  not  be  altered  in 
order  to  do  him  honour,  after  he  and  Tages  were 
numbered  among  the  demi-gods.  Herodotus*  says 
that  the  Lydians  were  the  first  people  who  coined, 
and  if,  as  is  most  likely,  he  means  the  Ludin,  what 
he  says  is  highly  probable.  Homer  values  Glaucus's 
armour  at  one  hundred  oxen,  and  Dioraed's  at  ten, 
meaning  apparently  the  golden  ox,  the  ring  coin  of 
Egypt ;  and  scholars  still  doubt  whether  this  ox  or 
the  double-headed  Janus  was  the  first  stamp  of  Italy. 
The  learned  in  general  ascribe  the  first  stamped 
money  to  Egina,  because  Strabof  says  that  gold 
was  stamped  there  in  the  reign  of  Phaedon,  king 
of  Argos,  and  that  he  invented  weights  and  mea- 
sures. What  change  or  improvement  could  be 
meant  by  this  so  called  "  invention,"  so  long  afler 
weights  and  measures  must  have  been  introduced 
into  Greece,  both  by  Danaus  and  Cadmus,  and  so 
very  many  ages  after  they  had  been  common  to 
every  nation  of  Asia,  we  shall  not  pretend  to  deter- 
mine. But  money  may  have  been  first  stamped  at 
Egina  in  the  reign  of  Phaedon,  895  b.  c,  if  the 
word  stamped  is  used  in  opposition  to  "cast  or 
fused ;"  for  the  money  of  Etruria,  and  probably  of 
Egypt,  was  all  cast,  and  received  its  impression  in 
a  state  of  fusion.  It  is  almost  needless  to  add.  that 
the  coinage  of  the  Rasena  was  quickly  adopted  by 
all  the  tribes  of  Italy,  and  that  no  other  was  known, 
until  the  year  480  of  Rome,  when,  according  to 
Pliny,  in  imitation  of  the  southern  Greeks,  the   Ro- 


mans began  to  coin  silver. 
*  i.  94. 


t  viii.  p.  376. 


TARCnUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


281 


No  act  performed  by  Tarchun,  which  proclaims 
the  wise  and  educated  man,  ought  to  excite  astonish- 
ment in  our  minds,  when  we  remember  the  race 
from  which  he  sprang,  and  the  land  in  which  he 
was  brought  up.  Yet,  though  we  read  without  any 
amazement  of  Moses,  three  hundred  years  earlier, 
giving  rules  to  the  Israelites,  concerning  the  weights 
and  measures,  the  money  and  the  interest  of  money, 
with  which  they  had  been  conversant  in  Egypt,  we 
cannot  prevent  a  feeling  of  incredulity  stealing  over 
us,  when  we  read  of  similar  wise  financial  measures 
on  the  part  of  Tarchun.  That  he  fixed  the  circulating 
medium  of  his  country,  its  die,  and  its  value;  and  not 
only  this,  but  that  he  divided  his  standard  into  twelve 
parts,  with  reference  to  his  twelve  states,  and  deter- 
mined the  rate  of  interest  at  which  it  might  be  lent, 
in  that  proportion  which  it  continues  to  bear  at  this 
day,  throughout  the  whole  civilized  world,  viz.  at  from 
five  to  ten  per  cent,  per  annum.  This  has  been  most 
ably  proved  by  Niebuhr,''^  and  will  be  detailed 
when  we  come  to  the  last  part  of  this  work.  It  stag- 
gers our  belief,  only  because  we  cannot  comprehend 
that  man  in  all  ages,  has  been  the  same  creature, 
with  the  same  powers  of  mind,  the  same  mathema- 
tical abilities,  the  same  acuteness,  the  same  wants 
and  the  same  resources.  "  The  thing  that  hath  been, 
is  that  which  shall  be,  and  the  thing  which  shall  be, 
is  that  which  hath  been,  ana  there  is  no  new  thing 
under  the  sun,'* — So  says  inspiration,  and  so  echoes 

♦  Vide  Niebuhr  on  the  Uncialzinsfuss. 


282 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  voice  of  antiquity,  and  so  repeats  the  page  of  his- 
tory,  but  man  will  not  believe. 

We  need  not  apologise  for  attributing  to  Tarchun 
many  things,  concerning  the  epoch  of  which,  the  re- 
cords of  Etruria  are  silent.   Those  records  have  long 
since  perished  in  the  flames  kindled  by  Sylla.     Bu*t 
we  have  this  evidence,  that  the  Etruscan  coinage  was 
used  all  over  Italy  before  the  foundation  of  Rome, 
and  must  have  been  invented  or  introduced,  by  some 
native  of  the  Etruscan  race.     We,  therefore,  only  in- 
crease the  wonder,  if  we  refer  it  to  any  successor  of 
Tarchun,  who  had  no  models  to  work  from.  The  least 
extraordinary,  and  the  most  reasonable  and  probable 
origin  which  we  can  give  to  the  coinage,  is  to  refer 
it  to  the  early  hero  Tarchun  ;  for  the  educated  man 
who  founds  and  settles  a  colony   from  a  civilized 
country,  will  in  all  cases,  be  the  one,  to  establish  its 
letters  and  numerals,  its  weights  and   its  measures, 
its  kalendar  and  its  financial  system. 

We  have  slightly  to  notice  three  other  most  im- 
portant institutions  characteristic  of  civilization, 
introduced  by  Tarchun  into  Italy,  before  we  bid 
adieu  to  him  and  his  wonder-working  life.  We 
allude  to  the  external  commerce,  the  internal  com- 
munications, and  the  extraordinary  hydraulic  works 
of  ancient  Etruria. 
Com.  We  have  no  date  for  the  commencement  of  the 
°*^'-^^-  commerce  of  the  Etruscans,  but  we  find  them  in 
the  time  of  Homer,  masters  of  the  Italian  seas, 
which  were  known  to  other  nations  only  by  their 
name,  and  which  were  occupied  only  by  their  ships  ; 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


283 


the  trade  of  the  Pelasgi,  and  of  every  other  people, 
being  carried  on  by  their  sufferance,  and,  if  not  in 
their  vessels,  at  least  under  their  flag.  We  must 
therefore  carry  back  this  trade  to  its  only  probable 
commencement,  the  days  of  Tarchun,  when  the 
Mediterranean  had  been  crossed*  and  explored  by 
him  for  his  new  home,  when  his  whole  colony  were 
maritime,  when  the  ports  of  Egypt  and  of  Lybia 
were  familiarly  known  to  his  people,  and  when,  by 
means  of  the  widely  spread,  and  not  much  differing 
dialects  of  Ludin,  he  could  make  himself  under- 
stood, wherever  colonies  from  the  north  of  Egypt, 
or  the  west  of  Asia,  had  made  a  settlement. 

Tarchun  had,  doubtless,  no  knowledge  of  Greece, 
and  no  communication  with  it ;  the  earliest  settle- 
ment of  the  Greeks  in  Italy  being  more  than  one 
hundred  years  after  the  time  of  his  death.  Cuma  is 
the  oldest  Greek  colony  ;  and,  according  toNiebuhr, 
it  was  settled  by  some  natives  of  Chalcis,  about 
1060  B.  c,  and  for  a  long  time,  was  a  small  obscure 
place  without  any  trade.  Thucydides  says,  that  the 
first  colonies  of  the  Greeks  cannot  be  traced  earlier 
than  eighty  years  after  the  Trojan  war ;  and  Diod. 
Sic.  affirms  that  they  were  little  known  to  the  Italians 
before  the  time  of  Xerxes.  Tarchun*s  commerce 
must  have  been  with  the  Phoenician  colonies  of 
Africa ;  and  his  successors  would  renew  their  inter- 
course with  Egypt ;  whence  the  ships  of  Tarchun  or 
Tyrsen,  not  improbably  sometimes  confounded  with 
those  of  Tarshish,  would  sail  in  Company  to  Argos 

*  Herodotus  i.  94. 


/, 


284 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


and  to  the  Ionian  Seas,  and  thus  they  would  begin 
that  trade  which  they  afterwards  carried  on  so 
briskly  with  Corinth.  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact, 
that  we  have  no  tradition  of  any  trade  at  any  period, 
between  Etruria  and  Phoenicia,  but  with  Egypt  and 
Carthage  and  with  all  their  colonies,  which  we  look 
upon  as  a  certain  proof  that  the  Etruscans  under 
Tarchun,  came  from  the  south,  and  not  from  the 
east  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Etruscans  were,  from 
time  immemorial,  a  commercial  nation ;  and,  for  many 
ages,  they  were  the  only  commercial  and  maritime 
people  amongst  the  Italians.  Virgil,  in  the  ^Eneid, 
represents  them  as  having  an  active  navy  at  their 
command,  immediately  after  the  fall  of  Troy,  and 
seems  to  intimate  that,  in  their  early  days,  their 
communication  by  sea  was  easier  and  readier  than 
travelling  by  land ;  as  he  brings  the  troops  of  Clu- 
sium  and  other  inland  states  in  ships,  to  join  the 
hosts  of  Tarchun.  The  foreign  articles  in  which 
they  traded  w  ill  be  treated  of  hereafter. 
Roads.  ^^  e  must  not,  however,  omit  to  notice  the  internal 
communication  which  Tarchun  established  throughout 
the  land  of  Etruria.  He  who  laid  out  his  camps,  his 
cities,  and  his  temples,  by  the  rule  of  straight  lines; 
he  who  could  measure  off  and  enclose  ground  to  build 
and  plant,  who  could  have  a  variety  of  gates  to  all 
his  towns,  and  streets  of  various  but  fixed  breadths, 
leading  from  one  urban  barrier  to  the  other;  he  who 
was  acquainted  with  the  highways,*  the  canals,  and, 

*  That  highways  were  general  over  the  East,  we  learn  from 
the  jouraeyings  of  the  children  of  Israel,  when  they  asked  per- 


TARCnUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


285 


it  may  be,  even  with  the  railroads*  of  Egypt ;  he 
who  could  render  practicable  a  yearly  meeting,  from 
every  state  of  his  dominions,  to  be  held  at  the  Fane 
of  Voltumna, — such  a  man  could  not  possibly  be  at 
any  loss  to  construct  roads  fit  for  his  horses  and  his 
chariots,  his  waggons  and  his  caravans,  to  travel 
upon,  and  which  should  lead  in  whatever  direction 
he  was  pleased  to  appoint.  The  hilly  nature  of  the 
ground  in  Italy  could  present  no  difficulties  to  him, 
for  he  knew  how  to  tunnel  through  hills,  to  quarry 
stones  of  every  size,  to  turn  rivers,  and  to  drain 
lakes. 

Wherever  there  are  no  roads,  the  land  has  little 
commerce,  the  people  know  nothing  of  each  other ; 
and  this  want  of  intercourse  soon  converts  them, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  old  Highland  clans,  and  the  mo- 
dern Arabian  desert  tribes,  into  strangers,  and  from 
strangers,  into  enemies.  But  Tarchun  studiously 
avoided  the  interruption  of  brotherhood  amongst 
his  people,  and  strove  to  make  them  not  only  well 
known  to  each  other,  by  constant  markets,  fairs 
and  meetings,  but  to  the  nations  in  their  vicinity, 
who  were  welcomed  to  their  feasts.  The  tribes  of 
Italy,  learned  road-making,  as  they  did  all  other 
civilized  arts,  from  the  Rasena  ;  and  the  Rasena 
imported  it  from  the  still  more  anciently  civilized 
continent  of  Ludin.     It  was  possibly  to  necessitate 

mission  to  pass  through  Moab,  &c.,  and  promised  to  keep  the 
highways.     Numb.  xx.  J  7  ;  xxi.  22.     Deut.  ii.  27. 

*  Many  writers  assert  that  Sesostris  began  a  railroad  from  the 
Nile  to  the  Red  Sea. 


286 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


287 


inland  travelling,  that  Tarchun  fixed  upon  the  very 
heart  of  his  territory,  as  the  place  of  his  annual 
meeting;  where  it  was  unapproachable  by  water, 
and  most  difficult  of  access  to  the  inland  states  of 
Clusiuin,  Perugia,  Cortona,  and  Arretiura.  His 
roads  were  all  paved,  and  many  specimens  of  them 
remain  ;  the  most  generally  accessible  to  tourists, 
beins:  the  Via  Sacra  at  Rome,  and  the  streets  of 
Pompei.  These  are  doubtless  of  much  later  date 
than  Tarchun,  but  they  were  made  after  his  models, 
and  may  as  fairly  be  given  as  specimens  of  his  style, 
as  any  of  the  Roman  roads  in  England  may  be 
given  to  exemplify  the  style  of  Julius  Caesar. 

The  oldest  method  of  making  roads  was  to  dig 
them  two  feet  deep,  and  then  to  lay  a  quantity  of 
silaria,  or  a  composition  of  earth  and  stone,  ground 
to  paste,  upon  beams  of  burnt  wood.  Over  this 
was  placed  a  layer  of  basalt,  and  the  road  was  com- 
pleted.    This  is  the  construction  of  the  Via  Sacra. 

Another  method  was  to  make  a  furrow  two  feet 
deep,  on  each  side  of  the  line  intended,  and  then  to 
lay  upon  it,  a  nucleus  of  terra  cotta  and  broken 
stones ;  over  this,  a  quantity  of  rough  stones ;  and 
lastly,  a  layer  of  hewn  stone,  smooth  and  durable.* 
Probably  the  government  made  and  kept  up  the 
roads  by  military  labour,  as  in  some  parts  of  the 
continent,  at  this  present  time. 
Hydrau-  The  last  work  of  Tarchun*s,  which  we  shall  enu- 
rationsT  merate,  is  the  extraordinary  drains,  tunnels  and  chan- 

♦  Both  these  accounts  are  from  the  Archaeological  Lectures 
of  Dr.  Meyer  in  1838. 


nels  for  irrigation,  which  he  spread  from  one  end  of 
Etruria  to  the  other ;  and  which,  coeval  with  the  Etrus- 
can influence,  extended  themselves  over  Italy.     Be- 
fore the  land  was  drained  by  the  Etruscans,  we  are 
told  by  geologists,  that  the  plains  of  Italy  were  little 
better  than  so  many  vast  swamps,  the  heights  upon 
which  the  Rasena  built,  alone  being  healthy  and  fit 
for  habitation.     But  Tina  gave  the  land  to  those 
who  knew  how  to  redeem  it,  and  to  whom  deluges 
of  water  presented  no  idea  but  that  of  fertility,  and 
of  an  incentive  to  industry  and  watchfulness.      The 
Rasena  had  seen  the  Nile  every  year,  spread  itself 
above  their  grounds,  and  had  hailed  and  blessed  the 
overflow.     In  Italy  they  introduced  that  system  of 
irrigation  to  which  they  had  long  been  accustomed, 
and  which  enabled  them  to  defy  alike,  the  evils  of  a 
scorching  sun  and  of  an  arid  soil.     And  when  they 
found  that  Italy,  unlike  Egypt,  had  abundance  of 
rain,  and  a  superabundance  of  desolating  rivers  and 
overflowing  lakes,  they  cut  tunnels  through  the  rocky 
mountains,  to  make  drains  for  the  water,  even  as  they 
built  cloacse  in  all  their  towns,  to  make  drains  for  the 
land,  and  to  provide  for  the  health  and  cleanliness  of 
the  dense  populations.     Many  of  these  cloacae  may 
still  be  seen  ;   the  models  of  the  Cloaca  Maxima  in 
Rome,  and  the  imitation,  in  all  probability,  of  the 
same,  on  a  greater  scale,  at  Memphis,  Ramses,  and 
Zoan.      It  was  the  tradition  in  Etruria,  that  these 
mountain  tunnels  were  first  cut,  to  purify  the  air,  or, 
in  other  words,  to  drain  the  marshes  :   and  where 
they  have  been  neglected,  the  malaria  now  depopu- 


288 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


lates  the  country,  and  has  done  so  for  a  long  succes- 
sion of  ages — even  ever  since  wars  and  desolations 
caused  those  labours  to  cease,  and  the  science  which 
guided  them,  to  be  neglected  and  discouraged. 

As  drainers  of  the  ground,  and  as  managers  of 
the  power  of  water,  the  Etruscans  excelled  every 
other    people    in    the    world,   excepting   only    the 
Egyptians,    or    Assyrian     Egyptians,    who     were 
their     masters.*       They     carried    off    the    water 
where  it  was  superfluous,  and  increased  it  by  irri- 
gation, where  the  natural  supply  fell  short.     They 
regulated  the  quantity  as  a  marketable  article,  ex- 
actly according  to  their  necessities,  and  managed  it 
in  a  manner  that  never  would  have  entered  into  the 
minds  of  men,  upon  whom  it  had  not  been  forced  by 
a  previous  necessity  ;  even  by  such  a  one  as  the  an- 
nual overflowings  of  the  Nile   in  Egypt  amongst 
the  ancients,  or,  as  the  annual  threaten ings  of  the 
ocean  in  Holland,  amongst  the  moderns.    From  Bo- 
chartt  and,  from  the  Ancient  History,  we  learn  that 
the  Tigris,  upon  which  ll.S.N  was  situated,  annually 
overflowed  its  banks,  and  had  to  be  regulated  in  a  way, 
not  unlike  to  that  which  was  observed  upon  the  Nile. 
The  Rasena,  therefore,  if,  as  we  believe,  they  came 
from  Resen,  would  continue  to  carry  on  in  the  Delta, 
the  same  water  operations  to  which  they  had  always 
been  accustoaied  in  the  land  of  their  origin,  and  would 
naturally  again  transplant  their  habits  of  scientific 

♦  Ancient  Hist.  vol.  ii.,  from  Plut.  and  Diod.,  says  that  Her- 
euUs'y  i.  e.  Assyrian,  skill  and  strength  drained  the  waters  of 
Egypt. 

f  In  loco. 


I 


TARCnUN    AND    HIS    INSTITUTIONS. 


289 


and  productive  industry  from  the  Delta,  into  their 
new  country.  They  knew  how  water  could  be  ma- 
naf»"ed  so  as  to  increase  the  riches  and  value  of  their 
possessions,  and  how  also  it  could  be  so  employed  as 
to  fertilize  that  land,  which  before  them,  no  man 
had  ever  cultivated.  They  knew  how  to  multiply 
the  product  of  what  had  already  been  made  ara- 
ble ;  as  well  as  how  to  convert  the  pestilent  lurking 
places  of  reptiles,  into  the  garden  and  granary  of 
North  and  Central  Italy. 

We  do  not  think  that  the  Rasena  first  commenced 
executing  these  great  hydraulic  operations,  after 
they  settled  in  Italy,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  a  very 
hi"^h  decree  of  refinement,  and  lone:  established  and 
uninterrupted  habits  of  previous  industry  were  re- 
quisite, in  order  to  make  them  sensible  of  the 
utility  of  such  works  anywhere.  We  are  persuaded 
of  this,  from  considering  both  the  apathy  of  those 
who  preceded,  and  of  those  who  followed  them  ;  and 
also  because  such  wonderful  operations  have  ever 
been,  in  other  lands,  the  fruit  of  dire  necessity,  and 
not  the  spontaneous  effort  of  human  will,  to  improve 
the  scanty  bounties  of  nature.  Had  the  Rasena  of 
Tarchun's  days  not  known  how  to  drain  and  how  to 
tunnel,  before  they  came  into  Italy,  they  would  have 
conquered  more  land,  to  supply  themselves  with  food 
and  pasture,  rather  than  have  laboriously  redeemed 
the  marshy  swamps  of  Western  Umbria. 

In  Italy,  though  prudence  and  foresight  recom- 
mend such  works;  which  skill  and  science  alone 
can  execute,  and  though  health  and  plenty  reward 

o 


290 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN   AND    HIS   INSTITUTIONS. 


291 


theui,yet  no  absolute  necessity  there,  compels  man  to 
their  exercise.  Accordingly,  we  find  that  ever  since 
Etruria  sunk  under  the  Roman  dominion,  and 
ceased  to  be  cultivated  by  her  native  lords,  the 
industrious  policy  of  Tages  has  fled  from  her  coun- 
cils ;  and  these  plains,  with  their  villages,  vineyards 
and  corn  fields,  have  been  suffered  to  fall  into  neglect, 
becoming  in  their  desolate  extent  and  poisonous  at- 
mosphere, a  pest,  where  they  once  were  a  blessing. 

Besides  the  purifying  of  all  the  towns  and  the 
draining  of  all  the  marshes,  there  are  few  lakes  in 
Etruria,  or  in  the  states  bordering  upon  it,  which 
have  not  had  their  waters  lowered  ;  and  few  rivers 
which  have  not  had  their  channels  deepened, 
straightened,  and  regulated,  by  this  extraordinary 
people.  Though  the  only  two  grand  works  exten- 
sively known,  are  the  Cloaca  Maxima  at  Rome, 
and  the  Emissarium,  through  the  Hill  of  Albano, 
Italians  are  constantly  finding  them  in  places  where 
they  have  never  before  been  suspected ;  and  engineers, 
who  alone  are  capable  of  appreciating  their  merits 
and  their  difficulties,  may  trace  them  now  towards 
Chiusi,  at  Fiesole,  and  in  the  Lakes  of  Nemi,  and 
Galano.  The  Lake  of  Nemi  has  two  emissarj, 
which  have  only  lately  come  to  light ;  and  a  very 
magnificent  one  was  discovered  at  Galano,  in  1838, 
by  Prince  Borghese,  in  an  attempt  to  drain  that  sheet 
of  water.  Niebuhr  was  the  first  who  investigated  the 
old  under-ground  channels  at  Fiesole,  in  1820. 

He*  says,  that  the  site  of  Florence  was  formerly 

♦  Niebuhr,  i.  138. 


a  lake,  and  that  the  land  on  each  side  the  Arno  was 
a  marsh,  frequently  deluged  and  flooded,  because 
the  Gonfalina  rock  shut  up  the  valley  and  im- 
peded the  flow  of  the  river.  The  Tuscans  cut 
it  through,  and  the  water  kept  within  its  banks. 
At  L'ancisa  is  another  tunnel,  which  formerly  con- 
ducted water  into  the  Clanis,  and  diminished  the 
volume  of  the  Tiber.  The  brook  Clanis,  the  Tuscans 
turned  into  a  river,  draining  into  it  the  marshes  of 
the  Chiana.  In  the  state  of  Perugia,  and  in  other 
parts  of  Tuscany,  many  emissarj  still  remain, by  which 
land  was  formerly  gained,  and  which  continue  to  do 
their  office  at  this  day,  owing  to  the  consummate 
skill  with  which  they  have  been  constructed,  though 
for  ages,  they  have  been  utterly  neglected. 

We  need  scarcely  observe,  that  the  people  who  Mines, 
could  tunnel,  could  also  work  in  mines,  and,  accord- 
ingly, it  is  probable  that  the  mines  of  Italy  were  first 
opened  under  Tarchun,  as  their  rich  ores  certainly 
first  became  an  article  of  commerce  in  the  hands  of  the 
early  Rasena.  They  were  wrought  by  the  government; 
probably  by  forced,  if  not  by  slave  labour,  and  when 
let,  they  paid  a  royalty  to  the  state  of  one-tenth. 

Tarchun  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  who  intro-  Vine. 
duced  the  vine,  and  he  had  learnt  the  cultivation  of 
it  in  Egypt ;  for  notwithstanding  what  Herodotus 
and  Plutarch  say,  that  there  was  no  wine  in  Lower 
Egypt,  wine  always  constituted  part  of  the  sacred 
olFerings.  The  Pharaoh  who  lived  at  Memphis,  in 
the  days  of  Joseph,  had  an  officer  appointed  to  press 
the  grapes  into  his  cup,  and  the  tombs  of  Beni  Has- 

o  2 


I 


292 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


293 


san  give  us  the  whole  process  of  the  culture  of  the 
vine,  according  to  that  method  which  was  afterwards 
followed  in  Etruria. 

Diodorus  Siculus  (i.)  tells  us,  that  Hermes,  i.  e. 
Thoth,  in  Egypt,  invented  the  use  of  the  olive,  i.  e. 
improved  its  culture.  We  are  therefore  authorized 
to  ascribe  to  Tages,  or  Tarchun,  the  extensive 
planting  and  cultivation  of  the  olive  in  Italy. 


XII. 


B.C. 


CHAPTER  Xni. 

TARCHUn's    death — HERCULES SATURN JANUS. 

Tarchun  may  well  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
greatest  heroes  whom  this  world  has  ever  seen,  and  ^^^7 
as  one  of  the  most  wonderful  instruments  of  moral 
and  social  improvement,  who  ever  emigrated  from 
one  clime  to  another.  Through  him,  the  civilization 
of  Asia,  and  the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  eastern  world 
flowed  easily  and  naturally  into  Europe.  To  him, 
ancient  Italy  owed  her  commerce,  her  coinage,  her 
weights  and  measures,  the  rules  of  her  architecture, 
her  skill  in  naval  science,  and  the  discipline  of  her 
army;  her  roads,  the  improvement  of  her  agriculture, 
the  introduction  of  the  vine,  the  working  of  her 
mines,  the  instruction  in  literature  and  science,  of  all 
her  upper  classes,  the  doctrines  of  her  faith,  and  the 
gorgeous  ceremonials  of  her  religious  worship. 

He  brought  his  Assyrian-Egyptian  colony  from 
the  Delta,  or  from  Libya,  into  Umbria,  and  settling 
them  there,  partly  by  conquest  and  partly  by  treaty, 
he  left  them  as  models,  to  all  the  tribes  around  ; — 
"  that  little  but  active  leaven  which  leaveneth  the 
whole  lump."  He  consecrated  their  great  tem- 
ple, 1187  b.  c,  and  divided  them  into  XII.  states, 


294 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


each  cue,  like  the  States  of  America,  independent 
within  itself,  but  yet  bound  to  the  other,  as  part  of 
an  indissoluble  whole.  The  interests  of  each  yielded 
in  subservience  to  those  of  the  great  body,  whilst  the 
body,  on  the  other  hand,  was  bound  to  consider  and 
protect  the  separate  interests  of  each  individual 
member. 

Tarchun's  people  had  one  common  place  of  annual 
meeting  at  Voltumna,  where  they  sacrificed  one  com- 
mon sacrifice  under  one  great  high  priest.  They  were 
obliged  to  obey  in  common,  all  the  laws  of  that 
solemn  council ;  they  had  one  faith  in  Tina,  Talna, 
and   Minerfa,  and  they  were  bound  to  make  war 
under  one  common  general.   They  had  one  language 
and  literature,  and  they  were  united  together  by  one 
peculiar  and  national  law.     Tarchun,  though  a  sue- 
cessful  warrior,  had  no  love  for  war,  and  conferred 
upon  his  people,  as  his  highest  boon,  the  wise  consti- 
tutions of  Tages ;   being  more  anxious  that  the  Ra- 
sena  should  cultivate  the  healing   and   beneficent 
arts  of  peace,  than  that  they  should  be  known  to  pos- 
terity, as  the  blood  stained  conquerors,  and  haughty 
exterminators  of  the  hitherto  barbarous  Europeans. 
To   him   we   must   ascribe   the  first  triumph  ever 
celebrated  in  Italy,  for  Appian  says,  that  the  king 
of  the  Tuscans  triumphed  one  thousand  years  before 
the  Romans,  which  means  that  their  first  king  was 
the  first  Italian  who  observed  this  pomp.     We  may 
therefore  imagine  Tarchun,  after  his  great,  and  in- 
violably kept  treaty  with  the  Umbri,  going  up  to  the 
temple  of  Tina  Tarquiniensis  in  his  robes  of  state, 


TARCHUN  S    DEATH. 


295 


himself  dedicating  the  first  Spolia  Opima,  and  mak- 
ing the  first  rich  offerings  to  his  patron  gods,  in  the 
new  land  now  placed  under  their  protection. 

He  from  that  time  ruled  in  peace,  and  civilized  the 
country  between  the  Gulf  of  Spezzia  and  the  Tiber, 
making  covenants  with  the  former  inhabitants  of  the 
land ;  with  the  Umbri,  and  with  the  Pelasgi  their 
subjects,  according  to  the  fashion  of  all  the  eastern 
nations.  He  called  them  to  his  sacrifices  and  sacred 
feasts,  and  he  went  to  theirs.  He  did  not  break  their 
altars,  nor  cut  down  their  groves ;  but  he  took  their 
daughters  for  his  sons,  and  he  gave  his  sons  to  their 
daughters ;  and  it  is  this  style  of  covenant  which 
the  Israelites  would  naturally  have  made  with  the 
Phoenician  nations  three  hundred  years  before  Tar- 
chun's  days,  if  they  had  not  been  expressly  forbidden 
by  Moses.*  The  Rasenaonce  settled,  made  one  peo- 
ple with  the  old  inhabitants  of  the  land,  and  merely 
maintained  themselves  as  the  dominant  race. 

Tarchun  foretold  for  his  people,  one  day  of  rule  in 
Etruria  to  consist  of  1100  years,  which  period,  ac- 
cording to  historians,  was  actually  granted  to  them, 
and  after  he  had  so  ordered  and  settled  his  affairs  as 
to  establish  his  nation  in  tranquil  security,  he  went 
down  to  the  tomb  in  the  ripeness  of  his  glory,  hal- 
lowed in  their  affections  and  shrined  in  their  hearts. 
We  presume  him  to  have  been  at  least  five  and 
twenty  years  old,  when  he  landed  in  Italy,  because 
he  was  an  augur,  and  his  own  laws  forbade  any  man 
to  assume  the  office  of  augur  before  that  age.  It  is 
probable  that  he  died  old  and  full  of  days,  and  that 

♦  Ex.  xxxiv,  12.  . 


296 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TARCHUN  S    DEATH. 


297 


he  was  gathered  to  his  grave  in  peace ;  for  had  he 
been  cutoff  in  his  prime,  or  had  any  remarkable  cir- 
cumstances attended  his  death,  we  should  have  had 
some  legend  of  the  tale,  and  probably  some  yearly 
Memo-  commemoration  of  so  great  a  national  misfortune. 
Etruria,  which  kept  so  strictly  and  with  such  lavish 
honours,  the  feasts  and  commemorations  of  the 
dead,  would  have  had  sacred  elegies  for  Tarchun, 
and  a  public  mourning,  like  the  weeping  for  Tham- 
nuiz,  by  the  women  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  He 
must  have  died  so  naturally  as  to  have  created  no 
national  shock,  and  to  have  occasioned  no  national 
confusion,  and  his  death  would  undoubtedly  be  at- 
tended by  that  honour  and  regret,  which  in  every 
age  and  country,  follow  to  their  last  resting  place, 
the  great  and  the  good  of  the  human  race. 

To  us,  who  are  accustomed  to  Greek  myths,  and 
Roman  legends,  in  sickening  abundance,  it  seems 
passing  strange,  that  Tarchun  in  his  own  name, 
should  never  have  been  deified,  and  that  we  do  not 
find  his  acts,  or  his  wars,  or  his  original  institutions, 
either  painted  upon  the  vases,  or  sculptured  on  the 
tombs.  But  the  Etruscans  behaved  towards  their 
great  founder,  as  the  Egyptians  acted  towards  Joseph, 
their  preserver,  and  as  the  Hebrews,  towards  Moses 
their  leader  and  their  prince.  "  They  taught  their 
children  to  rise  up  and  call  him  blessed,  and  they 
Jet  his  own  works  praise  him  in  the  gates."  His 
name  was  ever  on  their  lips,  whilst  his  institutions 
were  in  their  hearts,  and  formed,  as  it  were,  the 
very  atmosphere  in  which  they  lived,  and  moved, 
and  had  their  being.     He  needed,  therefore,  "  no 


storied  urn  or  animated  bust"  to  perpetuate  his  re- 
nown. He  was  buried,  after  the  manner  of  his  peo- 
ple, in  some  rock  sepulchre,  or  in  some  lofty  tumulus 
at  Tarquinia,  near  the  first  fortress  he  had  built,  and 
the  first  temple  he  had  dedicated ;  and  whilst  his 
unburnt,  but  richly  clothed  corpse,  crumbled  to  dust 
beneath  its  cerements  of  gold,  his  spirit  for  more  than 
1 100  years  continued  to  rule  over  the  land,  which  his 
wisdom  had  settled,  and  his  sword  had  won. 

We  may  derive  a  tolerable  idea  of  the  manner  of 
Tarchun's  burial,  from  the  discoveries  which  have 
been  made  at  Tarquinia,  in  our  own  day.     In  the 
year  1826,  Carlo  Avolta  of  Corneto,  had  a  most  un- 
expected glimpse  of  a  Tarquinian    Lucumo.      On 
removing  a  few  stones  from   the  upper  part  of  a 
sepulchre,  he  looked   through   the  aperture  to  dis- 
cover the  contents,  and   behold,  extended  in  state, 
before  him  lay  one  of  the  mighty  men  of  old.     He 
saw  him  crowned  with  gold  and  clothed  in  armour. 
His  shield,  spear,  and  arrows  were  by  his  side,  and 
the  warrior^s  sleep  seemed  rather  to  be  of  yesterday, 
than  to  have  endured  well  nigh  thirty  centuries. 
But   a   sudden  change   came   over   the  scene,  and 
startled  Avolta  from  his  astonished  contemplation. 
A  slight  tremor,  like  that  of  sand  in  an  hour  glass, 
seemed  to  agitate  the  figure,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
it  vanished  into  air  and  disappeared.     When  he  en- 
tered the  tomb,  the  golden  crown,  some  fragments 
of  arms,  and  a  few  hand fu Is  of  dust,  were  all  that 
marked   the  last  resting  place  of  this   Tarquinian 
chief. 

o  5 


298 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


According  to  the  fashion  of  the  oldest  Etruscan 
tombs,  whether  under  a  tumulus  or  quarried  in  the 
rock,  Tarchun's  was  probably  a  Fane,  where  yearly 
offerings  were  long  made,  and  where  auguries  could 
always  be  taken.  Near  his  bier  might  possibly 
stand  an  image  of  himself  in  a  Curule  chair,  as  has 
been  found  long  prior  to  his  date*  in  the  sepulchres 
of  Egypt,  and  stretching  from  his  bier  towards  the 
altar,  would  be  rows  of  Lares,  in  memory  of  his  Ludin 
forefathers.  Near  him,  would  be  also  ranged  vases 
of  an  Egyptian  form,  and  with  Egyptian  lines  and 
figures  on  them,  filled  with  wine,  corn  and  oil,  the 
fruits  of  his  land.  Above  him,  would  be  hung  his 
sword  and  shield,  beside  him  his  bow  and  plenished 
quiver,  and  upon  his  head,  the  double  crown  of 
Augur  and  of  King.  The  sacred  ring  or  Scarabaeus 
on  his  finger,  would  probably  bear  upon  it  the  figures 
of  Egyptian  gods,  as  has  usually  been  the  case 
with  those  Scarabsei  which  have  been  found  in 
the  most  ancient  Etruscan  tombs;  and  we  must 
suppose  pomps  and  Palaestric  exercises  to  have 
honoured  his  funeral,  as  he  was  famous  for  the  in- 
troduction of  innumerable  games  of  all  kinds  into 
Italy.  Indeed,  the  Etruscans  taught  the  Latins  all 
the  Circensian  shows,  and  all  manner  of  scenic  and 
pantomimic  diversions,  but  especially  every  species  of 
solemn  and  commemorative  Ceremonial  and  Fes- 
tive entertainment.  We  may  therefore  believe,  that 
on  this  occasion,  the  circus  of  Tarquinia  would  turn 
out  her  chariots  and  her  horsemen,  and  that  all  the 

*  Rosellini. 


TARCHUN  S    DEATH. 


299 


Senators,  and  the  Vestals,  and  the  rich,  and  the  ho- 
nourable, would  assemble,  and  would  look  upon  the 
boxing,  the  wrestling,  and  the  racing,  which  were 
exhibited  in  his  honour,  whilst  they  joined  in  the 
deep  and  loud  lamentation  occasioned  by  his  loss. 
These  games  all  had  their  original  in  Egypt,  and 
are  represented  in  the  Egyptian  tombs,  many  cen- 
turies before  the  Rasena  colonized  from  the  Delta 
to  the  shores  of  Italy. 

The  great  antiquity  of  ceremonial  entertainments, 
whether  consisting  of  horse  and  chariot  races,  or  of 
athletic  exercises,  may  be  judged  of,  by  the  enormous 
Hippodrome,  which  a  king  of  the  18th  dynasty  con- 
structed at  Thebes,*  and  by  the  court  attached  to  the 
house  or  temple  of  Dagon,  built  by  the  Philistines,  on 
jmrpose  for  these  scenes,  where  Samson  met  his  death 
1 120  years  before  the  christian  era.    Three  thousand 
men  and  women  were  assembled  upon  the  roof  of 
this  temple,  besides  the  nobles  who  were  inside.   Tlie 
slaves  and  captives,  who  were  exhibited  for  their 
diversion,  were  in  the  inclosed  court  in  front,  which 
directly  communicated  with  the  great  hall. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  remark,"  says  Mullcr, "  that  the 
"  Etruscan  men  of  rank  never  condescended  to  min- 
"  gle  in  the  Palaestric  games,  excepting  as  spectators, 
"and  that  they  employed  in  them  their  clients,  their 
"  handsomest  slaves,  and  hired  strangers ;  but  they 
"  would  have  thought  it  a  degradation  to  enter  the 
"arena  themselves.  If,  as  in  later  ages  sometimes 
"  happened,  a  man  of  family  loved  athletic  sports  and 

*  Rosellini. 


300 


HISTORY    OF    ETKUKIA. 


(( 


(( 


"  desired  to  prove  his  skill  in  them,  he  was  oblij^ed 
to  go  for  that  |)urj)0se,  into  Greece,  in  order  that, 
while  he  gratified  his  taste,  he  might  still  preserve 
**  his  caste,  for  there  he  could  carry  off  the  crown  of 
"  victory  from  his  own  equals,  which  in  Etruria  would 
"  have  been  impossible."  This  will  explain  the  in- 
scription ro>'a6e»'€0€*'a0\o>', occasionally  found  on  sepul- 
chral prize  vases,  which  had  j)robably  been  gained 
by  their  possessors  in  Greece,  and  which  were  after- 
wards deposited  in  their  tombs.  It  is  not  here  indeed 
asserted  that  such  is  the  origin  of  all  the  vases  found 
in  Etruria  with  this  inscription,  for  some  may  have 
been  imported  from  Athens  for  sale,  and  the  greater 
part  were  certainly  made  in  Italy,  and  were  probably 
imitated  from  the  Greeks,  by  the  Etruscans. 

The  acts  of  Tarchun  were  rehearsed  at  his  inter- 
ment, and  there  his  praises  were  sung  alter  the  man- 
ner of  Egypt;  and  his  highest  eulogy  in  the  funeral 
song  must  have  been,  that  he  had  been  found  worthy 
of  converse  with  the  Genius  of  Etruria,  and  that  he 
had  conferred  upon  the  Rasona  the  laws  and  institu- 
tions of  Tages,  and  entitled  them  to  the  love  and  vene- 
ration of  those  whom  they  conquered  only  to  improve. 
We  will  now  inquire  what  were  the  names  by 
which  Italy  was  known  in  the  days  of  Tarchun,  or 
in  those  ages  immediately  succeeding  him,  which 
may  be  called  "  his  tiuies;"  because  no  other  name 
besides  his,  during  that  long  period  found  an  echo 
through  the  land.  '* Tarchun''  is  said  to  have  found- 
ed Etruria  Nova.  "Tarchun"  is  said  to  have  planted 
the  colonies  of  the  south,  ages  after  the  eastern  hero 


HERCULES. 


301 


had  mouldered  in  the  sepulchre.  Tarchun  to  the 
Rasena,  was  the  same  as  Israel  to  the  Hebrews. 
He,  the  head,  stood  for  his  people. 

Italy,  in  the  earliest  times,  was  called,  accordino- 
to  Niebuhr,  and  the  authors  he  quotes,  Uitellia,  or 
Sikelha;  Heraclea,  and  Saturnia;  also  Hesperia  or 
the  land  of  the  West;  and  Ausonia,  or  the  land  of 
the  South  ;  whence  by  corruption   or    contraction 
or  variety  of  pronunciation  in  different  dialects,  Au- 
runcia,  Oscania,  and  Opica.    The  land  of  the  South 
and  the  land  of  the  West,  need  no  explanation,  and 
hikellia,    we    have   already    said,    upon    Niebuhr's 
authority,  is   only  another    version   of  Uitellia  or 
Vitellia,  a  goddess  of  the  centre  of  Italy,  who  has 
gradually  spread  her  name,  though  we  can   trace 
nothing  of  her  worship,  over  the  inhabitants,  and 
over  the  country.     The  Vitellia  of  Tarchun  is  the 
Italia  of  our  times.      There  was  anciently  a  small 
ciry  of  Vitellia,  now  Valmontone,  near  Palestrina 
It  is  mentioned  by  Livy ,#  and  by  Pliny ,t  and  its 
site  has    been    recognised    from  the  numerous  se- 
pulchral excavations  in   the   rocks  close  to  it,  after 
the  fashion  ofthe  Etruscans,  from  whom  this  style 
was  adopted  by  the  bordering  tribes. 

What  are  the  derivations  of  Heraclea  and  Saturnia 
the  two  oldest  names  of  Italy?  Are  they  not  from  Her- 
cules and  Saturn?  And  whence  come  Hercules  and 
i^aturn?  Are  they  not  gods  ofthe  PhcBnicians?  And 
were  they  ever  heard  of  in  Italy,  until  introduced  by 
theLudiu-Raseiia?   Hercules  was  a  demi-god   a  dei- 


*  ii.  39. 


*  iii.  5. 


302 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


SATURN. 


303 


fied  man  ;   in  poetry,  one  of  the  old  giants,  and  the 
first  of  a  series  of  five  and  forty  Hercules*  who  came, 
in  the  course  of  ages,  to  be  renowned  in  song  amongst 
the  Greeks,  with  as  many  different  adventures.  The 
first  and  original  Herculesf  was  the  strong  and  vali- 
ant Prince  who  founded  Tyre,  and  who  surrounded 
it  with  a  wall  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  high.    This 
man  had  a  temple  built  to  his  memory,  and  altars 
erected  to  his  name,  but  without  any  graven  image ; 
for,  like  Moses  and  Tarchun,he  had  an  image  which 
sufficed,  being  graven  in  the  memories  of  his  cotem- 
poraries,  and  in  the  idealism  and  creative  fancies  of 
his  successors.  He  was  worshipped  in  Tyre  as  Melek- 
karta,  king  of  the  city,  UD-^p  I'^D,  and  as  E.R.K.L, 
Erkol,  bp'^V,  or  the  strong.     HerodotusJ  says  that 
he,  this  Hercules,  was  of  the  same  age  with  Tyre, 
and  Cicero  de  Nat.  Deo.  calls  him  "  the  Father  of 
Carthage,"  where  he  was  represented  with  a  bow  in 
one  hand,  and  a  club  in  the  other.     His  image  had 
four  wings,  and  Etruria  is  the  only  land  in  Europe 
where  these  four-winged  images  have  been  found. 
He  had  an  oracle  in  Egypt,  and  temples  amongst  all 
the  Phoenician  tribes,  wherever  scattered.     He  was 
worshipped  in  Tartary  as  the  introducer  of  agricul- 
ture, and  he  was  one  of  the  gods  of  India. 

Tarchun  brought  his  worship  and  name  into  Italy, 
and  hence  the  Turrhenian  Hercules,  or  the  strength 
and  power  of  the  Turrheni,  of  whom  Tarchun  was 

*  Ancient  Universal  History,  xviii.  p.  282. 
t  Ancient  Universal  History  in  loco. 
X  ii.  43,  44. 


/ 


the  head.  Through  the  Turrheni,  he  was  naturally 
introduced  into  Latium  ;  and  Dionysius  of  Halicar- 
nassus,*  finding  that  he  was  not  indigenous,  but 
brought  thither  by  some  strangers,  gives  that  honour 
to  Eleans  and  Arcadians,  whom  for  that,  and  for  other 
historical  conveniences,  he  sometimes  carries  across 
the  sea  to  the  Italian  peninsula.  There  is  no  image 
so  common  as  that  of  Hercules  or  Erkle,  on  the  Etrus- 
can terra  cotta  and  bronzes ;  and  in  Etruscan  mytho- 
logy, he  was  the  husband  of  Minerva,  giving  us  to 
understand  that  absolute  perfection,  short  of  supreme 
deity,  was,  according  to  their  ideas,  the  union  of  wis- 
dom  with  strength.  The  Etruscans  were  the  first  peo- 
ple of  Hercules  that  ever  set  foot  in  Italy ;  they  spread 
his  name  across  the  country,  they  called  after  him  two 
of  their  towns,  Erkle  or  Nortia,  and  Erkle  or  Her- 
culaneum;  they  engraved  his  image  upon  their  Sea- 
rabaei,  they  stamped  his  head  upon  their  coins,  and 
we  believe  that  through  them  ihe  name  *'Heraclea" 
was  given  to  Italy  in  general,  as  well  as  to  the  most 
southern  of  their  settlements,  the  town  of  Heracka, 
which  they  shared  with  the  Greeks  in  Campania. 

But  whence  had  Italy  the  name  of  Saturnia? 
who  was  Saturn,  and  what  were  his  feasts,  or  the 
Saturnalia,  which  still  have  their  continuation  and 
image  in  the  Italian  carnivals  ? 

The  Saturnalia,  Macrobus  tells  us,  were  feasts 
kept  in  honour  of  Saturn,  of  his  times,  and  of  his  ad- 
mirably civilizing  institutions,  which  changed  the 
face  of  the  peninsula,  and  the  first  condition  of  the 
original  Italians.  It  is  remarkable  that  Italy  does  not 

•  Lib.  i.  9,  23,  25. 


304 


HISTORY   OP    ETRURIA. 


begin  with  her  age  of  gold,  and  then  sink  to  an  age  of 
iron.  The  Saturnalia, on  the  contrary,  were  feasts  kept 
in  memory  of  some  great  reformer  and  benefactor, 
who  came  into  the  land  from  some  other  country,  and 
who  was  a  father  and  instructor  to  the  people  he 
found,  of  the  same  sort  as  Manco  Capac  to  the  native 
Peruvians.     Saturn  was  not  Tina  or  Jupiter ;  he  had 
not  his  seat  in  the  heavens,  but  he  did  good  amongst 
men  upon  earth.     His  feasts,  Macrobius  says,  were 
kept,  long  prior  to  Rome  ;  and  he  arrived  in   Italy 
by  water,  for  TertuUian*  says  that  he  found  on  his 
arrival  Janus  established  as  king  of  the  Italians,  and 
that  he  reigned  along  with  him.  Diodorus  Siculus 
(xx.)  tells  us,  that  Saturn  was  the  same  with  Kronus, 
the  god  of  Carthage,  and  he  adds  that  human  victims, 
sometimes  children,  and  sometimes  slaves,  were  sacri- 
ficed to  him.  For  these  victims  the  Rasena  afterwards 
substituted  figures  of  clay  and  of  wax  ;    in  the  same 
spirit  of  rational  sobriety  and  quiet  wisdom,  which 
suggested  that  prayer  and  unshaken  courage  might 
in  times  of  adversity,  defer  the  decrees  of  fate. 

There  was  an  image  of  this  dreadful  Demon  in 
Carthage,  into  which  children  were  thrown  and 
burnt,  and  the  Scripture  continually  reproves  the 
Canaanites  for  making  their  children  to  pass  through 
the  fire  to  him.  From  this,  arose  the  tradition  of 
Saturn  devouring  his  own  children,  which  the 
elegant  fancy  of  the  Greeks  emblemized  into  a 
personification  of  Time,  the  destroyer  of  all  men. 
Saturn  was  a  Phoenician  or  Assyrian  god,  brought 
into   Italy    by   Tarchun,   and    the   same    with   the 

*  Apol.  X. 


SATURN. 


305 


Moloch  or  Bel  of  Canaan,  and  the  other  parts  of 
Ludin,  all  his  names  having  the  same  signification 
of  king  or  crowned  one,  Pp,  KRN  or  Lord. 

"The  better  life"  commemorated  in  the  Saturnalia, 
was  the  substituting  of  plenty,  by  the  introduction 
of  scientific  agriculture,  which  multiplies  and  secures 
the  fruits  of  the  earth ;  instead  of  the  frequent  famines 
which  used  before  this  time,  to  desolate  Italy.  It 
couimemorated  also  the  gift  of  the  vine,  brought  by 
Tarchun,  and  the  equality  which  he  granted  to  those 
conquered  enemies,  who  used  before,  to  be  the  slaves 
of  their  conquerors,  and  the  victims  of  their  pride 
and  cruelty.  Previous  to  the  time  of  Tarchun,  the 
Sikeli  had  no  quarter,  and  the  Pelasgi  are  reported 
to  have  been  all  enslaved  or  exterminated.  Before 
him,  there  was  no  principle  amongst  the  Italians,  of 
incorporating  the  vanquished  with  the  victors,  of 
actually  conquering  and  ruling  for  the  benefit  of  all, 
and  of  turning  enemies  into  friends.  It  is  the  prac- 
tice of  wild  men,  in  every  age  and  country,  to  kill 
or  drive  away  those  whom  they  subdue;  and  the 
refinements  of  municipal  rights,  Isopolitism,  equal 
alliance  and  protection,  and  equal  law  for  the  incor- 
porated Plebs,  were  all  Tarchunian  or  Saturnian, 
and  might  well  fill  those  who  benefited  by  them 
with  admiration,  gratitude,  and  joy. 

Some  ancient  authors  tell  us,  that  Saturn  was 
the  priest  of  the  double-headed  Etruscan  Janus, 
and  the  feasts  of  the  Saturnalia,  we  believe  to  have 
been  kept  in  honour  of  Tarchun  himself,  to  whom 
alone  the  praise  was  due  of  all  the  great   changes 


306 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


which  they  commemorated.  Saturn  was  the  name 
of  a  Ludin  god,  and  Janus  of  a  Ludin  king.  But 
the  feasts  of  Italy,  though  they  went  by  their  name, 
were  in  honour  neither  of  the  one  nor  of  the  other, 
but  of  him,  even  Tarchun,  who  very  possibly  called 
himself  their  son,  and  who  was  indeed  their  priest. 
The  Saturnalia  were  observed  for  seven  days, 
which  we  find  from  the  Scriptures,  was  the  usual 
time  of  an  Eastern  feast,  whether  of  the  Hebrews  or 
of  other  nations.* 

^'iebuhrf  says  that  the  Latins  "  held  Janus  to  be 
theauthor  ofa  better  way  of  living  in  Italy;  the 
teacher  of  agriculture,and  of  settled  homes."  And  who 
is  this  but  Tarchun,  who  drained  the  ground,  intro- 
duced the  Egyptian  plough,  made  deep  the  furrows, 
measured  off  fixed  portions  of  land  for  agriculture, 
and  first  fortified  and  consecrated  the  Italian  cities? 
"  Janus  was  the  most  ancient  king  who  civilized  the 
Italians,:!:  and  his  temple  always  stood  open  in  war, 
for  mutual  assistance."  And  who  but  Tarchun  was 
the  first  civilizing  sovereign,  who  made  mutual  as- 
sistance a  sacred  and  sworn  obligation,  both  from 
his  own  twelve  Dynasties  to  each  other,  and  also 
from  all  their  allies  ?  The  old  treaty  says, ''  Neither 
shall  suffer  the  other  to  be  attacked."  According 
to  Aruobius,  Janus  presided  over  gates,  roads,  and 
rituals.  And  who  but  Tarchun  consecrated  gates, 
made  the  roads,  and  prescribed  the  rituals,  and  who 
but  him  first  made  known  the  names  and  attributes 


•  Esther,  &c.        f  Nieb.  in  loco.         J  An.  Hist.  xvi.  62. 


JANUS. 


307 


of  Janus  and  Saturn  to  the  wondering  and  ever  teach- 
able Italians  ? 

There  is  a  passage  in  Ovid*s  Fastorum,*  which 
seems  almost  as  if  it  had  been  expressly  written 
to  illustrate  the  views  here  advanced.  "  Tell 
me,"  says  the  poet  to  Janus,  "  why  is  a  ship  re- 
presented on  one  side  of  our  coins,  and  a  double 
head  on  the  other  ?  The  double  head,  rejoins 
Janus,  represents  me.  My  temple  stood  upon  the 
hill,  now  called  Janiculum,  and  I  brought  into 
cultivation,  the  sandy  wastes  of  Latium,  and  the 
land  which  lies  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Tiber.  To 
the  inhabitants,  I  was  known  as  the  god  of  peace, 
keeping  their  gates  and  ways,  armed  only  with  the 
sceptre  of  dominion,  and  not  with  the  weapons  of 
war.  The  ship  denotes  the  Tuscan  vessel,  in  which 
I  came  to  these  shores,  before  the  scythe-bearing 
god  had  wandered  over  the  earth."  (Meaning, 
perhaps,  I  arrived  before  the  reckoning  of  time,  the 
epoch  of  the  Etruscans,  b.  c.  1187,  had  begun. 
Tarchun  was  some  years  in  Italy  before  his  dedica- 
tion could  have  taken  place.)  "  I  remember  Saturn 
being  received  in  this  land,  when  Jove  drove  him 
from  heaven.  Hence  it  is  called  Saturnia,  and  a  ^ 
grateful  posterity  have  placed  a  prow  on  the  reverse  ; 
of  my  image,  in  memory  of  the  arrival  of  Saturn  as 
our  guest.  I  introduced  his  worship  into  Italy,  and 
I  cultivated  all  the  left  bank  of  the  Tiber,  (i.  e. 
Etruria  Proper,)  and  had  a  temple  erected  to  me 
upon  the  Mount  Janiculum.     My  land  was  fertile 

♦  Lib.  i.  229. 


308 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


JANUS. 


and  arable,  when  the  hills  of  Rome  were  pasture 
for  cattle."  Might  we  not  suppose  the  whole  of 
this  passage  to  have  been  written  by  Tarchun 
himself? 

Placidis  ita  rursus,  ut  ante, 
Clavigerum  verbis  alloquor  ipse  Deum. 
Multa  quidem  didici :  sed  cur  navalis  in  oere, 
Altera  sij^nata  est,  altera  forma  biceps  ? 
Noscere  me  duplici  posses  in  imagine  dixit 
Ni  vetus  ipsa  dies  extenuasset  opus. 
Causa  ratis  superest :  Tuscam  rate  venit  ad  amnem, 
Ante  pererrato  falcifer  orbe  Deus. 
Hac  ego  Saturnum  memini  tellure  receptum  : 
Caelitibus  regnis  ab  Jove  pulsus  erat. 
Inde  diu  genti  mansit  Saturnia  nomen : 
Dicta  quoqiie  est  Latium,  terra  latente  Deo. 
At  bona  posteritas  puppim  formavit  in  acre 
Hospitis  adventum  testificata  Dei. 
Ipse  solum  colui  cujus  placidissima  laevum 
Radit  arenosi  Tibridis  unda  latus 
Hie  ubi  nunc  Roma  est,  tunc  ardua  sylva  virebat : 
Tantaque  res  paucis  pascua  bubus  erat, 
Arx  mea  collis  erat  quam  vulgus  nomine  nostro 
Nuncupat,  haec  setas  Janiculumque  vocat. 
Tunc  ego  regnabam  patiens  quum  terra  Deorum. 
Esset  et  humanis  numina  mista  locis 
Nondum  justitiam  facinus  mortale  fugarat. 
Ultima  de  superis  ilia  reliquit  humum, 
Proque  metu  populum  sine  ni  pudor  ipse  regebat : 
Nullus  erat  justis  reddere  jura  labor. 
Nil  mihi  cum  bello,  pacem  postesque  tuebar, 
Et  clavem  ostendens,  haec  ait  arma  gero. 

Ovid  Fastorum,  lib.  i. 

Janus  was  represented  in  statues,  as  a  young  man. 
And  did  not  Tarchun  come  over  young,  and  present  to 


309 


Italy,  Tages  new  born,  with  the  body  of  a  child  ?  The 
Ancient  History  says  that  Janus  fixed  monarchical 
government  in  Etruria,*  and  that  he  was  the  author 
of  religion,  agriculture,  and  wine,t     Macrobius  says 
that  he  first  raised  temples  and  instituted  sacred  rites. 
PlinyJ  that  he  introduced  the  crown  of  triumph, 
and    Athenaeua    that  he    brought    in    corn,    which 
means  a  better  method  of  cultivation,  and  that  he 
came  to  Italy  in  a  ship  from  Asia,  i.  e.  Ludin.     Ma- 
crobius§  and  Servius||  say  that  he  was  an  Etruscan, 
and  introduced  from  Faleria  into  Rome.     Servius^f 
says  that  Janus  or  Eanus  was  the  same  as  Mars  the 
God  of  War  to  the  Romans,  because   he  was  the 
author  of  their  military  tactics.     Now,  if  we  were 
asked  to  whom  all  these  acts  are  to  be  attributed, 
and  in  whom  alone  they  can  be  said  most  truly  to 
unite,  should  we  not  answer  Tarchun  ?    We  believe 
that  Tarchun  of  the  house  of  Janus,  and  who  intro- 
duced into  Etruria  feasts  in  honour  of  Janus,  and  in 
remembrance  of  his  mother-country,  came  himself 
in  the  course  of  time,  to  be  worshipped,  and  kept  in 
honour,  under  the  name  of  Janus,  and  that  Janus 
and   Saturn,   and    Hercules,   and   Turrhenus,   and 
Tyrsenus,  as  known   to  the  Latins,  all  meant  one 
and  the  same  person,  whose  spirit  breathed  through 
all  their  various  forms,  and  that  this  person  was 
Tarchun.     May  not  Saturnia  be  possibly  only  a  cor- 
rupted pronunciation  of  Tursenia,  and  may  not  the 
Tursene  god  have   become  in  the  mouths  of  the 
Italians,  Saturn  ? 

•  Vide  Amobius.  f  Vide  Plut.  %  xxxiii.  1. 

§  Li^-  i-  II  vii.  607.  IT  iEn.  vii. 


310 


-SNEAS    AND   TUSCAN    HEROES. 


311 


B.C. 

CKNT. 

XII. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


iENEAS   AND   TUSCAN    HEROES. 

DiONYSius  of  Halicarnassus*  tells  us  that  about 
sixty  years  before  the  Trojan  war,  Evander,  an  Arca- 
dian, left  his  native  country,  that  he  took  ship,  coasted 
Italy,  and  sailing  up  the  Tiber,  established  himself 
upon  one  of  the  small  heights  which  crown  its  banks. 
That  he  was  well  received  by  the  inhabitants,  to 
whom  he  brought  literal  characters,  agriculture, 
and  music ;  and  that  soon  after,  Hercules  also  left 
Greece,  and  came  with  a  colony  of  Arcadians  and 
Eleans,  to  join  the  settlement  of  Evander,  and  to 
share  his  popularity  and  his  newly-acquired  power. 
After  the  death  of  Evander,  Hercules  had  a  tem- 
ple erected  to  him  on  the  hill,  now  called  Jani- 
culum,  and  near  this  games,  were  kept  in  his  honour, 
and  in  remembrance  of  the  many  benefits  of  peace, 
cultivation,  and  good  order,  which  his  arrival  had 
conferred  upon  Italy.     Now  this  is  merely  a  Greek 

♦  Lib.  i.  20,  21. 


version  of  Ovid's  Latin  story,  that   Hercules,  the 
club-bearing  god,  and  Janus  were  one;  that  Janus 
received  Saturn,  who  arrived  in  a  Tuscan  vessel,  that 
he  reigned  with  him  upon  the  Janiculum,  and  that 
his  reign  was  an  era  of  peace  and  unmixed  good 
to  the  Latin  tribes.     Ovid's  story  again,  is  only  a 
Latin  version  of  the  Tuscan  tradition,  as  related  by 
Herodotus,  that  a  foreign  colony  arrived  in  Western 
Unibria,  afterwards  Etruria,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Tiber,  under  an  enlightened  and  wise  king,  about 
sixty  years  before  the  Trojan  war ;  that  they  intro- 
duced the  worship  of  foreign  gods;  that  they  settled 
the  peace  of  the  land  by  good  government,  rather 
than  by  force;  and  that  they  introduced  musical  in- 
struments, religious  feasts,  and  an  improved  system 
of  agriculture. 

From  this,  it  appears  that,  according  to  Latin  and 
Greek   belief,   Italy,    and   especially   Latium,   was 
civilized  by  foreigners  from  Tuscan  vessels,  at  a  time 
when  the  Greeks  had  no  vessels.     This  we  infer,  be- 
cause  these  events  happened  coeval  with  the  Argonau- 
tic  expedition,  when,  according  to  their  own  testimony, 
the  Greeks  had  but  one  vessel ;   and  the  Eastern 
strangers  introduced  with  them  the  worship  of  Sa- 
turn, a  Ludin  god  not  known  in  Greece.  The  Latins, 
according  to  this  account,  were  like  the  Umbri  and 
Pelasgi,  enrolled  amongst  theMunicipia,  of  the  Ra- 
sena,  and  the  small  Tuscan  town,  or  fort  upon  the 
Janiculum,  was  Isopolitan  with  Latium.  The  height 
of  Saturnia  near  it,  afterwards  the  Mons  Capitolinus, 
was   probably  the  spot  where  the  Turrhenian  or 


312 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


Tarchunian  games  of  Saturn  were  celebrated  every 
year.  The  Janiculum,  being  within  the  Tiber,  was  a 
possession  of  Etruria  Proper,  and  was  conceived  to 
belong  to  the  Rasena,  as  the  gift  of  Jove ;  but  the 
Tuscans  soon  pushed  forward  a  colony  into  Latiura, 
and  settled  in  that  part  of  the  Alban  hills,  called 
Tusculum,  where  they  were  independent  of  the 
mother  state,  and  where  probably  their  Senate  con- 
sisted of  Latins  and  Tuscans,  in  equal  proportions, 
and  upon  perfectly  equal  terms. 

During  the  latter  years  of  the  life  of  Tarchun, 
Virgil  brings  jEneas  into  Italy,  a  Phrygian  prince, 
who,  escaping  through  the  flames  of  the  burning 
Troy,  carried  his  father  upon  his  shoulders  to  a  ves- 
sel in  the  harbour,  and  there  being  joined  by  his 
son  and  a  few  followers,  he  contrived  to  stow 
away  his  household  gods,  and  set  sail  with  one  hun* 
dred  men  and  a  single  vessel,  to  seek  his  fortunes 
in  another  country.  As  he  had  no  mortal  mother, 
we  need  not  wonder  at  the  marvellous  adventures 
of  this  extraordinary  man.  He  landed  at  Carthage 
three  hundred  years  before  it  wjis  founded,  and  was 
most  kindly  welcomed  by  Queen  Dido,  whom  he 
caused  to  die  of  a  broken  heart,  three  hundred  years 
before  she  was  born.  The  goddess,  his  mother, 
desired  him  not  to  waste  his  time  in  Africa,  and  he 
accordingly  sailed  on  to  Italy,  six  centuries  before 
Greek  vessels  dared  to  navigate  the  Tyrrhene  sea. 
He  landed  at  Laurentum,  where  he  was  hospitably 
received  by  King  Latinus,  and  married  to  his  daugh- 
ter Lavinia,  though  she  had  been   promised  to  the 

10 


^NEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


313 


king  of  the  Rutuli,  a  small  Latin  tribe  close  to 
Laurentum,  the  whole  of  whose  country  now  be- 
longs to  the  Duke  Cesarini  Sforza. 

As   iEneas    had    been   driven    into  exile  by  the 
Greeks,  who  had  just  slain  all  his  kindred,  and  wasted 
his  native  houie,  he  could  not  have  been  much  de- 
lighted   to   find    himself  close    to  a  nest  of  these 
foreigners,  who,  consisting  of  Eleans  and  Arcadians  * 
had  in  some  marvellous  and  unexplained  manner, 
transported  themselves  to  the  Palatine  hill  in  Rome! 
They,  however,  spoke  peaceably  and  comfortably  to 
him  ;  told  him  that  they  had  heard  much  of  his  va- 
lour, and  that  they  sympathized  in  his  misfortunes, 
and  would  help  him  against  the  mighty  Rutuli,  and 
against  all  other  who  ventured  to  attack  him.     Tar- 
chun, the  wise  and  the  brave,  was  so  penetrated  with 
the  merits  of  this  new  stranger,  that  he  brought  his 
polished  bands  to  help  him,and  called  out  in  his\ehalf 
all  the  forces  of  all  his  twelve  dynasties.    He  ordered 
troops  from  Mantua,  before  a  Tuscan  had  ever  crossed 
the  Po,  and  from  Volturnus,  or  Capua,  before  this  city 
had  had  one  stone  laid  upon  another.     He  exerted 
all  his  talents  in  the  service  of  ^neas,  suspended 
his  patriotic  improvements,  and  involved  Italy  in  a 
general  war,  to  do  him  pleasure.    He  chastised  such 
or  his  own  people  as  refused  him  submission,  and 
finally  offered  to  acknowledge  him  as  sovereign   of 
the  Turseni,  and  to  resign  to  him  his  own  Etrurian 
crown.     .Eneas,  the  goddess-born,  with  the  magna- 
numty  of  one,  who  knew  of  higher  things  than  the 

*  Dion.  i. 


314 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


crowns  and  sceptres  of  this  world,  refused  his  offer, 
bade  him  keep  his  little  day  of  dominion  to  himself^ 

anddisappearedintheNumicus,nodoubtglidingdown 
its  stream  into  the  arms  of  his  sea-formed  mother. 

It  was  not  until  a  hundred  years  after  the  arrival  of 
^neas,  that  he  and  the  Laurentini,  according  to  Livy, 
founded  Lavinium,  a  city  which  always  continued  to 
be  considered  as  the  colony,  or  daughter,  of  Lauren- 
turn  of  the  Latins.  Laurentum  is  now  Terra  Paterno. 
Again,  thirty  years  after  the  foundation  of  Lavinium 
now  Pratica,  this  city  sent  out  a  colony  and  founded 
Alba,  on  Mount  Albanus,  above  the  beautiful  Alban 
lake,  where  vestiges  of  it  may  be  still  seen.*     Those 
who  believe  the  story  of  ^neas,  ascribe  the  foundation 
of  Alba  to  his  son  Ascanius,  whilst  those  whose  ima- 
ginations are  more  material,  believe  that  it  was  found- 
ed by  Sylvius,  captain  of  the  colony  from  Lavinium, 
because  they  find  that  it  was  governed  by  a  dynasty 
of  Sylvii,  for  some  generations,  and  these  Sylvii  arc 
descended  from,  or  connected  with,  Latinus,  Sabinus, 
Faunus,  and  Picus,  all   names  indigenous  to   the 
Italian  soil. 

Virgil  did  not  invent  the  fable  of  ^neas,  but  only 
embellished  what  was  so  fixed  in  the  belief,  and  so 
agreeable  to  the  fancies  of  the  Romans,  that  it 
would  have  been  vain  for  him  to  have  investigated 
the  truth. 

♦  Rome  was  founded  b.  c.  753.  Alba  300  years  before 
Rome,  or  b.  c.  1053.  Lavinium  30  years  pre^^ous  to  Alba,  or 
1083,  and  Troy  fell  b.  c.  1184.  JEneRS  is  therefore  made  to 
land  m  1180,  and  not  to  found  Laurentum  until  1083  b.  c. 


iENEAS   AND   TUSCAN    HEROES. 


315 


iEneas  was  a  personage  almost  unknown  to  Homer 
and  thoroughly  undistinguished  throughout  the  Tro- 
jan war,  but  his  name  comes  forward  in  some  old 
histories,  as  a  connexion  of  the  royal  family  of  Priam 
and  as  having  made  his  escape  when  Troy  was  con- 
sumed.    Cephalon,  in  his  history  of  Troy,  quotes  an 
author  who  wrote  in  the  330  of  Rome,  and  Mho  says 
that  iEneas  founded  ^nea  in  Thrace  from  his  own 
name,  and  that  he  died  at  Pallene,  being  succeeded 
by  his  sons,  one  of  whom  reigned  in  Thrace  after 
him.     Another  ancient  author,  quoted  by  Niebuhr 
says,  that  he  collected  the  remnant  of  the  Trojans, 
after  the  death  of  Priam,  and  ruled  over  them,  near 
the  site  of  old   Troy.      Stersichorus  says,  that  he 
sailed  for  Hesperia,  and  the  writers  who  followed 
him,  consequently   landed  iEneas  in  the  country, 
towards  which  they  supposed  him  to  have  sailed. 
Sophocles  makes  him  wander  about  in  the  neio-h- 
bourhood  of  Troy,  and  the  less  correct  and  later 
Greeks  say,  that  the  Palladium,  which  iEneas  bore 
away  with  him,  was  taken  to  Siris  in  ^notria,  an 
inconsiderable  town  of  South  Italy. 

The  story  of  ^neas  being  the  ancestor  of  Romu- 
lus, and  the  founder,  by  himself  or  his  son,  of  Alba, 
was  first  worked  out  in  Lycophron's  Cassandra,  about 
the  year  of  Rome  500,  and  it  was  from  this  time  for- 
ward, adopted,  and  more  and  more  adorned,  by  every 
succeeding  writer,  until  it  blazed  forth  in  the  poem 
of  Virgil,  and  received  the  stamp  of  immortality. 

When  the  Greeks  first  became  acquainted  with 
the  Iliad,  their  very  delight  in  it  made  them  sorry 

p  2 


316 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


that  it  was  finished,  and   they   naturally   inquired 
what  had  become  of  the  heroes  who  had  survived 
the  war,  and    where  were  their  children  ?      They 
were  glad  to  answer  their  own  question,  by  the  in- 
vention that  Dionied  had  led  one  colony,  and  Glau- 
cus  another,  and  Antenor  a  third,*  into  Hesperia,  or 
the  country  to  the  west ;  and  they  were  still  better 
pleased,  when  they  could  give  to  this  country  **a  local 
habitation  and  a  name,"  and  declare  that  Hesperia 
meant  Italia,  though  the  only  portion  of  it  known 
to  their  forefathers,  was  that  governed  by  the  Tur- 
seni.     The  Romans,  on  the  other  hand,  were  very 
much  delighted  with  the  legend,  which  made  them 
from  their  earliest  original,  as  good  as  the  refined 
and  imaginative  Greeks.     They  were  flattered  that 
Homer  should  have  sung  of  their  ancestors,    and 
proud  to  find  that  they  were  equally  the  adversaries 
of  Greece  before  Troy,  and  the  conquerors  of  Greece 
afterwards.     Even  the  Etruscans  were  seduced  into 
adopting  and  patronizing  the   fable,  which   brought 
Dardanus  from  Corytus  in  their  own  territories,  and 
which  therefore  still  kept  to  them  the  praise  of  being 
the  civilizers  of  Italy.      They  henceforward  could 
consider  all  the  heroes  of  the  painted  vases,  and  all 
the  ej)isodes  of  the  Iliad,  as  having  reference  to 
themselves  ;  and  the  Greeks  took  care  not  to  alarm 
their  vanity,  for  they  exempted  them  from  the  charge 
of  barbarism,  which  they  brought  against  the  other 
nations  of  Italy ;  and  they  styled  them  the  lovers  of 

*  Plato  ridicules  them  for  this  vanity,  by  the  mouth  of  the 
Efryptian  priests. 


iENEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


317 


art,  the  ii>t\oT€Kvoi,  from  whom,  according  to  Plato, 
Aristotle,  and  Theophrastus,  they  acknowledged  with 
gratitude,  that  they  themselves,  had  learned  and 
adopted  many  religious  ceremonies  and  useful  arts. 
AtliL'uaBus,  speaking  of  them,  says  " ^iXore^Twy  oirwi/ 

Homer  states  ^Eneas  to  have  remained  in  Phry- 
gia,  under  the  protection  of  Neptune ;  and  Strabo* 
adopts  the  same  account,  and  says  that  the  sons  of 
Hector  and  /Eneas  reigned  long  afterwards  in  the 
Troad,  and  were  always  distinguished  amongst  their 
countrymen.  Festus,  quoting  Agathocles,  tells  us 
that  iEneas  was  buried  in  Berecynthia,  near  Troy  ; 
and  Nicolaus  Damascenus  and  Stephanus  of  Byzan- 
tium say  that  Ascania,  in  Phrygia,  was  built  by  the 
son  of  iEneas,  and  therefore  bore  his  name.  All 
these  accounts  have  on  their  side,  antiquity  and  pro- 
bability, and  agree  with  the  known  facts  of  the 
Greeks  and  Trojans  having  had  no  ships  equal  to 
long  voyages,  and  of  no  Greek  colony  having  ar- 
rived by  sea,  in  any  part  of  Italy  or  Sicily,  earlier 
than  eighty  or  a  hundred  years  subsequent  to  the 
destruction  of  Troy.  The  Pelasgi  either  coasted,  or 
entered  by  land  from  Illyria.  The  navy  of  the 
Greeks  at  the  siege  of  Troy,  had  to  be  drawn  upon 
the  shore  every  night,  and  the  inventions  of  the  an- 
chor, and  of  the  prow,  are  ascribed  by  all  the  ancients, 
to  the  Etruscans,  ^neas  therefore,  as  Virgil  wisely 
observes,  could  only  come  to  Italy  by  the  immediate 
help  of  the  gods,  and  when  he  disappeared  in  the 

♦  lib.  xiii. 


318 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURTA. 


Numicus,  he  seems  to  have  returned  to  the  Troad, 
for  the  purpose  of  being  buried  in  his  native  soil  *  ' 
Ascanius,  with  similar  heroic  sentiments  of  mag- 
nanimity  and  patriotism,  according  to  Latin  authors, 
leaves  Alba  to  the  Lavinian  family  of  the  Sylvii,  and 
their    half  Etruscan   descendants,   and   returns  to 
Phrygia,  where  he  builds  Ascania,  and  where  he 
reigns  and  dies,  leaving  this  little  kingdom  to  his 
son,  and   showing  the  Peloponesian  Greeks,  that 
though  they  had  overthrown  the  city,  they  had  not 
annihilated  the  dynasty  of  Priam.    Ascanius  appears 
to  have  taken  all  his  gods  back  with  him  also,  for 
when  Alba  was  destroyed,  and  her  temples  were 
spared  by  Tullus  Hostilius,t  they  are  enumerated  as 
those  of  Janus.  Minerfa,  Maurs,  Vesta,  and  Carna, 
three  of  them  Etruscan,  and  one  of  them  a  Latin 
deity.     Besides  these,  we  only  know  of  the  great 
temple  of  Jupiter  Latialis,  which  belonged  to  Latium 
in  general,  rather  than  to  Alba  in  particular,  and 
which  is  said  by  antiquarians,  to  be  in  form  and  struc- 
ture,  an  Etruscan  work.    Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus 
tells  us  that  Ascanius  was  drowned,  and  that  Alba  was 
founded,  thirty  years  after  his  death,  i.  e.  one  hundred 
and  twenty  years  after  the  date  at  which  Virgil  brings 
^neas  and  his  grown-up  son  to  Laurentum. 

After  the  criticisms  of  Niebuhr  and  Muller,  we 
have  no  occasion  to  prove,  that  ^neas  never  landed 
in  Italy,  and  that  Evander  and  his  Arcadians  are  a 
creation  of  those,  who  required  their  assistance  to 
make  up  a  story.  Nevertheless,  Virgil  in  his  epic 
•  See  Ancient  History,  vol.  iv.  p.  499.  f  Strabo  v. 


^NEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


319 


tale,  works  up  old  Italian  traditions,  and  these  at  least 
are  worth  examining.  Virgil  informs  us  that  in  the 
days  of  Tarchun,  that  is,  during  the  time  of  his 
supremacy  in  Italy,  between  the  settlement  of  Etru- 
ria  and  the  foundation  of  Rome,  the  Tuscans  had 
many  brave  chiefs,  whose  names  old  songs  or  old 
annals  had  preserved  to  his  day.  Virgil,  in  order  to 
give  life  and  reality  to  his  poem,  takes  the  oldest 
names  of  all  the  ruling  families  in  Italy,  and  brings 
tliem  to  the  aid,  either  of  ^Eneas  or  of  his  rival 
Turnus,  just  as  our  supposed  author  of  the  poem  of 
Arthur,  might  bring  Ina  of  Wessex,  and  Offa  of 
Mercia,  to  fight  against  King  Arthur,  whilst  he 
invited  Fingal  and  Ossian  from  Scotland,  to  come 
to  his  hero's  assistance. 

Virgil  gives  us  Abas  of  Volterra,  who  leads  the 
troops  of  Populonia  and  Ilva.*  Massicus  of  Vulci, 
who  brings  a  thousand  warriorsf  and  their  followers 
from  Alsium  and  Cosa.  Osinius  of  ClusiumJ  with 
a  third  band,  who,  like  the  chiefs  of  the  maritime 
states,  sends  his  troops  by  sea,  though  his  shortest 
road  would  have  been  by  Voltumna;  and  Messapus 
of  Falescii,  the  son  of  Neptune,  i.  e.  king  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Falescii,  or  Halesus,  the  naval  hero  of  Etru- 
ria,  who  is  always  called  the  son  of  Neptune.  Mes- 
sapus brings  his  men,  from  the  lake  Ciminus  near 
Voltumna,  and  from  Feronia,  near  the  fort  of  Veii. 
And  old  Halesus,  himself,  is  made  to  extend  forward 
his  existence  and  dominion,  and  to  come  from  Vul- 
turnum  in  Campania  with  the  Sidicini,  the  Auruncii, 
and  the  Massici,  intimating  thatVulturnum  or  Capua, 


Lib. 


X. 


t    X. 


I  x. 


320 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


was  colonized  from  Falescii,  and  that  it  ruled  over 
those  tribes,  which  Halesus  is  said  to  have  brouglit 
with  him.  Ilalesus,  the  founder  of  Alsium  and  Falisci, 
and  the  son  of  Neptune,  was  the  last  of  a  princely  fa-' 
mily,  and  a  very  fkvourite  hero  with  the  Etrus- 
cans.* We  hear  often  of  him,  because  Falisci  bor- 
dered upon  both  the  Latin  tribes,  of  the  Romans  and 
of  the  Kutuli. 

Astur,  the  first  Etruscan   prince  of  Cere,  com- 
mands the  troops  of  Agylla,  Pyrgi,  and  Gravisca. 
Ocnus    is   a    hero    who  comes  witii   his  men  from 
Virgil's  own  Mantua,   because  Ocnus  of  Perugia, 
was  said  to  have  colonized   Mantua.      Auletes"^  a 
Cortonian  or  Perugian,  who  also  colonized  across  the 
Po,  the  brother  chief,  and  rival  of  Ocnus,  is,  for  the 
same  reason,  said  to  have  headed  the  troops  of  the 
Benacus  and  the  Mincio,  or  the  Lago  di  Guarda. 
The  territory  of  Auletes  must  not  only  have  been 
wealthy  and  poimlous,  but  he  must   have  been  pos- 
sessed of  some  port  on  the  Turrhene  sea,  as  he  is 
made  to  bring  with  him  one  hundred  ships. 

Asylas,  the  renowned  chief  and  Augur  from  Pisa,  is 
made  to  come  with  a  Lucumo's  band  of  one  thousand 
men.  It  is  not  impossible  that  Romulus  may  have 
dedicated  his  place  of  refuge  to  the  Asylean  god, 
with  reference  to  this  Asylas,  though  we  cannot  fiJ 
his  date,  and  know  so  few  particulars  concerning 
him.  Most  learned  men  consider  the  Asylean  god 
to  have  been  Jupiter,  because  Dionysius  says  t1iat 
in  his  day,  the  Roman  asylum  was  consecrated  to 
Jove;  and  as  asylums  were  old  religious  institutions 

*  Dempster. 


JENEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


321 


common  in  Italy  at   the  time  of  Romulus,*  they 
may,  with  great  probability,  have  owed  their  origin 
to  Asylas,  who,  being  an  Augur,  would  give  the 
command  to  dedicate  them,  as  from  Jupiter,  and 
they  would  throughout  Italy  henceforward  bear  his 
name.    Though  asylums,  as  far  as  we  know,  first  ob- 
tained amongst  the  Jews,  who  had  sacred  cities  set 
apart  for  the  unfortunate,t  the  idea  of  instituting 
them  would  naturally  come  into  the  minds  of  mer- 
ciful and  reflecting   men,  especially  Augurs,  wher- 
ever social  hardships,  such  as  slavery  for  debt,  <&c., 
seemed  to  require  them ;  and  it  is  a  very  common 
thing  for  pious  minds,  when  any  thought  unusually 
wise  or  great,  presents  itself  to  them,  to  attribute 
that  thouglit  to  inspiration,  or,  in  Asylas*s  language, 
"to  the  gods,*'  without  any  intention  to  deceive  or 
to  impose  upon  their  fellow- creatures.     LivyJ  men- 
tions the  asylums  of  Tibur  and  Praeneste. 

Virgil  gives  us  further,  amongst  the  old  heroes, 
the  names  of  Acron,  king  of  Cortona  or  Corytus; 
Aulestes,  larquitius,  Seculus,  Rhoetus,  Antaeus,  and 
Arnns,  and  he  represents  the  Umbrians  as  faithfully 
sup|)orting  the  Tuscan  side.§  Umbro,  the  priestly 
warrior,  leads  to  the  battle  his  band  of  Manubians, 
from  which  we  might  be  led  to  imagine  that  Manu- 
h'm  was  an  Umbrian  word.  Rhamnes,  (an  Etruscan 
name,  according  to  Varro,)  a  king  and  Augur,  Virgil 
represents  as  against  iEneas,  and  so  also  was  Me- 
zentius  the  Etruscan  rebel  and  tyrant.     Along  with 

•  Micali  Storia.     L.  iv.  i.  8.  f  Numb. 

I  Livy  xii.  §  ^neid  xii. 

p  5 


322 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


these,  he  ranges  Clausus  of  the  Sabines,  the  sup- 
posed ancestor  of  the  Claudian  family  ;  and  Camilla 
queen  of  the  Volsci,  with  several  of  her  female  com- 
panions, which  gives  us  a  curious  tradition  as  to  the 
condition  of  women  amongst  the  earliest  Italians. 
We  think  this  must  be  referred  to  the  Etruscans, 
because  there  are  instances  of  their  women  going  out 
with  the  troops  at  a  later  period  of  their  history, 
and    because    they    pre-eminently,    if    not    alone, 
amongst  the  Italian  nations  seem  to  have  regarded 
women  from  the  very  first,  as  the  partners,  friends, 
and  companions  of  men.    Camilla  of  the  Volsci  may 
have  been  some  queen  of  the  Vulci,  of  whom  Virgil 
records  the  eccentricity  and  courage,  and  she  wears 
the  purple  mantle,  which  the  Tuscans  introduced. 
But  supposing  Virgil  not  to  mean  the  Vulci,  but 
the  Volsci  proper,  they  were  early  and  very  long 
subjects  of  the  Rasena,  and  during  that  period,  it 
is  even  more  probable  that  their  kings  and  queens 
would  have  been  Etruscan. 

It  is  plain  that  if  /Eneas  never  set  foot  in  Italy, 
Abas,  Asinius,  and  Asylas,  could  not  go  forth  tu 
meet  him  ;  but  it  is  not  therefore  plain,  that  these 
men  had  no  existence,  and  that  their  memories  and 
their  deeds  of  valour,  were  not  familiar  in  the  mouths 
of  their  countrymen,  and  were  not  inscribed  in  the 
annals  of  their  respective  states.  They  may  very 
likely,  have  been  generals  of  the  League,  at  various 
periods  prior  to  the  foundation  of  Rome,  and  they 
may  have  figured  in  the  wars  of  Laurentum,  and 
Lavinium,  and  Turnus,  (which  Niebuhr  believes  to 


iENEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


323 


have  been  a  town  of  the  Rutuli,)  and  Ardea ;   and 
they  may  have  fought  both  for  and  against  them, 
long  prior  to  the  time  when  Alba  sent  forth  her  last 
colony.     The  songs  of  Ossian  and  the  Percy  Relics, 
in  our  own  country,  show  us  how  the  memories  of 
local  heroes  remain  enbalmed  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  though  no  trace  of  their  fame,  and  no  record 
of  their  deeds,  are  to  be  found  in  general  history. 
There  is  an  old  song,  now  in  vogue  amongst  the 
peasants  in  Normandy,  which  proves,  notwithstand- 
ing the  desolating  ravages  of  the  French  Revolution, 
and  its  attempts  to  sweep  away  all  that  was  monar- 
chical and  time-honoured  in  the  land,  how  inefface- 
able are  the  sacred  feelings  of  natural  and  national 
gratitude,  m  the  breasts  of  the  common  people,  and 
how  enduring  and  unquenchable  are  those  feelings, 
when  they  spring  warm  from  the  national  heart. 

"  Le  bon  Roi  Da^obert 
Mettait  ses  culottes  a  renvers, 
Le  bon  St.  Eloi,  lui  dit  mon  bon  roi 
Votre  Majeste  est  mal  culotte 
He  bien !  lui  dit  le  Roi 
Donne  moi  les  tiens,  et  je  les  mettrai,"  &c.* 

It  is  a  truth,  that  those  who  never  heard  of  Louis 
beize,  and  of  the  miseries  which  their  fathers  suffered 

•  The  peasant  who  sang  this  song,  containing  a  long  history 
ot  the  reign  of  Dagobert,  knew  of  no  revolution  excepting  1830 
and  of  the  remaining  French  monarchs,  who  preceded  Napoleon 
ie  brand,  he  only  knew  of  the  existence  of  Charlemagne,  Hugh 
tapet,  Henn  Quatre,  and  Louis  XIV. 


324 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


iENEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


325 


before  him,  and  after  liim,  can  yet  sing  of  Dagobert, 
his  poverty,  his  benevolence,  and  his  weakness;  and 
of  the  counsels  of  his  minister,  le  bon  St.  Eloi,  all 
true  to  history.  Those,  in  like  manner,  who  never 
heard  of  Manlius,  may  have  known  the  acts  of  Abas, 
and  Osinius,  who  were  not  further  removed  from 
their  times,  than  Dagobert  from  the  present 
French. 

The  Etruscan  kings,  excepting  as  the  founders  of 
cities,  or  as  generals  of  the  League,  could  be  but 
very  little  known  to  Italian  history  in  general, 
unless  it  were  here  and  there  some  Augur,  like 
Asylas,  far  renowned  for  wisdom,  and  therefore 
requested  to  visit  the  other  states,  either  as  au 
umpire  or  a  councillor. 

Virgil  mentions  tsvo  Etruscan  princes  who  lived 
at  this  period  and  who  were  cotemporaries,  Me- 
zentius  and  Astur,  the  one  of  whom  colonized 
Ardea  of  the  Rutuli,  and  the  other  Agylla  of 
the  Pelasgi  ;  and  they  probably  flourished  not 
many  generations  after  Tarchun.  Niebuhr  ami 
Miiller  agree  that  they  were  native  heroes,  and  that 
Virgil  gives  the  correct  Italian  tradition  respecting 
theui.  Mezentius  was  a  Tarquinian  who  rebelled 
against  Tarchun,  i.  e.  against  his  laws,  being  unable 
to  submit  his  proud  and  turbulent  spirit  to  their 
absolute  and  equal  rule.  Such  a  man  could  not 
have  arisen  in  the  lifetime  of  Tarchun,  or  he  would 
have  made  a  house  divided  against  itself;  nor  was 
he  likely  to  arise,  until  the  chiefs  felt  too  Cipial 
amongst  each  other,  so  as  to  require  a  strong  hand 


to  keep  them   in  their  proper  places,  and  a  real  as 
well  as  a  nominal  head. 

Mezentius,  it  would  appear,  claimed  or  attempted 
to  usurp  the  sovereignty,  and  was  therefore  expelled 
from  Tarquinia,  upon  which,  he  and  his  clan  retired 
to  the  Isopolitan,   independent,  and  neighbouring 
state,  of  Agylla.    The  town  was  walled,  and  the  sen- 
tries were  keeping  their  watches,  when  Mezentius 
and  his  band  appeared.  Strabo  relates*  that  when  he 
spoke  to  the  soldiers,  they  answered  "Kaire ;"  and  if 
they  were  Greeks,  it  was  a  most  natural  salutation  to 
a  body  of  supposed  friends,  and  it  was  equally  na- 
tural that  they  should  allow  him  to  enter  the  city 
without  fear,  as  he  had  a  right  to  live  in  it  if  he  chose. 
Mezentius,  however,  most  unlike  an  Etruscan,  came 
not  in  the  spirit  of  peace,  but  in  the  lust  of  dominion 
and  with  an  arrogant  thirst  for  power.     He  seized 
the  government,  and  forced  the  Agyllans  to  fight  his 
battles  against   the  assembled  Tuscan  forces.      In 
this  point  of  view,  he  comes  down  to  us  as  the  first 
of  those   turbulent  and  restless  spirits  who  by  their 
pride  and  lawlessness,  brought  on  the  ruin  of  Etru- 
ria,  and,  therefore,  in  so  far  as  Virgil  records  tradi- 
tion  truly,    he   must  have  lived  some   generations 
later  than  Tarchun. 

After  he  had  seized  Agylla,  he  allied  himself 
>vith  the  Rutuli,  the  Sabines  of  Amiternum  and 
Tetrica,  and  the  Falisci ;  who,  as  Messapus  their 
chief  is  called  the  nephew  of  Turn  us,  may  pos- 
sibly   have    had    many    Rutulian  families    min.Wed 

*  Strabo  v. 


! 


326 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


^NEAS    AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


327 


with  the  first  Etruscan  colonists,  in  the  Senates  of 
their  chief  towns.  Mezentius  had  also  on  his  side,  the 
tribe  of  Rhamnes,  which  was  probably  Etruscan  from 
its  name  (according  to  Varro,iv.)and  the  troops  of  the 
Vulci.  He  was  personally  opposed  by  Acron,  king 
of  Cortona,*  whom  he  is  said  to  have  killed,  and  by 
Astur,t  whom  we  presume  to  have  been  the  prince 
of  Gravisca,  because  we  find  the  men  of  Gravisca 
under  his  command,  and  afterwards  associated  with 
his  new  subjects  in  Caere.  Mezentius  was  a  bold 
and  daring  warrior,  and  seems  to  have  been  the 
victor  in  many  a  well-fought  field.  Whilst  prince 
of  Agylla,  he  took  prisoners,  men  against  whom  he 
burnt  with  the  fiercest  indignation,  and  he  tied  the 
living  to  the  dead  amongst  these  miserable  captives, 
a  cruelty  which  the  people  never  forgot  and  never 
pardoned. 

It  is  probable^that  he  used  in  this  manner,  some  of 
the  Agyllan  Senate,  forbad  he  done  it  to  his  enemies 
only,  his  new  subjects  would  have  been  little  ex- 
cited about  the  matter.  But  as  it  was,  they  rose 
against  him,  burnt  his  palace,  and  drove  him,  his 
son  Lausus,  and  all  his  clan,  out  of  the  city,  and 
took  as  their  protector,  Astur  of  Tarquinia,  who  was 
in  all  likelihood  lying  before  the  town  with  his  troops. 
They  admitted  him,  and  three  hundred  Graviscan 
families  into  their  city,  and  from  this  time,  joined 
the  Etruscan  League,  and  proclaimed  themselves 
the  people  of  Tarchun.  It  is  indeed  very  possible 
that  Astur,  after  expelling  Mezentius,  may  have  left 
*  VirgU.  t  Ibid. 


them  no  choice  as  to  whether  they  would  remain  in- 
dependent or  become  Etruscan ;  but  however  that 
might  be,  Caere,  from  this  time  forward,  was  united 
to  the  twelve  states,  and  continued  to  be  so,  until 
the  day  of  the  Rasena  was  closed.     Virgil  says,  that 

"  Ag)'lla  was  torn  by  the  Lydian,  from  the  Tuscan  race ;" 

but  as  the  Ludin  were  the  Tuscans,  and  Tyrrhenus 
the  captain  of  these  Ludin  was  Tarchun,  we  can 
attach  no  weight  to  this  line  of  poetry.  Virgil* 
in  several  parts  of  his  poem,  calls  the  Tuscans 
Lydians. 

Though  at  the  time  of  this  war,  or  not  long  after, 
Latium,  Sabina,  and  Etruria,  were  so  thickly  peopled, 
that  in  many  districts,  there  was  not  more  than  two 
miles  from  one  walled  town  to  another,  each  con- 
taining many  thousands  of  people,  and  including 
several  square  miles  of  territory  ;t  still  Mezentius's 
name  might  never  have  been  remembered  beyond 
the  bounds  of  Etruria,  had  he  not,  when  driven  from 
Caere,  attacked  the  Laurentini,  and  joined  Ardea 
and  Turnus  in  their  quarrel  against  Lavinium.J 
Mezentius  took  the  command,  gave  the  Laurentini 
battle,  and  was  victorious,  slaying  the  Latin  king; 
after  which,  as  the  terms  of  peace,  he  imposed  upon 
his  adversaries  a  tribute  of  all  the  wine  of  Latium. 
The  young  king,  whom  Virgil  calls  lulus,  was  re- 

*  ^neid,  vii.  &c,  f  GeU. 

I  As  Lavinium  was  not  founded  until  100  years  after  the 
dedication  of  Etruria  by  Tarchun,  Mezentius  must  have  been 
at  least  by  so  many  years  posterior  to  him. 


328 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


^NEAS    AND   TUSCAN    HEROES. 


329 


solved  not  to  submit  to  so  unjust  an  imposition,  and 
dedicated  the  tithe  of  the  wine  to  Jupiter,  sendin^r 
for  answer  to  Mezentius,  that  he  could  not  yield,  to 
make  peace  with  man,  that  which  would  make  him 
at  war  with  heaven,  for  that  the  Latin  wine  belonged 
to  the  Latin  gods. 

Lausus  the  son  of  Mezentius,  encamped  near  Lu- 
vinium,  meaning  to  attack  it,  but  being  surprised  by 
a  night  sortie/^  he  was  routed  and  slain.     Mezen- 
tius, who  does  not  appear  to  have  been  an  Augur, 
was  perhaps  terrified  at  this,  and  may  have  bmi 
afraid  of  lightning  striking  him,  if  he  persisted  in  his 
demand,  and  therefore  he  granted  more  reasonable 
terms,  and  concluded  a  peace,  which  fixed  the  Tiber 
as  the  bounds  of  Latium  towards  the  east.     This 
boundary  we  find  remaining  in  thedays  of  Ilomiilus, 
and  all  historians  agree  that  it  marked  to  a  mucli' 
later   epoch,  th«  limits   of  the   Tuscan  territories, 
tiiough  Virgil  says,  it  was  fixed  by  a  rebel  who  had 
deserted  from  them      Mezentius,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  Tuscans,  changed  the  name  of  Agylla, 
and  called  it  Caere,  the  C  sounding  hard,  and   thJ 
authors  of  the  Ancient  History  think  that  in  Etrus- 
can, it  may  have  meant  the  same  as  Keri,  nj  a  city, 
by  way  of  eminence. 
Mezentiust  after  this,  retired  with  his  followers, 

*  Dionysius. 

t  Cato  (in  Macrob  Satur.)  says  that  Mezentius  was  impious 
because  he  demanded  the  tribute  of  the  wine.  The  story  of 
Mezentius  is  taken  from  Livy,  Virgil,  Dion.  Hal.,  and  the  An- 
cient History. 


called  in  round  numbers  1000  men,  to  Ardea,  and 
gave  that  city  the  strong  Etruscan  character  which 
marked  its  refinements,  and  its  peculiarities.  From 
Virgil's  poem  we  judge  that  Ardea  was  frequently 
the  ally  of  the  Falisci,  Ceriti,  Tarquinii,  and  Vulcii ; 
tVom  Pliny*  we  know  that  it  was  renowned  for 
painting  and  sculpture,  before  the  days  of  Rome, 
and  from  Livy  we  read  of  its  almost  inaccessible 
fortifications,  and  immensely  strong  walls,  which  are 
built  in  parallelograms,  after  the  Tuscan  fashion,  and 
where  some  of  the  old  right-angled  streets  may  still 
be  distinguished.  The  present  town  occupies  only  the 
ground  of  the  ancient  citadel,  and  is  one-sixth  of  its 
former  extent.  Virgilf  calls  the  inhabitants  Ar- 
gives,  and  again  in  the  same  book,  speaks  of  them 
as  Rutuli,  Aurunci,  and  Sicani,  whom  Gell  consi- 
ders to  have  been  all  the  same  people,  i.  e.  tribes  of 
Litins.  No  doubt  Mezentius  died  in  exile  at  Ar- 
dea, where  Virgil  says,  he  killed  himself. 

Though  his  life  is  marked  by  not  one  virtue,  yet 
us  it  is  distinguished  by  several  great  events,  he  has 
every  right  to  appear  before  us,  as  an  historical  cha- 
racter. Li  his  day,  Agylla  changed  its  name,  and 
was  added  to  the  Tuscan  League.  Ardea  was  civil- 
ized, and  settled  by  a  large  Etruscan  colony.  Wine, 
introduced  by  the  first  king  of  the  Tuscans,  was 
abundantly  cultivated  in  Latium.  Lavinium  was 
founded,  and  the  boundaries  of  Etruria  Proper  to 
the  east  were  fixed,  being  in  truth  the  boundaries  of 
Falisci  and  Caere  on  the  side  of  Latium. 

t  ^nd.  vii. 


XXXV. 


330 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


JENEAS   AND    TUSCAN    HEROES. 


331 


Though  Virgil  says  that  Mezentius  changed  the 
name  of  Agylla  to  Caere,  it  is  much  more  probable 
that  Astur  was  the  person  who  changed  it,  when  he 
incorporated  the  town  and  territory  with  the  other 
members  of  the  League.  The  authors  of  the  An- 
cient History  think  that  the  name  comes  from  the 
Hebrew  keri  ''ID,  a  city,  and  though  we  find  it 
mentioned  in  history  by  both  names,  even  so  late  as 
the  Phocian  war,  yet  the  Etruscan  state  never  ap- 
pears  in  any  catalogue  of  the  dynasties  of  the  League, 
excepting  under  the  name  of  Keri  or  Caere.  Vir- 
gil says  that  Astur  was  distinguished  by  his  skilful 
horsemanship  and  beautiful  armour. 

Both  Niebuhr  and  Miiller  agree  that  Mezentius 
was  a  real  personage,  and  though  his  field  of  action 
was  not  large,  he  has  left  a  name  like  other  men  of 
his  stamp, 

"  At  which  the  world  grew  pale, 
To  point  a  moral  and  adorn  a  tale." 

He  was  self-willed  and  lawless,  sacrilegious  and 
cruel.  These  qualities  go  together,  for  those  who 
do  not  venerate  the  gods,  will  not  respect  the  rights 
of  their  fellow-men.  The  Tarquinians,  though  sub- 
ject to  despotic  power,  and  though  he  strove  to  go- 
vern them  by  means  of  armed  foreigners,  perhaps 
paid  Latins  or  Pelasgi,  would  not  endure  his  tyranny, 
but  drove  him  away  and  banished  him  for  ever. 
Men  who  are  governed  by  law  must  be  essentially 
free,  though  their  sovereign  may  be  called  absolute, 
just  as  men  who  live  without  law  must  be  slaves, 
even  though   their  government   should    be   called 


democratic.  This  has  been  proved  by  every  revolu- 
tion, and  is  in  the  nature  of  things.  Slavery  and 
degrading  dependence,  are  submission  to  arbitrary 
despotism,  not  to  absolute  power,  and  no  man  lives 
in  the  dignity  and  security  of  a  rational  being,  who 
is  not  subject  to  fixed  principles,  and  to  known  and 
inflexible  laws. 

The   authors   of  the   Ancient    History    consider 
Agylla  to  be  a  genuine  Etruscan  name,  as  well  as 
Caere,  and  derive  the  word  from  l^bx  G.L. A  or  Gylla, 
a  spring,  to  which  add  the  Heemantee  letter  k;  or 
again,  from  ^b^^,  of  the  same  pronunciation,  which 
means  "  emigration  or  expulsion,"  and  if  to  these 
letters  ^  be  prefixed,  it  gives  us  "  Agylla,"  the  very 
name  in  question.     Agylla  and  Caere  may  as  easily 
have  been  confounded  together  by  the  Greek  and 
Latin  historians,  as  Falisci  and  Faleria,  which  is 
continually  done.     Cere  lies  upon  the  "  Aqu«  Ceri- 
tanae,"  or  springs  of  Ceri;  and  "Emigration,"  might 
intimate,  that  the  inhabitants  who  settled   in  that 
place  had  come  to  Italy  from  some  distant  land.    As 
this  state  could  not  have  been  known  to  the  Greeks, 
excepting  through  Tuscan  vessels,  and   after  it  had 
become  subject  to  Etruscan  dominion,  there  is  rea- 
son to  think  that  with  them,  it  long  continued  to 
bear  both  names ;  Agylla,  very  possibly  signifying 
the  territory,  and  Caere  the  city ;  and  the  latter  name 
may  have  gradually  taken  the  place  of  the  former, 
because  the  city  of  Caere  comes  prominently  forward 
in  Latin  history,  and  the  "  Jus  Ceriti"  is  the  name 
by  which  its  municipal  relation  with  Rome  is  always 


v 


332 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


iENEAS   AND   TUSCAN    HEROES. 


333 


expressed.  In  common  with  Jerusalem  and  Saleui, 
York  and  Eboracuni,  Sec.  it  may  for  ages  have 
been  distinguished  by  either  appellation  indif- 
ferently. 

Strabo  (v.)  says  that  Agylla  was  first  built  by  the 
Pelasgi,  who  were  driven  out  of  Greece  by  the  Hel- 
lenes ;  and  though  this  is  merely  a  guess,  it  is  not 
impossible.  It  is  certain  thjit  the  ships  of  Agylla  or 
Caere,  had  much  earlier  and  more  advantageous 
commerce  with  Grecia  Proper,  and  with  Magua 
Grecia,  than  any  of  the  other  Tuscan  states,  whicli 
occasioned  an  amity  and  alliance  between  the 
Agyllans  and  the  Greeks,  greater  than  between 
the  Greeks  and  any  of  the  more  northern  maritime 
states,  who  probably  disliked  and  despised  them,  and 
who  therefore  seized  their  vessels,  and  long  batHed 
all  their  attempts  to  penetrate  further  up  the  Tur- 
rhene  sea.  For  this  reason,  the  Greeks  describe  the 
Agyllans  with  peculiar  favour,  call  them  more  just 
than  their  countrymen,  and  say  that  they  not  only 
abstained  from  piracy  themselves,  but  repressed  it 
in  their  neighbours,  for  they  were  bound  by  the 
laws  of  Tages  to  protect  their  allies,  and  "  not  to 
suffer  them  to  be  attacked."  Doubtless  upon  this 
account,  the  Greeks  were  glad  to  associate  the 
Agyllans  with  themselves  in  Delphi,  and  to  find  out 
that  they  were  originally  of  the  Thracian  stock,  even 
as  they  afterwards  discovered  that  the  Romans  were 
descended  from  the  royal  house  of  Priam,  as  soon 
as  it  became  indispensable  to  regard  them  as  a  nice 
worthy  of  historic  celebrity. 


The  Agyllans,  Strabo  says,  had  a  treasure  at  Del- 
phi before  the  time  of  the  Phocian  war ;  and  this, 
Dionysius  states  to  have  been  a  thank-oflferino-  for 
the  expulsion  of  the  Siculi,  and  refers  it  to  the^lays 
before  the  fall  of  Troy,— a  manner  of  expression 
with  Greek  writers,  like  our  own  "  before  the  me- 
mory of  man,"   and    which   merely  means  that   it 
antedates  written  history.      The   Pelasgi   and    the 
Rasena  of  Agylla  were  gratified  to  find  a  temple, 
with  which  they  could  identify  themselves  in  the 
land  of  Greece,  and   if  we  presume  alliance  and 
Isopolity  to  have  existed  between  them  and  any 
town  near  Deljdii,  such  as  afterwards  certainly  took 
place  between  Tarquinia  and  Corinth,  the  Agyllans 
would   naturally  join    at  the    shrine  of  Apollo,  or 
perhaps  in  those  early  days,  of  their  own  Neptune, 
and  would  celebrate  along  witii  the  natives,  the  great 
festivals  of  the  Grecian  people. 

The  Pelasgi  of  Agylla  had  been  so  long  fiimiliar 
with  Etruscan  usages,  when  they  were  conquered 
hy  Mezentius,  that  in  receiving  Astur,  and  in  joining 
themselves  indissolubly  to  the  Etruscan  league,  they 
may  rather  be  said  to  have  provided  for  their  future 
peace,  than  to  have  sacrificed  their  existing  freedom. 
They  simply  guarded  themselves  against  that  con- 
quest and  tyranny,  which  it  was  at  any  time,  at  the 
option  of  Tarquinia  to  exercise,  and  they  enlarged 
their  power  without  any  balancing  infraction  of  their 
independence,  or  diminution  of  their  dignity.    They 
kept   their  own  gods,  and  their  own  customs,   as 
before,  only  superadding   to   them,  those  of  their 


334 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


neighbours;  and  it  is  Inghly  probable  that  Caere  was 
the  state  through  which  Etruscan  civilization  first 
took  deep  root  in  Rome,  and  that  the  Cerites  owned 
for  sovereigns  Janus  and  Amense,  a  king  and  a 
queen  of  the  Rasena,  afterwards  numbered  amongst 
the  demi-gods  of  the  Latins. 

Pyrgi,  now  San  Severa,  is  usually  considered  to 
have  been  the  port  of  Agylla,  though  Gell  doubts 
if  they  were  not  different  places,  because  Strabo(v.) 
says  that  the  port  of  Agylla  was  fifty  stadii  distant 
from  Pyrgi.  Tliis  place  was  towered  and  fortified, 
and  possessed  a  harbour  crowded  with  ships,  and  a 
castle,  on  the  site  of  which  San  Severa  now  stands, 
and  which  in  ancient  days,  protected  the  rich  and 
holy  temple  of  Eluthya,  the  Goddess  of  Victory  or 
Delivery,  answering  to  an  Egyptian  divinity  of  the 
same  name,  in  the  Thebaid.  Aristotle  ascribes  the 
temple  of  Pyrgi  to  Leucothoe,  and  both  of  the  names 
express  Greek  versions  of  Etruscan  stories ;  either 
concerning  the  Rasenan  Goddess  of  Delivery  and 
Victory,  or,  as  is  more  likely,  of  the  nymph  Bygoe, 
who,  Servius  says,  received  and  nourished  Tages; 
or  else  of  the  royal  muse  Camese  or  Carraenta,  the 
goddess  of  married  women,  for  the  Latins  translated 
Eluthya  to  mean  Bona  Dea,  Mater  Matuta,  and 
Lucina.  Bacchus,  who  was  nursed  by  Leucothoe, 
was  not  known  in  Etruria  until  after  both  Eluthya 
and  Pyrgi  were  in  ruins.  Indeed  Caere  itself  pe- 
rished with  all  that  made  it  powerful  or  renowned, 
as  soon  as  it  sank  under  the  dominion  of  Rome,  and 
this  is  probably  the  reason  why  only  the  translated 


^NEAS.  335 

and  not  the  native  names  have  been  preserved  to 
us,  of  the  more  ancient,  and  to  Latin  writers  almost 
unknown,  temple  of  Eluthya  and  town  of  Pyrgi. 

From    the    Agyllan    goddess     Eluthya     beinff 
called  also  Leucothoe  and  Ino,  it  is  supposed  that 
she  was   a   maritime  divinity ;    but  this  does   not 
follow,  any  more  than  that  the  Virgin  Mary  should 
he  maritime,  because  churches  and  shrines  are  erected 
to  her  honour  upon  the  sea  shore.     It  is  sufficient  for 
the  allegory,  that  Camese  and  Bygoe  were  both  prin- 
cesses of  a  maritime  people.      Ino,  according  to  the 
Greeks,  was  the  daughter  of  Cadmus  and  Harmonia 
1.  e.  she  was  descended  from  an  Eastern  and  Ludin 
ancestry,  and  was  renowned  for  her  poetical  or  musi- 
cal  talents,  and  both  of  these  attributes  will  apply  to 
Camese  and  Bygoe  of  the  Tuscans.  Both  Caere,  and 
Falleria  the  capital  of  the  next  state,  were  long  renown- 
ed  for  oracles  which  delivered  their  answers  inverse 
Virgil  mentions  Messapus,  the  L.ch.m.,  Lucumo 
or  captam  of  the  men  of  Feronia  and  Ciminia.*  He  is' 
sajd  to  have  given  his  name  to  that  part  of  Calabria, 
hlled  with  Etruscan  towns,  called  Messapia;  and  this 
may  either  mean  that  Messapus  really  headed  the  Fa- 
iscian  colonies,  when  they  settled  in  Calabria,  or  that 
these  colonies  came  from  the  country  and  dominions 
of  Messapus,  and  therefore  called  their  new  terri- 
toryby  hi,  „,^,^     y.^^jj  ^^^j^  ^.^^  Messapus  as 
with  Dido,  and  honours  him  by  making  him  worthy 
to  measure  swords  with  the  intrepid  wanderer  ^neas, 
and  the  valiant  hero  Tarchun. 


*  ^^n.  vi.  691.     viii.  6.     ix.  27. 


6 


336 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


Evander,  the  Arcadian  Greek,  who  welcomed 
iEneas,  appears  to  have  been  a  Pelasj^ic  Sabine,  who 
wandered  with  liis  cattle,  from  the  little  town  of  Pal- 
lantium,*  near  Reati,  and  built  a  small  vilhige  on 
the  Palatine  Hill,  above  the  Tiber. 

In  the  days  of  Evander,  of  Messapus,  Mezentius 
and  Astur,  i.  e.  in  the  uncertain  but  earliest 
period  of  the  Rasena,  we  must  place  Janus,  Ca- 
niese  and  Bygiie,  three  noted  Etruscan  heroic 
characters  of  the  very  olden  time.  King  Janus  is 
said  to  ha\  2  leen  an  Etruscan  prince,  who  had  a 
palace,  and  afterwards  a  temple,t  on  the  Janiculuin, 
which  was  named  from  him  ;  and  he  is  said  to  have 
introduced  into  Latium  wine,  and  the  games  of  the 
Saturnalia.  He  was  fond  of  agriculture,  and  took 
much  charge  of  the  vineyards,  oliveyards,  and  corn- 
fields, like  king  Uzziah  of  Judah,t  who  yet  did  not 
belong  to  a  very  primitive  people.  He  was  much 
beloved  by  his  sul)Jects,  and  yet  was  killed  by  them 
in  a  drunken^  tumult,  because,  when  the  wine 
mounted  to  their  heads,  they  fancied  that  their 
prince,  whom  Plato  calls  a  benefactor  to  Italy,  had 
poisoned  them.  All  this  may  refer  to  the  institutions 
of  Tarchun  merely,  and  may  convey  in  allegory,  that 
wine  makes  men  mad,  and  that  drunkenness  and 
licentiousness  render  noxious,  the  otherwise  innocent 
joy  of  commemorative  feasts  and  public  carnivals. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  nothing  improbable 
in  a  Tuscan  Lucumo  named  Janus,  having  a  country 

*  Gell.  t  Pliny,  iii.  5.     Ovid.  Fast.  i. 

X  2  Chron.  xxvi.  10.  §  Plut. 


TUSCAN    HEROES. 


337 


seat,  or  large  farm,  upon  the  Janiculum,*  the  very 
outskirts  of  Etruria,  and  of  his  being  a  benefactor 
to  the  Latins,  the  Sabines,  and  the  Pelasgi,  in  his 
immediate   neighbourhood.      As   Janus  is  said    to 
have  been  introduced  into  Rome  from  Falisci,  this 
Janus,  supposing  him  to  have  been  different  from' Tar- 
chun, was  either  a  sovereign  of  the  Faliscii,  or  some 
Faliscian  prince,  who  built  a  temple  to  Janus  upon 
the  hill  above  the  Tiber,  which  hill  was  hence  called 
Janiculum;    and   it  is  not  unlikely  that,  on  some 
occasion   of  the   Saturnalia,    he  may   have  offered 
sacrifices  here,  and  have  been  killed  in  a  drunken 
frolic,  which  occurred  during  the  games. 

Janus,  according  to  the  Ancient  History ,t  mar- 
ried Venilia,  who  bore  him  a  son  named  Fontus,f 
in  honour  of  whom,  yearly  feasts  were  kept  amon-L't 
the  Romans,  called  Fontinalia.     Besides  Fontus,  he 
had  four  daughters.     Others  say  that  he  was  'the 
father  of  Tiberinus,  King  of  Veii,  who  was  suc- 
ceeded  by  Vertumnus  or  Vadimon,  and  then  by 
Aunus.     Yet  Janus's  sister  Camese,  and   none   of 
these  descendants,   ruled    immediately   after   him- 
self.    There    can    be    no    doubt   that   the   acts  of 
Janus  and  of  Tarchun  have  been  often  confounded 
together,  the  one   being  the  first  king  of  Etruria, 
and  the  other,   perhaps,  the  first  transplanter  of 
i-truscan  civilization  beyond  the  Tiber.     In  popular 
songs,  and  traditionary  history,  the  acts  of  twenty 

*  Story  of  Janus,  given  by  Cato,  Cicero,  and  Festus  :   also 
Antient  History  and  Plut. 
"^  »^'i-  64.  X  Amob. 

Q 


338 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TUSCAN    HEROES. 


339 


different  Januses  would  all  be  melted  into  one,  and 
it  is  vain  for  us,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  attempt 
to  distinguish  them,    Fontus,  the  son  of  Janus,  may 
have  been  a  man,  a  town,  or  an  institution.     The 
succession  of  his  sister  Camese  may  mean  her  suc- 
cession from  a  sister  state.     Tiberinus  or  Deheberis 
the  king  of  Veii,  and  a  general  of  the  league,  may 
have  been  descended  from  the  original  Janus,  in  the 
sense  of  being  an  Etruscan,  or  from  the  secondary 
Janus,  in  the  sense  of  being  a  Faliscian.     Vertum- 
nus,  the  god  of  orchards,  naturally  springs  from  the 
great  improver  of  Latin  horticulture;  and  Vadimon, 
from  whom  the  Vadimonian  Sea  received  its  name, 
we  find  again  in  the  territory  of  Falisci,  and  in  that 
sense,  he  may  have  been  the  son  of  any  former  Falis- 
cian prince.     We  see  this  figure  in  the  Scriptures, 
where  the  king  of  Judah  is  always  called  the  son  of 
David.     The   four   daughters   of  Janus,  after  the 
same  figure,  may  mean  any  four  towns  colonized  by 
the  Faliscians. 

Anus,  or  Anius,  according  to  Alexander  Polyhis- 
tor,  was  the  grandfather  of  Latinus,  the  king  of 
Laurentum,  in  whose  days  Lavinia  was  founded. 
Probably  Latinus,  like  Vejo,  and  other  names  of 
that  class,  means  simply  a  prince  of  the  Latins,  of 
any  name  or  date  whatever.  Livy,  Virgil,  and  all  the 
writers  oftheirtime,  give  the  legendary  predecessors 
of  Latinus,  as  descending  from  father  to  son,  but  the 
early  Italian  successions  were  by  election,  and  not 
by  hereditary  right;  therefore,  in  all  probability, 
none  of  these  princes,  admitting  them  to  have  been 


real  men,  and  to  have  followed  each  other,  were  of 
the  same  family. 

After  Janus  we  find  in  ancient  history,  next  in 
order,  the  Queen   Camese  or  Camense  ;    a  name 
which  reminds  us  of  the  Egyptian  sovereign  Queen 
Amese*  or  Amense.     She  is  said  to  have  been  the 
sister  of  Janus,  and  to  have  succeeded  him.     It  is 
probable,  from  the  territory  about  the  Janiculum 
having  been  called  after  her  name,  Camasene,  and 
having  been  dedicated  to  her,  that  she  was  at  the 
head  of  the  vestal  virgins,  like  the  revered  Egyptian 
Queen  Nofre-ari.     She  seems  to  have  been  the  same 
as  Camaena  of  the  Latins,  or  Carmenta,  or  Carmina, 
the  muse  of  song,  the  undying  Sybil,  the  oracle  of 
justice,  called  also  Tethys  ;t  and  no  doubt  her  talents 
for  song,  and  her  fame  for  wisdom  and  justice,  gave 
to  her  cotemporaries  the  impression  of  inspiration, 
and  therefore  both  raised  her  to  the  throne,  and 
kept  her  upon  it.     Romulus  is  said,  by  Plutarch,  to 
have  consulted  the  Tuscan  oracle,  "  Tethys  or  The- 
mis," which  is  the  same  as  Carmina  or  Camaena ; 
and  this  could   be   no   other   than   the   oracle   of 
Camese,  the  sister  of  Janus.      Her  shrines  were 
honoured  by  the  Latins,  the  Sabines,  and  the  Tus- 
cans; and,  as  she  is  the  only  sovereign  priestess  we 
read  of  amongst  the  Rasena,  it  may  have  been  her 
tomb  which   was   discovered    at  Agylla-Csere    by 
General  Galassi,  and  the  Arci-Prete  Regulini,  in 
A.  D.   1838,  in  which  case,  she  only  received  the 
honours  which  were  her  unquestionable  due.     She 
*  ^osell.  f  piut.  in  Rom. 

Q   2 


340 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TUSCAN    HEROES. 


341 


had  pre-eminently  a  right  amongst  Etruscan  wo- 
men, to  engrave  upon  her  cups  "  Mi  Larthia,"  for 
she  was  gifted  with  genius  and   virtue,  as  well  as 
with    exalted    birth    and    talents.      Amongst    her 
strong-minded  but  unimaginative  countrymen,  Ca- 
mese  had  a  claim  to  the  golden  breastplate  and  the 
priestly  crown,  to  the  bracelets  and  the  girdle,  the 
silver  censers  and  the  heaps  of  perfume,  which  were 
found    in    that   most    ancient   and    most    honoured 
grave,  the  name  and  fame  of  whose  inhabitant,  her 
nation  vainly   fancied,  could  never — never  be  for- 
gotten. 

It  is,  indeed,  humbling  to  the  pride  of  man,  that 
the  wisest  and  the  greatest,  the  most  revered  and 
the  most  godlike  of  our  race,  must  mark  his  last 
resting-place  with  the  same  care,  and  in  the  same 
manner,  as  the  most  insignificant,  and  the  most  con- 
temptible, if  he  would  have  it  kept  in  remembrance 
amongst  his  fellows.     Beauty,  wit,  genius,   talent, 
knowledge,  glory,  power,  and  virtue  itself,  leave  us, 
and  may  walk  and  dazzle  in  other  worlds;  but  the 
dust  in  which  they  shone  here,  the  once  half-wor- 
shipped dust,  mingles  again  with  its  kindred  clay, 
and  soon  cannot  be  distinguished  from  the  soil  be- 
neath our  feet.     Alas  !  knowledge  shall  fade  away ; 
power  shall  become  impotent;  genius  shall  be  heard 
of  no  more.     What  then  can  last  ?     What  can  en- 
dure the^wreck  "of  elements  and  crush  of  worlds?" 
Even  such  fame  as  finds  its  record  in  the  hearts  of 
a  grateful  nation,  for  those  who  have  been,  in  their 
day  of  power,  the  consolers  and  improvers,  as  well 
as  the  commanders  of  the  people. 


Carmenta,  the  Tuscan  goddess,  consulted  by  Ro- 
mulus, had  feasts  in  her  honour  called  Carmentalia  ; 
she  gave  oracles  in  verse,  and  she  became  the  god- 
dess of  married  women,  being  the  chief  of  matrons, 
which  does  not  at  all  militate  against  her,  having 
been  the  chief  of  the  Vestal  virgins  previously. 
Numa,  the  Sabine,  who  honoured  and  adopted  the 
civil  and  religious  institutions  of  Janus,  accordino- 
to  Plutarch,  consulted  Camene,  who  could  be  no 
other  than  this  same  person. 

Cato  (de  Origin.)  calls  Camese  the  brother  of 
Janus;  but  this  we  take  to  be  a  version  of  the  same 
sort  with  Alexander  Polyhistor,  who,  when  speak- 
ing of  the  Hebrews,  calls  their  leader  "  Moso,  a  wo- 
man !"  Macrobius,  in  the  Saturnalia,  says,  Camese 
was  a  foreigner,  placed  upon  the  throne  by  Janus. 
Athenaeus  and  Servius  make  her  his  sister  and  his 
wife;  i.  e.  she  lived  near  his  time,  and  was  one  with 
his  spirit. 

Next  to  Camese  in  feminine  renown,  comes  the 
priestess  and  Sybil  Bygoe,  who  was  doubtless  a 
princess  and  a  Vestal  also,  and  who  wrote  a  com- 
mentary in  verse*  upon  the  laws  of  Tages,  and  a 
treatise  upon  the  science  of  lightning.  To  none 
but  a  woman  of  the  highest  rank  and  most  com- 
manding powers,  would  the  Augurs  have  intrusted  a 
knowledge  of  this  art,  and  only  from  such  a  one 
would  a  treatise  upon  religion  and  a  commentary 
upon  civil  government  have  been  suffered,  much 
less  have  been    received  with    respect.      She    was 

*  Servius  vi.  72. 


m 


342 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


TUSCAN    HEROES. 


343 


deeply  instructed  in  natural  history,  otherwise  she 
could  not  have  written  upon  lightning;    and  she 
was  well  versed  in  the  genius  of  Etruscan  rule,  or 
she  would  not  have  been  said,  as  Servius  affirms,  to 
have  received  Tages  and  to  have  nourished  him. 
We  know  nothing  positive  of  her  beyond  these  few 
facts,  but  it  is  evident  that  she  lived  in  the  earliest 
ages  of  Etruria,  and  many  have  supposed  her  to  be 
the  same  with   Carmenta,  because  they  could  not 
understand   how   so   deeply  reverenced   a    woman 
should  not  have  had  oracles  and  shrines  erected  to 
her  honour.     She  is  sometimes  represented  upon 
antique  gems  with  Tages  in  her  arms,  and  has  thus, 
as  we  have  observed  already,  been  confounded  with 
the  nymph  Leucothoe,  who  received  Bacchus.    If 
Bygoe  were  ever  worshipped  and  semi-deified  in 
Etruria,  it  was  no  doubt  at  the  great  Etruscan  tem- 
ple of  Elythia  at  Pyrgi,  which  Aristotle  calls  the 
temple  of  Leucothoe,  the  name  he  would  naturally 
have  given  to  the  shrine  of  the  nymph  who  received 
and  educated  Tages.     As  Bacchus  was  unknown 
until  nearly  the  extinction  of  the  Etruscan  dominion, 
we  have  no  occasion  to  prove  that  the  rich  temple 
of  Pyrgi  was  not  that  of  Leucothoe. 

The  verses  of  Bygoe  were  taught  in  the  Etruscan 
schools,  and  without  question,  the  fair  rhymes  and 
useful  maxims  of  many  an  after  minstrel,  came  to 
be  incorporated  with  them,  and  were  ascribed  to  her, 
as  this  has  ever  been  the  case  with  ancient  poets  of 
celebrity,  and  with  names  preserved  in  national  po- 
pular songs.     Bygoe  and  Camese  were  in  Rome, 


soon  confounded  with  the  other  Sybils,  and  their 
verses  served  to  augment  the  treasures  of  the  sybil- 
line  books.  These  books  were  usually  made  of  the 
leaves  of  palm  trees,*  like  those  of  the  Burmese 
now,  or  of  linen,  or  of  tablets  of  wood  covered  with 
a  thin  coating  of  wax,  and  they  were  written  upon, 
with  a  small  pointed  style  of  bronze  or  of  iron. 

No  dominion  is  ever  ascribed  to  Bygoe,  but  that 
of  mental  superiority  and  sanctified  wisdom ;  and 
though  she  usurped  not  power,  which  was  more 
rightfully  lodged  in  the  hands  of  others,  tradition 
says  of  her,  that  she  once  killed  an  ox  by  whispering 
in  his  earf  the  name  of  the  Holy  One,  which  proba- 
bly means,  that  she  awed  some  strong  and  stupid, 
and  perhaps  brutal  Lucumo,  a  Front  de  Boeuf  of 
the  olden  world,  by  her  quiet  and  unmoved  vindi- 
cation of  the  superiority  and  reality  of  inspired  laws 
and  divine  superintendence. 

One  ancient  hero  shines  forth  like  a  spectre  from 
the  mists  of  antiquity,  to  whom  the  actions  of  several 
others  have  no  doubt  been  attributed.  We  mean 
Maloeotus,  king  of  Tarquinia  and  Cere,  called  also 
King  of  all  the  Pelasgi  in  that  part  of  Italy  ;  a  man 
who  carried  on  commerce  and  intercourse  with 
Greece,  who  lived  near  Gravisca,  at  the  spot  after- 
wards called  Regis  Villa,J  who  made  a  voyage  to 
Athens,  and  who,  as  some  say,  died  there.  Maloeotus 
may  have  been  a  general  of  the  League,  which  would 
occasion  his  name  to  be  remembered  in  Italy,  or  he 

*  Virgil.     Symmachus.     Livy. 

t  Miiller  in  loco.  X  Strabo  v.  225. 


344 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


345 


may  have  lived  in  the  days  of  Homer,  and   have 
been  heard  of  in  Greece,  through  ships  that  came  to 
Argos  or  Corinth,  from  Tarquinia  or  Pyrgi,  over  one 
of  which  states  he  may  have  been  prince,  with  a  very 
different  name  from  that,  by  which  alone  we  can 
identify  him.     As  general  of  the  League,  he  would 
certainly  rule  all  the  Turrheni  Pelasgi,  and  as  head 
of  any  of  the  maritime  states,  he  would  encourage 
commerce,  and  may,  by  his  ships,  have  visited  Athens. 
His  name  has  so  few  incidents  attached  to  it,  that 
we  can  but  mention   him  and  dismiss  the  subject, 
observing  that  the  Pelasgi  had  no  princes,  and  nJ 
commerce,  before  the  arrival  of  Tarchun,  and  that 
after  his  arrival,  Tarquinia  and  Gravisca  owned  no 
rulers  but  Etruscan. 

Meleus  of  Pisa,  is  a  Lar  or  General  mentioned  by 
Virgil  and  Pliny,  who  ruled  all  Turrhenia,  and  to 
whom  they  ascribe  the  invention  of  the  trumpet, 
which  may  perhaps  mean  its  introduction  into  La- 
tium.  Clusius,  whom  Virgil  calls  an  Etruscan  mo- 
narch, we  are  inclined  to  think,  is  only  a  word  ex- 
pressing,in  the  Latin  manner,  the  imperial  general 
fromClusium,  and  we  believe  that  it  does  not  desio^- 
nate  the  name  of  any  particular  individual. 


X. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

CIVILIZATION    OF    CENTRAL    AND     NORTHERN     UMBRIA. 

We  must  now  proceed  to  give  an  account  of  the   ^-  c- 

CENT. 

general  colonization  and  civilization  of  Italy  by  the  xi.  & 
Etruscans.  This  they  commenced  by  the  founding 
of  certain  cities,  some  particulars  of  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  we  shall  take  them  as  far  as 
we  can,  in  chronological  order.  The  first  on  record 
is  "  Ameria  of  the  Umbri,"  consecrated  according 
to  Etruscan  rites,  and  keeping  a  yearly  founder's 
feast.  Its  date,  according  to  Pliny  and  Cato,*  is  964 
years  before  the  war  with  Perseus,  consequently 
fifty-three  years  after  the  dedication  of  Tarquinia, 
1 134  B.  c. ;  and  in  Roman  times,  it  used  to  boast  of 
its  great  antiquity,  though  we  are  acquainted  with 
no  other  claim  which  it  could  make  to  distinction. 
It  was  probably  governed  entirely  by  Umbrians,  as 
it  is  always  called  "  Ameria  of  the  Umbri."  Spo- 
leto  is  said  to  be  of  the  same  age,  and  we  may  also 
refer  to  about  this  time,  Ikuvine  or  Gubbio,  Tutere 
or  Todi,  Nocera,  Interamna,  Nequino,  Sarsina,  Sen- 

*  Pliny  iii.  14. 

Q  5 


346 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OF   UMBRIA. 


347 


tinu,  and  Mevania  *  all  of  which  are  said  to  have 
been  founded  by  Tuscan  rites,  and  some  of  whicii 
occasionally  come  before  us,  as  "  Pars  Tusciae," 
though  all  in  Umbria.  Sentinu  reminds  us  of  the 
Sentinate,  whose  sepulchres  are  now  found  atChiusi 
and  Tarquinia. 

In  Etruria  Proper,  Fiesole  is  the  only  colony,  the 
date  of  which  we  know  with  any  accuracy,  and  it  is 
said  in   round  numbers,  to  have  been  founded  lOOO 
years  before  Florence,  which  Sylla  built  to  take  its 
place,  and  to  prevent  its  ever  again  rising  into  con- 
sequence.    This  makes  the  sera  of  Fiesole  1090  b.  c, 
and  the  Etruscans  prosecuted  here  the  wonderful 
waterworks  which  they  had  first  tried  with  such 
signal  success,  farther  south.     They   confined  the 
turbulent   Arno   within   deep  straight  banks,   and 
made  on  each  side  of  it,  such  channels  as  we  now 
see  regulating  the  waters  in  Holland,  thus  enabling 
the  inhabitants  either  to  irrigate  and  drain  their 
fields,  or  to  lay  them  all  under  water.     At  Fiesole, 
they  lowered  the  lake  which  surrounded  it,  and  gra- 
dually drained  it  off  into  the  Arno ;  and  they  made 
for  this  purpose,  tunnels  through  the  hill  upon  which 
the  town  stands,  which  still  exist  and  which  may  be 
visited  at  this  day.     Fiesole  or  Felsole  was  not  im- 
probably a  colony  from  Felatria  or  Volterra,  and 
stands  upon  an  eminence  equally  inaccessible  and 
striking.     Volterra  peopled  also  the  great  town  of 
Populonia,  which  was  increased  at  various  times,  by 
emigrations   or  importations  from  other    quarters, 

*  Micali  Storia,  1.  v.  p,  74. 


especially  from  the  mines,  as  it  was  the  great  mart  for 
all  the  ores  from  II va,  or  Elba,  and  Corsica. 

Volterra  must  have  been  the  mightiest  and  most 
populous  town    of    Etruria,   and   was   continually 
sending  forth  colonies,  apparently  because  the  cir- 
cumscribed bounds    of  her  rocky  height,   did    not 
admit  of  a  sufficient  enlargement  of  her  suburbs. 
Propertius,  one   of  the  kings  of  Volterra,  is  said  by 
Servius,  to  have  sent  forth  a  colony  southwards  into 
the  territory  of  the  Faliscii,  to  the  boundary  fort  of 
Veii,  perhaps  then  a  custom-house  and  station  for 
waggons,  (for  Veja  in  Etruscan  means  a  waggon.) 
Here,  they  drew  the  sacred  furrow,  and  raised  the 
stately  walls  of  Veii,  having,  as  it  would  seem,  a 
domain  ceded  to  them   by  the   Faliscii,  in  whose 
country  Veii  was  originally  situated,  and  bounding 
themselves  on  the  east  by  Caere,  and  on  the  south 
and  west  by  the  Tiber.     Veii  is  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  Halesus,  as  well  as  by  Propertius,  be- 
cause Halesus  founded  the  dynasty  of  Faliscii,  and 
therefore  gave  his  name  to  all  the  works  and  all  the 
colonies  of  his  people.     The  city  of  Veii  took  for  its 
patron,  Talna  or  Juno,  the  patron  of  Faleria,  and 
dedicated  a  particular  family,  most  likely  that  of  one 
of  the  original  Senators  of  Faleria,  to  be  her  priests. 
As  Virgil  makes  no  mention  of  Veii  amongst  the 
cities  that  helped  iEneas,  antiquaries  have  inferred 
that  it  rose  into  eminence  subsequently  to  Tarquinia, 
Agylla,  and  the  other  states  which  he  does  mention, 
and  that  it  was  founded  between  the  death  of  Me- 
zentius  and  the  colonization  of  Rome. 


M 


348 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATTON    OF   UMERIA. 


349 


As  Veii  was  often  engaged  in   disputes  with  the 

Latins   and    Sabines,  we  know    several  particulars 

of  its  history  above    what  we   know  of  the   other 

northern  states.     Its   senate   and   people,  like   the 

other   Etruscan   dynasties,   consisted  of  more  than 

one  race,  and   the  population,  Miiller  thinks,  was 

composed    of  Sikeli    and    Etruscans.      The  Sikeii 

may  mean  Latins  or  Sabines,  it  being  the  name  of 

every  native  tribe.     Veii  was  ruled  by  a  number  of 

wealthy  and  luxurious  sovereigns,  all  kept  in  our 

remembrance   by   some   one    remarkable   act,   but 

none  succeeding  each  other  in  the  relation  of  father 

and  son.     They    were  elected    from    amongst   the 

Lucumoes   of   the    Senate,    and    had   all    different 

names,  each  being  the  Head  of  a  different  family. 

This  we  judge,  because  all  the  Etruscan  families  had 

theirownsurnamesjike  the  English, descendingfrom 
father  to  son,  as  is  proved  by  their  sepulchral  in- 
scriptions; and  this  enables  us  to  distinguish  between 
the  different  families. 

In  fragments  of  popular  songs  or  stray  quotations, 
we  find  mention  made  of  the  kings  of  Veii,  Morrio, 
Vejo,  Meralus,  and  Deheberis  or  Tiberis.  King 
Morrio  was  author  of  the  Morris  Dancers,*  i.  e. 
founder  of  the  Salii,  a  band  of  priestly  warriors,  all 
noble,  who  danced  a  kind  of  sword  dance  in  proces- 
sion, in  honour  of  Manors,  the  god  of  battles.  His 
altar  was  on  the  top  of  the  Monte  Musino,surrounde(i 
by  three  terraces  which  are  still  visible.  The  Salii 
consisted   of    twelve   men,   one    to  represent  each 

♦  Servius  ad  .En. 


Etruscan  state,  and  their  order  was  adopted  by  Pre- 
neste  and  Tusculum,  in  imitation  of  Veii.  Morrio 
is  called  the  son  of  Halesus,  and  therefore  probably 
was  a  Falliscian.  He*  is  said  by  some  authors  to 
have  founded  Alsium,  because  he  is  confounded 
with  Halesus,  who  was  the  founder  both  of  Alsium 
and  of  Faliscii,  and  in  Eastern  phraseology,  he  was 
the  founder  also  of  all  the  towns  that  proceeded  from 
the  colonies  of  either. 

In  the  days  of  Morrio,  according  to  Servius  from 
Cato  the  men  of  Veii  made  the  vow  of  a  sacred 
spring,t  and  sent  out  a  colony  eighteen  years  after- 
wards, with  an  Augur,  to  build  Capena  ;  a  city  upon 
this  account,  perfectly  independent  in  jurisdiction,  but 
ever  most  faithfully  and  affectionately  attached  to  the 
fortunes  of  its  mother  state.  It  is  now  called  Civita, 
and  the  remains  of  its  walls  are  in  the  usual  Etrus- 
can parallelograms,  and  give  us  an  idea  of  the  im- 
pregnability which  LivyJ  attributes  to  Capena. 

King  Vejo  means  the  king  of  Veii,  when  elected 
chief  of  the  League  without  any  proper  name. 
King  Meralus  was  probably  also  a  chief  of  the 
League;  and  king  Deheberis,  Latinized  intoTibris, 
may  have  been  a  real  person,  who  gave  his  nanje 
to  the  Tiber,  his  boundary  stream.  This  river  he 
may  very  possibly  have  navigated,  and  in  it  he  is 
said  to  have  been  drowned.  Before  Deheberis,  the 
name  of  the  Tiber  was  Rumon,  and  to  us  it  is 
known  equally  as  the  Rumon  or  Roman  River,  and 
the  Tiber.  Tiberis  ruled  over  Alba,  therefore  must 
•  Vide  Dempster.  f  Niebuhr.  i.  127.  I  v.  24. 


350 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    UMBRIA. 


351 


have  conquered  the  Latins,  and  is  called  the  son  of 
Janus,  which  means  that  he  was  a  Tuscan.  His 
time  was  so  remote,  that  some  authors  make  him 
cotemporary  with  the  Argonauts,  by  whom  he  was 
killed  ;*  but  if  he  ruled  Alba,  he  could  not  have 
reigned  until  after  Alba  was  founded,  and  Silvius  its 
first  king  was  dead. 

In  the  government  of  Veil,  lay  the  Septem  Pagi, 
or  the  seven  villages,  so  long  the  object  of  contention 
with  Rome.  It  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the  great- 
ness of  Veii,  as  it  was  situated  upon  no  navigable 
river,  and  was  near  no  great  lake,  but  it  was  pro- 
bably the  medium  of  communication  between  Pyrgi 
and  Clusium,  through  Faleria  and  Volsinia,  and  it 
possessed  manufactures  of  bronze  and  clay,  famed 
for  their  superior  excellence.  It  would  naturally 
become  warlike  from  being  a  frontier  city,  and  it 
probably  established  both  its  territory  and  its  power 
at  the  time  the  Tuscans  ruled  in  Latium. 

It  seems  likely  that  Veii  founded  Fidene,  in  the 
same  manner  as  Capena,  for  Fidene  appears  ever  to 
have  looked  up  to  Veii,  and  to  have  expected  suc- 
cour from  her  as  a  mother,  whilst  at  the  same 
time,  she  always  returned  to  her  the  affectionate 
support  of  a  daughter.  Dionysius  calls  Fidene  an 
Alban  colony,  which  may  have  some  reference  to  its 
foundation  in  the  days  of  Tiberis,  who  ruled  Alba. 
Pliny  calls  it  Sabine,  which  would  lead  us  to  believe 
that  Sabines  were  admitted  into  its  senate.  Livyf 
tells  us  that  it  was  Etruscan,  and  that  only  a  portion 
*  Dempster.  f  i.  ^y. 


of  the  inhabitants  could  speak  Latin  ;  and  when  the 
Romans  wanted  a  spy  upon  Fidene,*  they  procured 
a  man  from  Caere,  who  understood  the  Etruscan  lan- 
guage and  writing,  and  who  did  not  feel  himself,  as 
the  Faliscians  and  Veientines  would  have  done, 
betraying  his  own  blood.  The  site  of  its  ancient 
citadel  is  now  Castel  Giubileo.f 

One  other  large  town  which  grew  up  about  this 
time,  was  Cosa,  the  port  of  Vulci,  far  more  wealthy 
and  better  known  than  the  elegant  but  small  me- 
tropolis of  the  Vulcientes.  It  traded,  like  Tar- 
(juinia,  with  the  ports  of  the  north,  and  with  those 
of  Egypt  and  Carthage,  which  may  account  for  the 
very  extraordinary  Egyptian  relics  of  high  an- 
tiquity, which  continue  still  to  be  found  in  the 
sepulchres  of  Vulci. 

The  Tuscans  of  Etruria  Proper,  after  having  fully  Coioni- 
peopled   their   own    country,  and  the    province  of ''^of''" 
Unibria,  which   formed  its  eastern  boundary,  still  ^^«^- 
continucd  to  increase  in  their  population,  until  their 
numbers  became  too  great  for  the  country  to  sup- 
port, and  the  twelve  dynasties  agreed,  each  to  send 
fortli  a  large  colony,  which  should  possess  and  re- 
deem the  Padus  country,  i.  e.  the  vast  tract,  after- 
wards possessed  by  the  Gauls,  lying  upon  each  side 
of  the  Po,  and  extending  from  about  the  44th  degree 
of  north  latitude  to  the  Alps.     As  all   this   land, 
bounded  on  the  East  by  the  Veneti,  and  on  the 
^^  est  by  the  Ligurians,  belonged  to  the  Umbri,  ac- 
cording to  Pliny ,J  we  need   not  wonder  that  the 


a 


IX. 


t  GeU. 


352 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


Rasena  found  no  difficulty  in  arranging  with  them 
the  terms  of  their  settlement,  and  met  with  no  op- 
position. The  decision  of  the  twelve  dynasties 
must  have  been  concluded  at  one  of  the  great  meet- 
ings of  Voltumna,  and  it  is  probable  that  they  colo- 
nized simultaneously,  as  their  movement  is  called 
by  the  Tuscan  historians,  Flaccus  and  Cecina, 
"  Tarchon  crossing  the  Po,  and  founding  Etniria 
Nova."  * 

The  colonies  thus  planted,  were  all  upon  the  model 
of  the  mother  country.  Each  metropolis  was  marked 
out  by  the  plough,  and  blessed  by  the  Augur;  each 
had   its  threefold  temple,  and   its  three  dedicated 
gates,  and  each  had  its  massive  walls,  its  garrisoned 
citadel,  its  theatre  and  amphitheatre.     Each  had  also 
its  Lucumoes  and   Senate,  its  Plebs  and   its  slaves, 
its  ruling  Prince  or   Lar,  and  its  patron  god  ;  and 
all  of  them  without  exception,  were  subject  to  the 
laws  of  Tages,  and  gloried  in  being  the  people  of 
Tarchun,  and  in  considering  themselves  as  twelve 
members  of  one  whole.     From  this  it  follows,  that 
the  northern  Etruscans,  also  had  their  Voltumna,  or 
place  of  general  meeting,  and  their  feast  of  brotherly 
union,  though  whether  dedicated  to  the  same  god- 
dess or  to  another,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 
It  is  to  be  presumed  that  they  often  sent  deputies 
to    Voltumna     n  Tarquinia,   and    that    the  twelve 
mother  states  frequently  sent  deputies  to  them,  but 
there  was  no  obligation  for  the  one  to  attend  the 
meetings  of  the  other,  nor  was  there  any  such  bond 

*  Servius  .En.  x. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    UMBRIA. 


353 


between  them,  as  to  make  it  needful  for  the  one  to 
be  acquainted  with  the  councils  of  the  other. 

Like  all  the  colonies,  of  all  the  people  of  Ludin, 
"  Etruria  Nova"  was  wholly  independent  of  the 
country  whence  she  sprung;  she  carried  forward 
with  her  the  domestic  manners,  the  national  modes 
of  thought,  and  the  civilization  of  Etruria  Proper, 
and  she  was  bound  to  it  by  lasting  ties  of  gratitude 
and  affection,  but  never  of  subjection.  She  was  the 
friend,  but  not  the  servant  of  Tarchunia  ;  her  child, 
but  a  child  gone  out  into  the  world  to  seek  fortune 
i'or  itself,  and  consulting  no  more  the  authority  of 
home.  As  the  Rasena  who  settled  in  Western  Um- 
bria,  called  their  country  Aturia,  or  Etruria,  in  me- 
mory of  the  land  of  their  forefathers,  and  Turrhenia 
or  Turchunia,  in  memory  of  their  great  chief,  so  these 
second  Rasena  probably  called  their  part  of  Northern 
Umbria,  "  Rasena,"  in  remembrance  of  their  ancient 
race.  It  has  come  down  to  us  in  the  corrupted 
form  of  Rhoetia,*  and  is  said  to  have  been  named 
from  Rhoetus,  one  of  their  colonizing  kings.  We 
can  but  go  upon  probabilities,  and  faint  gleams  of 
light  in  our  researches  into  Etruria  Nova,  because 
its  very  existence  is  first  made  known  to  us  at  the 
period  of  its  downfall.  Livy  first  mentions  it  in 
the  reign  of  the  Roman  king,  Tarquin  the  First,  in 
the  year  of  Tarquinia  560,  and  we  scarcely  hear  of 
it  again,  until  the  fall  of  Melpum,  one  of  its  largest 
and  greatest  cities,  which  was  destroyed  at  the  same 
time  with  Veii.f     It  is  certain  that  all  the    land 

♦  Livy  V.  33.     Pliny  ih.  20.  f  a.  r.  358. 


7>.' 


354 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    UMBRIA. 


355 


1 


which  remained  to  these  Northern  Rasena,  after 
the  conquest  of  the  Gauls,  was  called  Rhoetia,*  and 
was  divided  into  upper  and  lower ;  the  first  extend- 
ing from  the  source  of  the  Rhine  to  the  Leek,  and 
the  second  from  the  Leek  to  the  Inn,  comprehendin^r 
the  country  which  is  now  the  Tyrol  and  the  Orisons. 
Their  towns  in  this  space  were  Curia,  now  Coire, 
Tridentum  now  Trent,  Belumen,  and  Feltria. 
These  four  were  not  unlikely  spelt  Keri  or  Caere, 
Tr.t.nte.  Vel.m.ne,  and  Felatri,  whence  we  are  in- 
clined to  attribute  the  founding  of  Feltria  to  Vol- 
terra  or  Felatri,  of  Curia  to  Caere,  of  Tritente  to 
Tutere  of  the  Umbri,  united  with  the  men  of  Falis- 
cii ;  and  of  Veluraen  or  Velumne  to  some  of  those 
Northern  States,  in  which  we  now  find  the  sepul- 
chres of  the  family  of  Velumne,  one  of  the  chief 
Magnates  of  Etruria. 

In  after  ages,  the  northern  Rasena  were  confined 
within  the  space  of  Rhoetia  Proper,  where  they  lost 
their  commerce  and  their  maritime  character,  and 
where  they  had  no  neighbours,  but  the  Germans  on 
the  one  side,  and  the  Gauls  on  the  other  ;  they  then 
forgot  their  pristine  refinement,  and  became  compa- 
ratively poor  and  savage,  retaining,  as  Livyf  says, 
"  no  traces  of  their  original,  except  their  ancient  lan- 
guage, and  even  that  corrupted."  Many  Etruscan 
bronzes  and  inscriptions  have  been  found  within  the 
last  fifty  years,  in  this  district. 


■( 


The  eight*  rich  cities  conquered  by  the  Gauls, 
with  which  these  four  in  their  happier  days,  were 
in  full  communion,  were  Adria,  Spina,  Kupra, 
Fulsinia,  Melpuni,  Mediolanum,  Verona,  and 
Mantua ;  and  of  these,  the  two  last  keep  their 
ancient  name.  Mediolanum  is  Milan,  though  under 
the  Tuscans,  it  must  have  borne  some  other  de- 
si^-nation,  perhaps  Met.lun,  Mediolanum  being  Gal- 
lic. Melpum  was  so  rich  and  powerful  a  city,  that 
its  loss  caused  the  ruin  of  all  the  others,  and  it  was 
re""arded  by  the  northern  Tuscans,  in  the  same  light 
as  Veii  by  the  southern.  Felsina,  called  also  Bo- 
nonia,  and  now  Bologna,  is  described  by  Pliny  as  the 
capital  of  northern  Etruria,  and  along  with  Man- 
tua, it  comes  prominently  forward  in  Latin  history. 
Felsinius,  mentioned  by  Virgil,  was  probably  the 
ruler  of  this  city,  and  general  of  the  northern  league. 
It  was  in  all  likelihood  founded  by  Felsune  or 
Volsinia,  (the  tribe  of  artists,)  which  it  so  much  re- 
sembles in  name. 

Kupra,  near  the  modern  Ripra  Santone,  was  the 
city  of  the  great  and  universally  venerated  Etruscan 
goddess,  Juno.  It  may  be  a  doubt  whether  Kupra 
did  not  signify  Juno  in  the  Egyptian  or  Lybiaii 
form  only,  in  which  she  was  worshipped  at  Veii,  and 
in  which  she  appeared,  when  she  stood  alone  as  the 
object  of  adoration,  whilst  Talna  might  be  her  name 
as  the  wife  of  Jupiter,  and  as  one  of  the  great  Triad. 


*  Ser\'iu8  on  Georg.  ii.     Strab.  iv.     Plin.  iii.  20. 
-*-  V.  33. 


•  Authorities  for  these  cities,  &c. :  Livy  v.  32 ;  xxxix.   55. 
Strabo  v.  214—218.     Pliny  iii.  15,  IC,  19.     Scylax. 


356 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Both  names  are  given  to  Juno  in  the  bronze  speech) 
and  the  thought  is  suggested,  because  the  feiuJe 
form  of  Egyi)tian  Jupiter  is  ''  Tamon,"  which  form 
standing  alone  is  Neith,  or  Minerva ;  and  it  is  not 
unworthy  of  remark,  that  Lanuvian  Juno,  the  only 
remaining  statue  which  we  have,  representing  the 
Etruscan  Juno,  and  which  Dionysius  says  is'' Hke 
the  Argive  Hera,  is  Juno  in  a  dress  which  mio-ht  be 
mistaken  for  that  of  Minerva.  This  statue  is^'to  be 
seen  in  the  Vatican.  Temples  to  Kupra,  the  Tuscan 
warlike  Juno,  seem  to  have  abounded  in  all  the 
Tuscan  settlements. 

Adria*  and   Spinaf  were  both  great  commercial 

towns  upon  the  coast,  and  the  former  gave  its  name 

to  the  whole  gulf  of  Venice,  called  by  the  ancients 

the  Adriatic  Sea.     At  Adria  or  Hatria,  the  houses' 

were  all  built  with  a  court,  universal  to  the  Tuscans, 

but  called    by  the   Latins   from  this   town,   Atria! 

Varro  tells  us,  "  Atrium  appellatum  est  ab  Atrialibus 

Tuscis,"  i.  e.  from  Hatria.     Its  name  upon  the  coins 

IS  Hathri  and  Tali.     We  have  already  quoted   the 

testimony  of  Pliny,J  as  to   the   whole   district  of 

Adrianus  having  once  belonged  to  the  Umbri,  who 

upon  first  entering   Italy,   conquered  it  from   the 

Siculi. 

Mantua,  the  birth-place  of  Virgil,  was  founded 
from  Perugia,  and  he  relates  the  tradition  that 
Bianor,  the  son  of  Manto,  named  the  city  after  his 
mother.§     Antiquarians  believe  this  Manto  to  have 

*  Adria  Tuscan  :  Plin.  iii.     Varro,  1.  y.        f  MuUer,  3,  4. 
*"»  ^^'  §  Servius  .-End.  x.  198. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    UMBRIA. 


357 


been  simply  the  God  of  the  shades,  and  that  Bianor 
dedicated  his  town  tothe  manes  of  his  mother.  As 
he  was  a  son  of  Ocnus,  in  the  sense  of  being  a  Peru- 
gian,  he  is  often  confounded  with  Ocnus,  one  of  the 
reputed  founders  of  Perugia,  and  Ocnus  is  conse- 
quently said  to  have  done  that,  which  the  colony  of 
Ocnus  achieved  under  Bianor.  He  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Etruscan  princes. 
Virgil  *  says  that  he  was  buried  between  Mantua 
and  the  little  town  of  Andes,  and  that  his  sepulchre 
was  visible  even  in  his  (the  poet's)  day.  Bianor, 
iu  the  usual  eastern  phraseology  of  the  Tuscans, 
is  called  tlie  son  of  Tiberis,  and  of  Manto  the 
daughter  of  Tiresias.  In  other  words,  Bianor  came 
from  the  Tiber,  the  beautiful  river  of  Perugia;  he 
was,  at  the  period  his  tomb  was  erected,  the  son  of 
^lantu ;  and  Mantu  was  the  god  of  death,  or  of  dis- 
embodied spirits,  to  the  Tiresians,  or  Tirsenians. 
Auletes  appears  also  to  have  been  a  very  ancient 
and  powerful  king  of  Mantua,t  as  he  is  represented 
heading  the  troops  of  the  Benacus  and  the  Mincio, 
and  joining  his  brethren  with  one  hundred  ships. 

Virgil:|:  mentions  the  mixture  of  races  in  the 
Senate  of  Mantua;  and  it  is  superfluous  to  dilate 
upon  the  necessary  and  all  but  obligatory  mixture  of 
the  Uiubri  with  the  Tusci,  in  all  the  new  cities  which 
were  founded  iu  their  unconquered  land ;  and 
throughout  every  apportioned  district  which  was 
measured  off  in  their  allied  and  friendly  territory. 

*  Eclogue  ix.  t  ^n.  x.  207. 

X  Servius  on  Mn.  x.  201. 


I 


358 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


CIVILlZATfON    OF    UMBRIA. 


359 


All  the  north,  which  had  been  Umbrian,  was  hence- 
forward considered   llasenan  or  Rhcetian,  and  the 
old  native  rulers  must  have  shared  equally  with  the 
new  governors,  and,  it  may  be,  were  even  alternate 
with  the  kings ;  for  where  raarriage  was  lawful  be- 
tween the  houses,  and  the  laws,  religion,  and  civiliza- 
tion were  wholly  Tuscan,  we  can  easily  perceive  that 
the  name  of  Umbrian  would  quickly  merge  into  that 
of  the  dominating  power.      Miiller*  says,  that  a 
great  many  small  towns  in  Rhcetia,  bore  the  same 
names  as  those  in  Umbria  Proper,  in  Etruria,  and  in 
Etruscan  Campania  ;   such  as  Acerra,  Laus  Pom- 
peja,  and  Vulturnia,  all  near  Cremona,  and  noticed 
by  Cluverius. 

Ravennaf  was  one  of  the  great  northern  Tuscan 
cities,  which  remained  to  the  Rasena  and  the  Urabri, 
and  was  not  conquered  by  the  Gauls.  Pliny  says,  that 
all  the  Padusland,  without  any  exception,  as  far  north 
as  the  Alps,  was  Umbrian  ;  and  Livy,  that  it  all  be- 
came  Tuscan,  excepting  a  small  portion  round  the 
head  of  the  sea,  belonging  to  the  Veneti,  afterwards 
the  republic  of  Venice.  These  Veneti  may  have  been, 
like  the  Siculi,  straggling  colonists  from  Ulyria,  who 
had  not  strength  to  push  themselves  further  south- 
ward ;  but  Niebuhr  thinks  that  they  also  were  Etrus- 
cans, or  at  least,  that  their  country  was  included  in 
the  Etruscan  dominion,  and  that  we  do  not  hear  of 
them  as  united  with  the  others,  because  they  were 
cut  off  from  the  main  body  by  the  Gauls.  It  is 
most  likely  that  they  were  Etrusci,  Umbri,  and 
♦  Etnisker  Einl.  iii.  3.  f  Miiller  Ein.  iu.  4. 

10 


Siculi,  all  mixed  together  in  different  proportions, 
but  tiie  two  last  greatly  preponderating,  possessed 
of  no  large  city  in  their  territory,  and  being  under 
the  rule  of  no  great  family ;  and  therefore,  after 
the  dreadful  revolution  occasioned  by  the  Gauls, 
they  were  allowed  to  remain  quiet  and  forgotten. 
Tliey  present  all  the  marked  features  of  the  native, 
unimproved  Sikelean  character.  They  were  neither 
military  nor  maritime,  neither  savage  nor  polite. 
They  neither  injured  others,  nor  appear  themselves 
to  have  been  injured.  They  existed  in  the  same 
locality  through  a  long  succession  of  ages,  and  ma- 
naged during  the  whole  time,  to  maintain  themselves 
in  honourable  peace,  and  most  respectable  insignifi- 
cance. 

We  presume  these  Rhcetian  colonies  to  have  been 
founded  at  least  1090  b.  c,  about  one  hundred  years 
after  the  full  and  quiet  settlement  of  Etruria  Pro- 
per, which  would  leave  time  for  those  rock-girt 
cities,  that  could  not  safely  enlarge  their  boun- 
daries, to  become  over  peopled,  and  also  for  the 
improvers  of  the  ground  by  water  husbandry,  (i.  e. 
draining  and  irrigation,)  to  cast  a  wistful  eye  upon 
the  luxuriant  but  useless  meadows  of  the  Po. 
Here  the  Tuscans  directly  commenced  operations, 
with  their  characteristic  vigour  and  perseverance, 
on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  in  an  enduring  manner ; 
yet  here,  again,  we  have  no  tradition  of  sighs  and 
groans ;  no  oppression  of  Umbri,  or  Sikeli,  or  en- 
slaved Pelasgi;  no  sacrifices  to  Saturn  or  to  Mantu; 
and  no  hecatombs  of  their  brother  men.     It  was  the 


360 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    UMBRIA. 


361 


Tuscans  who  laboured  in  these  works,  rather  than 
the  Tuscan  slaves;  though,  without  doubt,  the  slave 
helped  his  master.  Nowhere  in  Europe  have  we 
parallel  works,  except  in  Holland,  the  freest  and  the 
most  unconquerable  of  lands. 

In  Rhoetian  and  Padusian  Etruria  we  find  no 
tunnels,  because  sagacity  did  not  there  counsel  their 
construction,  nor  did  prudence  and  foresight  re- 
quire that  the  mountains  should  be  bored  through, 
for  the  plains  of  the  Po  were  enough  and  to  spare. 
The  Rasena  accordingly,  raised  ditch  banks  (if  we 
may  be  allowed  such  an  expression)  along  the  sides 
of  the  river,  managed  its  waters  so  as  either  to  drain, 
to  irrigate,  or  to  flood,  and  made  it  their  mightiest 
defence  against  their  foes,  and  the  most  powerful 
benefactor  to  themselves.  They  conducted  its 
stream  through  the  lake  Comacchio  ;  and  thence 
by  seven  canals,  known  as  the  "  Fossae  Filistinae," 
into  the  sea,  at  the  point  now  called  Brondoio. 
They  turned  the  swampy  and  unhealthy  Milanese 
into  a  well-watered  land,  "  like  the  garden  of  the 
Lord,  like  Egypt."  They  restrained  the  sea  itself, 
and  formed  the  harbour  of  Adria,  now  destroyed  : 
and  in  short  it  is  not  for  an  unlearned  person  to 
undertake  to  describe,  the  immensity  and  variety  of 
their  works,  the  very  traces,  remains,  and  ruins 
of  which,  are  filling  the  learned  and  scientific  at 
this  day,  with  inexpressible  wonder  and  admiration. 
The  ports  of  Adria  and  Spina,  so  early  as  the  time 
of  Hesiod,  sent  ships  into  Greece,  even  the  vessels  of 
"  the  mighty  Tyrseni,  who  lived  in  the  days  of  the 


demi-gods;"*  and  they  carried  thither,  amongst 
other  things,  amber,  called  by  Hesiod  and  Homer 
elektruni,  which  the  Greeks  referred  to  a  port  of  the 
Eridanus,  i.  e.  Spina,  and  believed  to  be  the  gum  of 
a  tree  which  grew  upon  the  banks  of  the  Padus,  a 
river  of  these  same  Tyrseni.  Theopompus  says, 
that  the  Greeks  procured  tin  also  from  the  Tyrseni, 
which  came  from  an  island  in  the  Eridanus,  or  Po. 
It  is  supposed  that  the  Tyrseni  received  this  tin  at 
Marsiglia,  and  shipped  it  from  Greece,  for  Atria 
or  Spina.f 

We  are  almost  afraid  of  being  accused  of  substi- 
tuting some  fairy  tale  for  history,  when  we  state, 
what  is  evidenced  to  us  by  the  Tyrsenian  commerce 
in  aiuher  more  than  900  years  b.  c,  and  when  we 
do  so  without  stopping  at  this  place,  to  demonstrate 
each  fact  from  ancient  authorities.  It  proves  to  us 
that  the  Tyrseni,  had  not  only  colonized  as  far  as 
the  Alps,  but  had  crossed  them  in  their  insatiable 
spirit  of  adventure  ;  that  they  had  traversed  Ger- 
many, (Mliller  thinks  through  Pannonia,)  in  the 
character  of  merchants,  managing  to  keep  peace 
with  all  the  tribes,  the  Boii,  the  Catti,  and  the  Angli, 
through  whom  they  passed ;  and  that  they  had 
reached  its  utmost  bounds,  even  upon  the  shores  of 
the  Sarmatian  sea,J  whence  in  those  remote  ages, 
they  brought  their  precious  gum.  In  the  chapter 
upon  the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  Tuscans,  we  shall 
return  to  the  "  sacred  road,"  which  was  the  name 

*  Thucyd.  f  See  Muller  on  Tuscan  trade. 

X  Sarmatian  or  Sinus  Codonus. 


362 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OP   UMBRIA. 


363 


given  to  the  Tursenian  highway,  that  crossed  from 
the  Alps  to  the  Baltic. 
Connth  It  may  not  be  uninteresting  here  to  remark,  as  it 
H.', .'  follows  in  order  of  chronology,  that  Corinth,  for- 
merly  Ejjhyra,  with  which  Tarquinia  traded  largely, 
was  founded  in  1074  b.  c.  by  Aletes,  who  conquered 
the  town,  and  changed  its  name.  It  henceforward, 
according  to  Strabo,  became  the  emporium  between 
Asia  and  Italy.  It  liad  all  the  trade  of  Greece  in  its 
power,  and  Thucydides  says,  was  wealthy  even  in 
the  days  of  Homer,  from  the  commerce  of  its  inha- 
bitants; and  it  is  mentioned  as  wealthy  by  the 
prince  of  poets  himself.*  Its  two  great  colonies 
were  Syracuse  in  Sicily,  founded  732  b.  c,  about 
twenty  years  later  than  Rome;  and  Corcyra,  now 
Corfu,  in  the  Egean  Sea,  thirty  years  later,  in  703 
B.  c.  The  inhabitants,  with  whom  the  Corinthians 
united  themselves  in  Corcyra,  were  Pelasgi  or 
Egyptians,  from  Colchis,  who  had  settled  there 
some  centuries  earlier. 
Greeks  In  1060  B.  c,  exactly  127  years  after  the  settle- 
n"A.  ment  of  Etruria  Proper  by  Tarchun,  the  first  Greeks 
entered  Southern  Italy,  subsequently,  as  we  believe, 
to  the  colonization  of  Rhoeotia.  In  this  year  a 
very  few  families,  probably  blown  by  contrary  winds 
and  in  distress,  arrived  at  a  spot  ten  miles  north 
of  the  present  town  of  Naples,  and  built  a  village 
which  they  called  Cuma,t  whence  some  authors  be- 
lieve them  to  have  come  from  Cuma,  the  capital 

*  Iliad,  ii.  570. 

t  Ihucyd.  vi.       Livy,  viii.      Dion.  vii.  419. 

8 


! 


city  of  Eolis  ;  whilst  others  say  that  they  came  from 
Chalcis  in  Euboea,  and  had  probably  intended  to  set- 
tle in  some  of  the  Ionian  Islands.  Pliny  always 
calls  them  Chalcidian.  They  were  joined  by  but 
few  of  their  countrymen  for  many  ages,  and  made 
a  most  inconsiderable  progress  in  Italy,  being,  as 
Miiller*  thinks,  prevented  from  extending  them- 
selves, by  the  Tuscans.  In  the  course  of  300  years, 
about  the  epoch  of  Rome,  they  ventured  to  send  out 
a  colony,  which  founded  Zancle,t  now  Messina,  in 
Sicily.  Before  that  time,  they  had  only  crept  a  few 
miles  along  the  shore,  and  founded  Dicearchia, 
Naples,  or  Palepolis  and  Neapolis,  and  Pithecusa, 
Their  countrymen,  who  followed  them  in  small  and 
timorous  companies,  did  not  feel  inclined  to  venture 
even  so  far  as  they  had  done,  and  kept  to  the  little 
islands  of  Ischia,  Capri,  Procida,  and  Nisida,  in  the 
Ray  of  Naples. 

We  may  judge  how  circumscribed  the  Curaeans 
were,  from  the  testimony  of  the  Greeks  themselves. 
Sophocles  calls  the  Lake  Avernus,  in  their  imme- 
diate neighbourhood,  Tursenian  ;  and,  in  the  Drama 
of  Triptolemus,  he  says,  that  between  CEnotria,  i.  e. 
South  Italy,  and  Ligustica,  now  Genoa,  there  was 
nothing  but  the  dominion  of  the  Tursenians.  Pau- 
saniasj  calls  Dicearchia,  Tursenian  ;  Stephanus  says, 
that  the  Turseni  were  masters  of  Puteoli  ;§  and 
Dion.  Hal.||  tells  us  that  Umbri  and  Etrusci  formed 
part  of  the  population  of  Cuma  itself;  whilst  Poly- 

*  i.  4.  t  Thucyd.  vi.  X  iv.  and  viii, 

§  Vide  Pliny.  ||  viii. 

R  2 


364 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


bius  *  who  doubts  and  depreciates  the  power  of  the 
Etruscans,  yet  gives  as  part  of  their  territory  the 
Phlesrean  fields  described  bv  Homer. 

The  Greek  colonies  from  Asia  Minor  first  settled 
in  Sicily,  at  a  considerably  later  period,  and  they 
did  not  come  in  any  numbers  even  into  that  part  of 
Italy,  which  from  them  was  termed  MAGNA  GRE- 
CIA,  until  the  tenth  century  b.  c.  We  cannot  but 
think  that  Hindostan  might  with  far  more  propriety 
be  called  "  Magna  Anglia,"  than  Southern  Italy 
**  Ma^na  Grecia,*'  as  the  Greeks  nowhere,  and  at 
no  time,  spread  themselves  inland  :  and  never  civi- 
lized the  native  Italians  or  Siculi,  who  continued 
to  occupy  their  country  as  before,  only  removing  a 
little  further  from  the  sea,  and  there  enjoying,  with- 
out interruption  or  change,  their  pristine  rudeness. 
When  we  look  at  Magna  Grecia  in  a  map,  we  fancy 
it  to  have  been  a  paradise,  with  a  people  revelling 
and  luxuriating  in  all  the  elegancies  of  life;  but, 
when  we  come  to  analyse  it,  we  find  that  the  whole 
of  the  interior,  where  civilized,  was  occupied  by  the 
Tuscans,  and  that,  where  not  occupied  by  them,  it 
either  degenerated  into  barbarism,  or  sunk  into  insig- 
nificance.  We  read  upon  the  Magna  Grecian  coins, 
to  our  amazement,  Oscan  words  upon  the  one  side 
and  Greek  upon  the  other  ;  so  written,  in  order  that 
they  might  pass  current  and  be  understood  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  shore.  And  the  more  we  exa- 
mine into  the  subject,  the  more  does  truth  force  us 
to  confess,  that  the  Greeks  traded   gladly  and  con- 

*  ii.  17. 


CIVILIZATION    OF   UMBRIA. 


3(j5 


stantly  with  those  whom  they  found  in  Italy,  natives 
in  all  points,  equal,  or  superior  to  themselves,  and 

(also  with  all  the  various  towns  in  Italy,  Sicily,  and 
Grecia  Proper,  of  their  own  blood  ;  but  that  we  can 
nowhere  trace  them  as  being,  either  by  accident  or 
interest,  the  civilizers  of  any  rude  tribe  of  the  native 
Italians.  The  Greeks  were  most  apt  to  learn,  most 
elegant  and  fanciful  to  improve,  but  they  were  not 
patient  to  teach,  and  they  had  no  romantic  ideas, 
when  they  came  to  colonize  in  Hesperia  of  benefit- 
in"-  any  but  themselves. 


I 


I 


y 


ii 


;■■ 


366 


COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL    ITALY. 


367 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL    ITALY. 

B.  c.        We   now    come   to   the  civilization  and    coloiii- 

XII 

&  xj.  zation  of  the  rest  of  Italy,  and  to  the  overwhelmin<y 
c«NT.  influence  which  Etruria,  naturally  and  necessarily 
exercised  upon  the  Central  Italian  tribes.  We  have 
already  shown  that  from  the  Alps  down  to  42^*' 
N.  Lat.,  i.  e.  to  Reati,  almost  the  whole  land  be- 
longed to  the  Rasena.and  to  their  allies  the  Umbri. 
But  south  of  this,  we  meet  with  nations  who,  though 
governed  by  them,  and  inhabiting  the  country  with 
them,  were  always  distinguished  from  them  ;  we 
mean  the  Sabines,  the  Latins,  and  their  numerous 
offsets.  Micali,  in  his  "  Popoli  d'ltalia,"  proves 
that  every  one  of  the  tribes  of  Italy  came  from  the 
same  stock,  that  is,  the  Sikeli,  whom  Niebuhr  calls 
Itali,  or  Osci,  which  is  the  same  with  the  Ausoni,  or 
the  dwellers  in  the  south  land.  Hence  these  people 
are  called  Oscans,  Opicans,  Auruncians,  CEnotrians, 
Italians,  and  Sikelians,   each  signifying   the  same 


thinsr,  as  is  well  known  to  those  who  have  studied 
this  matter;  and  the  wearisome  names  of  the  differ- 
ent tribes,  some  of  whose  territories  did  not  exceed  a 
highland  estate,  only  signify  the  designations  of  their 
leaders,  or  the  localities  in  which  they  settled,  or  the 
various  bands  in  which  they  colonised. 

If  we  cast  our  eyes  over  a  map  of  ancient  Italy, 
Nve  shall  find  its  chief  divisions  southwards,  to  consist 
of  Sabina,  Latium,  Samnium,  Campania,  Lucania, 
Bruzzi,  and   Apulia,  (besides  Magna   Grecia,)  and 
every  one  of  these   tribes  was  an  offset   from  the 
other,  according    to  Festus   and   Servius ;    chiefly 
through  the  observance  of  the  Sacred  Spring,  an  in- 
stitution introduced  by  the  Rasena.     According  to 
the  rules  of  this  system  of  migration,  each  colony 
went  forth  with  its  Augur,  as  a  religious  and  peace- 
ful settlement,  and  consequently  was  received,  not 
only  without  dislike  or  terror,  but  as  a  holy  thing, 
by  the  original  Sikeli,  whose  uncultivated  lands  they 
came  to  till,  and  whose  thinly  peopled  districts  they 

helped  to  occupy. 

First  among  these  colonies,  we  find  the  Sabines.  Sabines. 
We  have  already  said,  that  when  Tarchun  entered 
Italy,  Reati,  commonly  called  the  stronghold  of  the 
Sabines,  was,  according  to  Zenodotus  of  Trezene,  the 
chief  town  of  the  Umbri.  A  colony  of  these  Umbri, 
Zenodotus  says,  left  Reati  (very  possibly  immediately 
after  the  union  of  the  Umbri  with  the  Tuscans,)  and 
wandering  further  south,  they  built  Cures,  now 
Correse,*  a  large  unwalled  village,  where  their 
chiefs  met  every  year  for  council,  in  imitation  of  the 

♦  Gell. 


I 


368 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


Etruscan   Voltumna,  and  where   their   ceremonies 
were  commenced  by  raising  a  spear*     The  marked 
difference  between   the  Sabines   and    their   parent 
Umbri,  seems  to  have  consisted  in  a  more  resolute 
love  of  their   ancient  customs,  and   a  less  patient 
tolerance  of  strangers,  even  though  these  strangers 
might  be  benefactors.     Whilst  the   Umbri  gladly 
learnt  to  wall  and  fortify  their  towns,  to  go  forth 
to   battle,   and    to    share    in  booty    with    the    Ra- 
sena;  whilst  they  worshipped  at  the  same  shrine, 
and  voted  in  the  same  Senate  ;   the  Sabines  would 
have  no  walled  towns,  and  shared  in  none  of  their 
expeditions.      They   made  a  league  offensive  and 
defensive  with  the  victorious  Turrheni.     "  Neither 
attacked    the   other,  nor  suffered    the  other  to   be 
attacked;"  but   they  did   not   colonize  with   them, 
and  they  seem  to  have  had  no  wish  so  much  at 
heart,  as  to  live  with  them  in   peace,  whilst  they 
continued  to  observe  amongst  themselves  the  old 
customs  of  their  forefathers.     They   were  agricul- 
tural as  well  as  pastoral,  yet  we  do  not  find  in  their 
country,  the  great  drains  or  tunnels  of  the  Etrus- 
cans ;  and  they  were  not  commercial,  and  therefore 
were  behind  their  neighbours  in  the  luxuries  and 
refinements  of  life. 

It  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  Rasena  that  they 
never  attacked  the  Sabines,  nor  interfered  with  their 
order  of  government,  as  nothing  could  have  been 
more  easy  for  them,  than  to  have  burnt  the  unwalled 
villages,  overrun  the  country,  built   forts   amongst 

♦  Dion.  Hal.  says  on  this  head  "  Umbri,  mutatoque  cum 
sedibus  nomine,  Sabinos  fuisse  appellatos. 


COLONIZATION    OF    CENTRAL    ITALY. 


369 


them,  and  forced  them  to  become  tributary.  But  his- 
tory lias  no  such  tradition,  nor  does  it  ever  record  of 
the  Rasena  such  a  breach  of  public  faith.  The  Sabines 
adopted  much  of  their  civilization,  received  their  let- 
ters, numbers,  weights  and  measures,  their  order  of 
buttle,  manner  of  burial,  and  style  of  dress,  but  did  not 
adopt  their  many  images,  nor  accept  of  the  laws  of 
Tages,  nor  establish  their  manufactures,  nor  imitate 
their  buildings.  Except,  however,  in  these  particu- 
lars, the  influence  of  Etruria  upon  Sabina  appears  to 
have  been  most  powerful.  Plutarch  tells  us  that 
Numa  the  Sabine,  honoured  the  laws  and  institutions 
of  Janus  (or  Tarchun,)  he  therefore  knew  and  had 
studied  them.  The  Sabine  great  gods  were  Jupiter 
and  Juno  Cures — their  demi-god  and  genius  Sancus, 
whom  Varro  makes  to  be  Hercules,  but  he  was 
most  probably  no  other  than  Janus  with  the  club, 
and  the  Ancient  History  says,  that  he  was  derived  to 
the  Sabines  either  from  Etruria  or  from  Umbria. 
St.  Augustiu*  asserts,  that  the  government,  laws, 
arts,  manners,  and  religion  of  Sabines,  were  the 
same  with  the  Etruscan.  An  assertion  that  must, 
however,  be  taken  with  many  limitations. 

The  country  of  Siibina,  is  perhaps  at  this  moment, 
better  known  to  the  peasantry  than  to  the  aristocracy 
of  Rome.  In  the  minds  of  the  people,  it  still  remains, 
bordering  upon  the  Eternal  City,  but  quite  apart  from 
it ;  and  the  arms  and  ornaments,  vases,  bronzes  and 
sarcophagi,  found  in  the  sepulchres  of  Sabina,  are 
so  similar  to  those  of  Etruria,  as  only  to  be  distin- 

•  Di  Civitat.  Dei  xxiii.  19- 

B   5 


370 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


guisbed  by  tbeir  locality,  as  may  be  seen  in  the 
interesting  work,  and  yet  more  interesting  museum 
of  the  Cavaliere  Campana  in  Rome. 

The  Sabines  seem  to  have  multiplied  fast,  and  to 
haveenduredmany  faminesor  other  calamities,  which 
occasioned  them  with  great  frequency  to  observe  the 
sacred  spring.  It  is  in  this  way,  that  they  sent  forth 
the  Piceni,  the  original  Latins,*  the  Rutuli,  Hernici, 
Equi,  Volsci,  Marsi,  Campanians,  and  above  all,  the 
Samnites,  a  fierce  and  warlike  race,  who  became 
the  stock  of  Southern  Italy,  and  who  were  in  most 
characteristics,  very  unlike  their  progenitors.  Co- 
lonies,  as  we  have  said  before,  take  with  them  to 
their  new  homes,  not  only  the  education  thev  have 
received  from  their  immediate  ancestors,  but  a  deve- 
lopement  of  natural  disposition  under  new  circum- 
stances,  which  must  proceed  from  themselves.  Tliese 
colonies  all  consisted  of  men  who  had  been  in  a 
greater  or  le^s  degree,  under  Etruscan  influence,  and 
who  went  out  with  that  education,  to  fix  themselves 
amongst  the  uneducated  of  their  own  race,  (the  Si- 
keh,)  who  were  spread,  or  rather  who  had  been  dis- 
persed  through  the  land  before  them. 

When  the  sacred  colonies  left  their  native  soil, 
they  were  glad  to  catch  at  omens,  as  signifying  the 

S.m  "^'^  ""^  ^^'"^  ^""^^^  whither  they  should  direct  their 
steps,  and  the  Samnites  are  said  to  have  been  con- 
ducted by  a  bull  to  the  territory  they  afterwards  oc- 
cupied  amongst  the  Osci.  This  bull  tliey  very 
properly  stamped    upon   their   coins,  in   token  of 

*  Prisci  Latini. 


nites. 


COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL   ITALY. 


371 


gratitude  for  the  excellent  pastures  to  which  he 
had  led  them.  They  went  in  three  bands,  and  the 
third  band  passed  the  Silaris  and  originated 
the  Lucani.*  Whilst  some  divisions  of  the  Sam- 
nites dwelt  in  villages  like  the  Sabines ;  others  took 
a  bolder  flight  and  built  cities  with  walls  and  towers, 
having  Forums,  Curiae,  Comitia,  and  magistrates, 
and  each  of  these  more  polished  states  had  its  own  in- 
ternal government,  subject  to  a  general  diet  modelled 
from  the  Etruscan.  The  warlike  pomp  of  the  Sam- 
nites was  carried  even  further  than  that  of  the  rest 
of  Etruscanized  Italy.  They  wore  mantles  of  the 
most  beautiful  colours,  and  like  the  Syrians  of  Zobah 
mentioned  in  the  book  of  Samuel,t  their  resplendent 
shields  were  inlaid  with  gold  and  silver. 

Of  all  the  Sabine  colonies,  the  one  most  interesting  Latins, 
to  us,  and  next  to  the  Umbri,  the  most  influenced  by 
Etriiria,and  the  most  mingled  with  the  Etruscans,  was 
the  Latin,  including  besides  Latium,tlie  Volsci,  Equi, 
Rutuli,  and  Hernici.  Latium  Proper  was  no  very 
splendid  domain,  being  circumscribed  between  the 
Sabines  and  the  Rutuli,  and  comprising,  according 
to  Cluverius,  a  district  of  only  thirty-five  miles  by 
twenty,  from  Tibur  now  Tivoli,  to  the  sea ;  and  from 
Ostia  to  the  Mount  Albanus  or  Monte  Cavo,  in 
which  space  all  the  land  about  Laurentum,  Ardea, 
Anxiuin,  and  Lavinium,  is  described  by  Virgil  and 
Strabo  as  full  of  marshes. 

Nothing  shows  us  more  strikingly, 

"  How  great  events  from  smallest  causes  spring," 

*  Plin.  t  2  Sam.  viii.  7. 


372 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


COLONIZATION   OF   CENTRA.L    ITALY. 


373 


tTian  that  all  these  places  should  acquire  importance 
and  Latium  itself  be  kept  in  remembrance  by  the  pre- 
eminent success  of  one  small  town,  within  its  limits 
which  rose  like  a  grain  of  mustard-seed,  compared  with 
the  long  established  and  wealthycitiesof  the  Rasena. 
The  Latins  are  supposed   to  have  been  Sabines 
from  Mount  Velinus  *  who  united  with  the  Siculi 
and    Pelasgi,  and   who  were  conquered  in  various 
degrees,t  and  at  various  times,  by  the  Turrheni. 
Laurentum,  according  to  Virgil,  was  the  cradle  of 
the  Latin  kings,  and  Lanuviura  was  the  citv  next  to 
it,  in  age  and  dignity,  and  botli  were  probably  small, 
though  strongly   walled  and   fortified.     Lanuvium, 
according  to  the  manner  of  the  Etruscans,   with 
whom  vowels  were  indifferent,  was  often  spelt  Lani- 
vium, whence  LaviniumJ  the  name  it  now  bears;  and 
to  it  rather  than  to  Lavinia,  Mil  Her  attributes  the 
founding  of  Alba,  one  of  the  most  interesting  cities 
in   Italy.     Whichever  of  these   two  towns  we  mav 
prefer,  whether  Pratica,  the  old  Lavinia,  or  Lanu- 
vium,  which  assumed  the  name  of  Lavinium  in  later 
times,  one  of  them  was  undoubtedly  the  mother  of 
Alba,  and  the  daughter  of  Laurentum.     This  Lavi- 
nia, according  to  Livy,  was  founded  in  the  year  b.  c. 
1083,  a  century  after  the  union  of  Umbria  and  Tur- 
rhenia,  and  thirty  years  before  the  colony  which  she 
sent  forth  to  establish  Alba  upon  the  Mount  Cavo. 
j^^^_      Lanuvium  or  Lanivium  gives  very  striking  evi- 
vium.  dances  of  Etruscan  civilization,  and  of  her  princes 
having  once  been  the  sons  of  Veii,  Faliscii,  or  some 
•  Cell.  -t  See  Niebuhr.  X  GeU. 


nei'^hbourinar  and  Turrhene  state.  Lanivium  was  a 
walled  and  fortified  city,  boasting  a  theatre,  an  amphi- 
theatre, and  a  temple  of  the  square  Tuscan  form,  with 
pillars  in  front,  dedicated  to  Juno  Sospita,  i.e.  as  Livy* 
tells  us,  to  Juno  with  the  spear,  like  the  Argive  or 
Lybian  Juno,  with  the  attributes  of  Minerva.  Her 
statue  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Vatican.  The  town 
or  this  temple  contained  paintings,  according  to  Pliny, 
older  than  Rome,  similar  in  style  to  those  of  Caere  and 
ofArdea.  Lavinia  or  Lanuvia,  along  with  twenty- 
nine  other  towns  and  villages,  sent  out  each,  ten  fami- 
lies to  build  Alba,  under  the  command  of  Silvius  of 
Lavinia,  who  was  their  captain  and  prince.  These 
families,  from  thirty  different  towns,  will  easily  ac- 
count for  the  original  tradition,  that  Alba  was  the 
mother  of  thirty  colonies,  and  that  these  thirty 
colonies  met  every  year,  to  celebrate  their  common 
origin,  at  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Latialis  ;  for  this 
would  have  been  true,  had  none  but  the  Senators  of 
Alba  assembled  there.  In  process  of  time,  this  tra- 
dition was  confused,  by  adding  to  it  the  modern 
idea  of  colonies,  as  meaning  emigrations  from  the 
city  itself,  of  which  sort  Rome  was  the  youngest, 
and  in  ail  likelihood  the  tenth. 

Alba  was  built,  according  to  Livy,  only  300  years 
before  Rome  ;  and  deputies  from  thirty  cities  of  the 
Latins  met  here  every  year,  to  sacrifice  and  to  keep  a 
feast  of  union,  like  those  of  the  Rasena  at  the  fane 
of  Voltumna.  Here  also  the  alliesof  the  Latins  joined 
with  them,  as  we  find  from  mention  being  made  in 

*  xxi.  62. 


374 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Livy  of  the  Sabines  from  Amiternuni  *  The  sacred 
place  of  assembly  was  the  great  Temple  of  Jupiter 
Latialis,  which  antiquarians  now  affirm  to  have 
been  constructed  in  the  Etruscan  form,  and  after 
the  Etruscan  manner.  We  suppose,  therefore, 
without  venturing  to  assert  what  we  have  not  ex- 
amined, that  it  was  a  square  building  with  columns, 
erected  in  honour  of  the  Triad,  and  that  its  archi-' 
tecture  was  the  same  with  that  of  the  Temple  of 
Jupiter  Capitolinus  at  Rome. 

We  have  some  reason  to  think  that  thirty  years, 
the  space  between  Alba  and  Lavinia,  was  the  usual 
date  of  an  Italian  colony  in  time  of  peace.     It  is  the 
period  of  a  generation,  when  a  young  population  usu- 
ally  doubles  itself,  and  when  a  walled  city  must  throw 
off  its  swarm,  to  seek  another  hive.  In  this  case,  Alba 
might  send  out  ten  colonies  in  300  years ;  and  we 
know  the  names  of  more  than  ten  cities,  which  have 
their  origin  attributed  to  her ;  but  the  idea  of  any 
town  sending  out  a  fresh  colony  every  ten  years  is 
surely  absurd,  excepting  in  so  far  as  the  colonies  of 
the  ten  first  might  again  be  referred  to  the  same 
original.     Alba,  as  soon  as  she  became  the  metro- 
polis of  the  Latins,  would  naturally  be  translated  as 
the   mother  of  them   all  ;  and  as  naturally  would 
her   daughter  cities,  in  the  sense  of  those  who  ac- 
knowledged   her   headship,  be  called  her  colonies. 
Each  of  these  cities  had   their  own  senates,  their 
own  princes,  and  their  own   independent  govern- 
ments, and  Alba  was  no  further  superior,  excepting 

*  See  Gell. 


COLONIZATION   OP   CENTRAL    ITALY. 


375 


as  the  place  of  the  common  diet,  and  in  so  far  as 
her  princes  might,  more  frequently  than  others,  be 
chosen  to  head  the  Latin  league.  It  is  for  this 
reason,  that  we  are  acquainted  with  the  names  of  so 
few  amongst  her  sovereigns,  and  that  we,  whose 
notions  of  colonies  and  metropolis  is  so  different 
from  the  old  Italian,  cannot  comprehend  how  Ga- 
bii,  and  Preneste,  and  Ardea,  and  Antium,  and 
others,  should  be  fighting  their  own  battles,  and 
making  their  own  terms  of  peace  with  perfect  inde- 
pendence ;  and  choosing  their  own  allies,  and  some- 
times attending  the  Alban  meetings,  and  sometimes 
not,  as  if  Alba  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with 
them. 

As  we  have,  in  no  author,  an  enumeration  of  the  Alba. 
twelve  united  Etruscan  dynasties,  so  we  have  in 
none,  a  list  of  the  thirty  Latin  cities,  which  used  to 
celebrate  a  common  origin  upon  the  Mons  Albanus. 
Their  youngest  metropolis  was  Alba,  most  beauti- 
fully situated  upon  the  shores  of  a  large  volcanic 
lake,  whose  waters  at  that  time,  stood  200  feet 
higher*  than  the  present  level ;  and  the  city,  the 
ruins  of  which  may  still  be  seen,  was  a  mile  long, 
the  walls  being  built  of  large  quadrilateral  blocks  of 
stone,  and  the  citadel,  as  usual,  placed  upon  the 
highest  point,  which  was  an  eminence  at  one  end. 
Two  of  the  gates,  namely,  the  Tusculan  and  the 
Lavinian,may  still  be  traced.  It  had  many  temples, 
as  we  have  already  mentioned,  dedicated  chiefly  to' 
tlie  Tuscan  gods  ;   and  it  claimed  as  its  pride  the 

*  Gell.     Livy. 


376 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


grand  Temple  of  Jupiter  Latialis,  which,  as  it 
towered  above  it  on  the  summit  of  the  mountain, 
was  probably  visible  from  every  point  of  Latiura,  so 
as  originally  to  have  conveyed  the  idea  that  the 
Divine  Eye  was  continually  upon  that  country. 

The  Latins,  as  we  have  said,  were  Sabines,  Sikeli, 
and  Pclasgi,  civilized  and  often  ruled  by  Etruscans. 
Of  this,  their  language  is  the  certain  evidence,  the 
basis  of  it  being  Oscan,  its  terms  for  common  and 
sordid  employments  Greek,  and  its  words  of  com- 
mand, especially  for  war  and  hunting,  taken  from 
the  Rasena.*  The  Greek  and  Tuscan  roots  hold  the 
same  place  in  Latin,  that  the  Saxon  and  French  do  in 
English.  The  name  Alba,  "Alpum,"  is  itself  Tuscan, 
and  means  white  and  high.  It  is  probable  that  Alba 
and  its  several  colonies  were  founded  with  Etruscan 
rites,  as  we  find  them  all  with  walls,  and  gates,  and 
citadels,  and  temples;  and  the  walls  of  many,  if  not 
of  most  of  them,  were  built  with  the  quadrangular 
stones,  which  was  the  favourite  method  of  the  Tur- 
rheni.  Varro  saySjf  "  Oppida  condebant  in  Latio 
Etrusco  ritu  multa;"  or,  many  cities  in  Latium 
were  founded  with  Etruscan  rites ;  which  we  must 
suppose  to  refer  to  towns  of  name,  otherwise  an  his- 
torian would  not  have  thougrht  them  worth  his 
notice. 

Ten  of  the  cities  of  Alba,  with   the  names  of 

•  Niebuhr,  i.,  gives  the  words  for  house,  field,  plough,  oil, 
milk,  ox,  swine,  sheep,  apple,  &c.,  as  Pelasgic ;  and  Duellum, 
Ensis,  Scutum,  Hasta,  Sagitta,  &c.,  as  Tuscan. 

'^  Lib.  iv. 


COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL   ITALY. 


377 


which  we  are  acquainted,  are  Rome,  the  youngest 
of  them  all;  Mugilla,  and  Politorium,  on  the  Alban 
River,  which  are  probably  the  oldest;  Bovilla,=* 
Preneste,  Tibur,  Gabii,  Nomentum,  Crustumerium, 
and  Fidene.  These  three  last  are  said  to  have  been 
foundedf  by  three  brothers,  meaning  by  the  expres- 
sion, very  possibly,  three  brother  nations,  i.  e.  the  La- 
tins, Sabines,  and  Tuscans.  And,  indeed,  whilst  the 
two  first  towns  were  both  Latin  and  Sabine,  the  third, 
Fidene,  is  ascribed  by  different  authors  to  each  of  the 
tribes ;  and  Dionysius  makes  it  Alban,  conquered 
from  the  Siculi,  and  in  glory  in  the  days  of  Romulus. 
LivyJ  says,  that  Fidene  was  Etruscan,  that  its  people 
did  not  understand  Latin,  and  that  it  was,  in  all 
likelihood,  founded  by  Veii.  It  was  much  connected 
with  Veii  and  Alba  together,  at  the  time  the  two 
governments  were  united. 

The  most  eminent  of  the  early  Alban  colonies  were 
Gabii,  Presneste,  and  Tibur,  all  of  them  powerful 
and  weahhy  cities,  capitals  of  their  own  small  states, 
and  each  having  four  or  five  inferior  towns  in 
dependence  upon  them.  Gabii,  on  the  borders  of  Gabii. 
Etruria,  exhibits  very  much  of  Tuscan  culture,  and 
certainly  enjoyed  Isopolity  with  the  cities  of  the 
Rasena  in  its  neighbourhood.  It  had  adopted  the 
Tuscan  dress,  for  the  Romans  took  the  Tuscan  toga 
from  Gabii.  It  was  independent,  for  it  frequently 
refused  to  join  in  the  confederation  of  all  the  other 
Latin  states ;  and  it  had  its  own  prince  and  senate, 
and  was  powerful  to  make  war  by  itself  alone,  as  we 
•  Cato.  t  Gell.  t  i.  15. 


378 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


COLONIZATION   OF   CENTRAL    ITALY. 


379 


shall  find  in  the  sequel.  It  was  strongly  fortified 
having  walls  built  of  parallel  stones  after  the  manner 
of  the  Rasena,  and  it  was  a  city  always  peculiarly 
favoured  and  protected  by  the  Etruscan  princes. 
Livy*  says,  that  when  the  Tarquinii  were  expelled 
from  Rome  they  had  two  countries  to  which  they 
might  retreat,  Caere  and  Gabii.  Pliny  tells  us  that 
it  had  a  mint  for  the  As,  graven  or  stamped,  like  the 
Etruscans,  and  that  it  used  their  letters.  The  great 
temple  of  Gabii  was  that  of  Tuscan  Juno,  or  Kupra  in 
her  warlike  Lybian  dress ;  and  this  temple  possessed 
the  Tuscan  character  of  being  built  square,  with  pillars 
in  front.f 

Gabii  had  also  a  theatre,  a  forum,  and  a  cele- 
brated college,  at  the  head  of  which  latter,  about 
the  year  760  b.  c,  was  Tanctius  the  Tuscan,  who, 
according  to  Macrobius  (i.,)  educated  the  young 
Latin  princes  Romulus  and  Remus.  Indeed,  upon 
this  head,  tradition  is  copious;  for  Plutarch, Strabo, 
Stephanus  of  Byzantium,  and  Diodes  of  Peparethus, 
all  say,  that  Romulus  and  Remus  were  sent  to  Gabii  to 
be  educated,  and  to  learn  the  polite  and  philosophic 
foreign  language,  which  was  in  their  age,  thought 
necessary  for  the  ruling  class  of  the  Italians.  This 
language  Plutarch  and  Strabo  naturally  call  Greek, 
though  we  know  from  Cato,  Cicero,J  and  Livy  ix., 
that  during  the  first  five  centuries  of  Rome,  her 
noble  youth  and  chief  citizens  were  sent  into  Etruria 
for  their  education.  Plutarch  and  Dionysius  tell 
us  that  the  religious  auguries  of  the  Gabinians  were 
*  i-  50.  t  Cell.  :  de  Div.  i. 


the  same  as  those  of  the  Tuscans,  and  that  Gabii 
taught  the  Tuscan  discipline  to  the  Sabines  and  the 

Marsi. 

Dionys.  ii.  says,  that  at  one  time,  Greek  was  bet- 
ter understood  than  Latin,  in  Gabii  and  in  many 
other  Latin  cities,  "  because  they  were  all  founded 
by  the  Greeks!"  as  a  proof  of  which,  he  states  that 
the  Romans,  in  early  ages,  employed  the  Greek  cha- 
racter. He  here  evidently  mistakes  Greek  for  Tuscan. 

Servius  says,  that  Gabii  was  a  city  of  the  Prisci 
Latini  built  by  Alba ;  Strabo,  that  it  was  Greek ; 
and  Solinus,  that  it  was  a  town  of  the  Siculi  founded 
by  two  brothers,  Galatios  and  Bios ;  which  is  about 
the  same  sense  as  if  we  English  were  to  affirm  that 
Pekin  is  a  town  of  the  Tartars,  founded  by  two  bro- 
thers, Peter  and  Kinbch  !  In  sober  truth,  the  Siculi 
first  owned,  or  rather  occupied,  as  shepherds  and 
hunters,  the  lands  of  Gabii ;  the  Latins  from  Alba 
more  recently,  founded  the  town  upon  Etruscan 
models,  and  the  Tuscans  and  Latins  inhabited  it 
afterwards  together.  It  was  a  ruin  and  desolate  in 
the  days  of  Horace.  The  breath  of  Rome  was  ma- 
laria to  all  the  other  states ;  and  her  dominion  was 
death  to  theirs.* 

Tibur,  or  Tivoli,  had  very  strong  walls  built  with  Tibur. 
regular  blocks,  which  looks  as  if  the  builders  had 
been  Tuscan,  Stephanus  calls  it  an  Alban  colony; 
but,  as  his  is  the  only  authority  for  this  parentage, 
Gell  thinks  it  very  doubtful  whether  Tibur  were 
originally  Sabine  or  Latin.      Its   first   name  was 

•  Authorities:  GeU, Miiller, iii.  122,  Plut.,  Strabo,  Dionys. 


380 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL   ITALY. 


381 


Siculetum,  or  the  stronghold  of  tlie  Siculi  ;  and  its 
second  name  was  Tibur,  which  being  coupled  with 
its  ascription  to  Alba,  inclines  us  to  think  that  it 
may  have  been  built  when  the  Tuscan  king,  Dehe- 
beris  or  Tiberis,  ruled  Alba.  Solinus  viii.  makes  its 
founder  Tiburtus,  a  Greek !  who  came  over  with 
Evander,  and  who  expelled  the  Siculi !  Dionysius 
says,  that  it  was  a  town  of  the  Aborigines,  i.  e.  the 
Siculi;  and  Gell  thinks,  that  it  may  owe  its  origin 
to  Evander  the  Sabine,  who  may  have  made  it  a 
resting-place,  when  he  journeyed  forth  from  Palla- 
tium,  the  village  near  Reati,  towards  the  Tiber.  The 
Greek  founders  of  almost  all  the  towns  and  states  in 
Central  Italy,  such  as  Ausonius,  uEuotrius,  Latinus, 
Tiburtus,  &c.,  are  exactly  the  same  sort  of  persons  as 
we  might  place  in  our  histories,  if,  without  any  regard 
to  ancient  names  and  other  consistencies,  we  chose  to 
affirm  that  London,  York,  and  Lincoln,  were  founded 
by  Londonus,  Yorkius,  and  Lincolnus,  three  chiefs 
who  came  over  before  Julius  Caesar ;  or  that  Wes- 
sex  derived  its  name  from  Wessexius,  a  Roman 
general. 

Tibur  contained  a  splendid  temple  to  Hercules, 
the  Ludin  demi-god.  Pliny  does  not  name  the 
Tibertini,  in  his  enumeration  of  the  Latin  tribes  who 
sacrificed  at  the  temple  on  Mons  Albanus,  and  Gell 
thinks  that  they  were  perhaps  too  mighty  to  mingle 
on  an  equality  with  the  other  tribes,  or  to  allow  of 
the  headship  of  Alba.  But  it  was  not  the  custom  of 
the  ancient  nations  to  measure  an  acknowledgment 
of  brotherhood,  or  a  common   participation  in  the 


same  worship,  by  an  equality  of  power.  It  was  not 
upon  this  principle  that  the  Tuscan  sovereigns  subse- 
quently wished  for  the  sacrifices  of  Jupiter  to  be  made 
in  Rome,  or  for  the  meeting  of  the  Latins  to  be  held 
there  ;  hut  because  they  rather  wished  the  Great  Di- 
vinity of  the  Latins,their  Jupiter,  to  bounder  the  pro- 
tection of  Turrhenia,  which  was  in  all  probability,  his 
birthplace,  than  that  Turrhenia  in  her  Tarquinian 
colonies,  should  be  under  the  protection  of  Jupiter 
Latialis.  They  anxiously  wished  to  make  Rome 
more  Etruscan  than  Latin,  and  like  most  of  those 
who  strain  the  chain  too  tight,  they  by  this  very 
conduct,  caused  it  to  snap  asunder,  so  that  it  could 
not  be  joined  again.  Tibur,  according  to  Livy,*  had 
four  towns  dependent  upon  it,  and  contained  an 
asylum  for  the  unfortunate  slaves  and  debtors,  the 
origin  of  which  we  attribute  to  Asylas  the  Tuscan. 

Palestrina,  or  Prseneste,  we  have  reason  to  think,  Prae- 
was  a  state  and  city  even  more  powerful  than  Tibur,  "®^^**' 
for  Livyt  tells  us  it  had  no  less  than  eight  towns  in 
its  dependency,  one  of  which  was  Vitellia.  Like 
all  the  other  towns  in  the  heart  of  Italy,  it  first  be- 
longed to  the  Siculi,  and  according  to  Cato  in  Ser- 
vius,  was  founded  by  Coeculus  (Siculus),  a  robber, 
i.  e.  a  barbarian.  According  to  Gell,  the  founder 
was  Prsenestus,  a  Latin ;  but  the  plan  and  style 
of  the  place  are  Etruscan,  though  the  walls  are 
built  with  the  polygonal  masses  of  the  Pelasgi.  The 
strongly  fortified  citadel  stood  twelve  hundred  feet 
above  the  city,  and  three  of  the  ancient  gates  in  the 
♦  See  Gell.  f  vi.  22—30. 


382 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


COLONIZATION    OF   CENTRAL    ITALY. 


383 


circuit  of  the  wall  are  perfectly  traceable,  corres- 
ponding with  the  three  separate  roads,  the  via  La- 
bicana,  via  Gabina,  and  viaCollatina,  which,  accord- 
ing to  Gell,  must  have  been  in  use  before  the  founda- 
tion of  Rome.  Virgil*  supposes  Praeneste  to  have 
existed  in  the  time  of  jEneas,  and  causes  Herilus,its 
king,  to  be  slain,  defending  his  country  against  the 
Latins  of  Latium  Proper.  The  great  divinity  of 
Praeneste  was  the  Etruscan  goddess  Nortia,  or  For- 
tune, whose  temple  Cicero  says,  existed  prior  to  the 
building  of  Rome,  and  in  which  the  "  Sortes  Prae- 
nestinae'*  were  drawn.  This  temple,  Gell  says,  was 
built  of  a  square  form,  with  quadrilateral  stones,  in 
regular  courses,  and  having  six  columns  in  front. 
Livy  tells  us,  that  Praeneste,  like  Tibur,  had  its 
sacred  asylum,  and  Servius  says,  that  like  Veii  and 
Tusculum,  it  had  a  college  of  Salii  before  this  bro- 
therhood was  introduced  by  Numa  into  Rome. 

Crustu-  Crustumerium  is  now  the  green  "  Monte  Ro- 
tondo,"  near  the  "  Monte  Sacro,  situated  a  few  miles 
from  Rome.  Its  name  in  Oscan,  means  "  a  round 
knoll,"  but  the  ingenious  and  ubiquitous  Greeks  de- 
rived it  from  Clytemnestra,  a  lady  whom  they  in- 
vented, on  purpose  to  relieve  the  public  mind  from 
any  dilemma  as  to  its  founder. 

Kings.  The  names  of  the  Latin  and  Alban  kings  which 
have  come  down  to  us,  are  Capetus,  Latinus,  Sylvius, 
Julus,  Tarchetius,  Cluillius,  Numitor,  and  Aniu- 
lius.  We  have  indeed  a  list  of  thirteen  other  names 
in  Livy,  of  some  of  which  Niebuhr  remarks,  that 

♦  iEneid. 


they  are  most  clumsily  put  together,  and  that  several 
of  theui  were  quite  un-Italian.  Livy  is  said  to  have 
taken  his  list  from  Polyhistor,  a  client  of  Sylla's, 
and  to  have  added  to  them,  the  names  of  the  chief 
families,  or  the  ^' principes'  of  the  Latins,  which 
he  found  in  the  old  annals.  Now  Plutarch  gives 
from  Polyhistor,  and  from  Aristides  Milesius,  an 
anecdote  of  Anius  or  Annus,an  old  Etruscan  monarch 
who  had  a  beautiful  daughter  Salia,  with  whom 
Cathetus  or  Capetus,  one  of  his  Lucumoes  fell  in 
love,  and  as  her  father  refused  her  to  him,  Cathetus 
carried  her  off.  Capetus  fled  into  Latium,  and 
Anius  pursuing  him  was  drowned  in  crossing  a  river, 
which  after  his  name  was  called  the  Anio.  Salia  had 
two  sons,  Salius  and  Latinus;  the  one  a  governor 
of  the  Latins,  and  the  other  a  ruler  of  the  Tuscans. 

This  story,  though  a  mere  legend,  shows  that  the 
Italian  Greeks  had  traditions  amongst  them  of  the 
Latins  having  been  in  old  times,  subject  to  the 
Tuscans,  and  having  been  governed  by  Tuscan  kings. 
Salius  must  surely  have  succeeded  Morrio,and  have 
been  at  the  head  of  the  Salii  in  Veii.  How  well  this 
tradition  accords  with  the  story  of  Deheberis  of  Veii 
having  been  the  ruler  of  Alba  !  Dionysius  says  that 
Capetus,  king  of  Alba,  reigned  twenty-six  years,  and 
was  the  father  of  Deheberis.  This  name  is  La- 
tinized into  Tiberis,  and  then  made  the  same  with 
Latinus,  and  Hesiod  (Theog.)  states  that  Latinus, 
>.  e.  Tiberis,  was  a  king  of  the  Tyrseni,  or,  in  other 
words,  a  king  of  the  Rasena,  who  ruled  in  Latium. 

Sylvius,  a  native  of  Lavinia,  was  the  undoubted 


384 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


founder  of  Alba,  and  Jul  us,  not  improbably,  was 
amongst  bis  successors,  because  Bovilla  was  a  colony 
of  Alba,  and  tbe  cbief  family  of  Bovilla  was  tbe  Ju- 
lian,* tberefore  we  presume  that  Julus  was  Prince  of 
the  Bovilla  band,  when  it  went  forth  from  Alba,  and 
that  he  was  the  young  scion  of  a  great  house  there. 

Tarchetius  is  beyond  doubt,an  Etruscan  name,  and 
the  manner  of  expressing  a  Tarchunian  sovereign. 
Perhaps  he  was  some  arrogant  Lucumo  from  Tuscu- 
lum,and  it  is  not  unlikely  from  the  hatred  attached  to 
his  name,  that  he  was  haughty  and  tyrannizing,  like 
Mezentius  in  Caere,  and  Tarquinius  Superbus  after- 
wards in  Rome,  despisingall but hisownrace,and per- 
suaded that  the  world  was  made  for  his  peculiar  ser- 
vice. Plutarch  in  Romulus  tells  us  that  he  was  an  im- 
perious king,  and  was  drowned.  There  isalso  a  legend 
that  relates  concerning  another  imperious  and  wilful 
king  that  when  he  was  sacrificing  to  his  household 
gods,  Jupiter  struck  his  palace  with  lightning,  and 
that  the  rock  on  which  it  stood,  broke  off,  and  fell 
down  into  the  lake.  At  that  time,  according  to 
Livy,f  Alba  Longa  was  not  much  above  the  lake, 
and  a  river  flowed  from  it,  and  discharged  its  waters 
into  the  sea,  having  four  towns  built  upon  its  banks, 
all  afterwards  destroyed  by  Tarquin. 

King  Cluillius,  Niebuhr  adopts  as  a  genuine 
Latin,  and  believes  to  have  been  as  much  a  bene- 
factor to  his  country  as  Tarchetius  was  a  curse. 
Whether  we  are  to  refer  to  him  the  operations  in 
the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Alba,  or  whether 


Cell. 


t  V.  16. 


CIVILIZATION    OF   CENTRAL   ITALY. 


385 


they  belong  to  former  or  to  later  kings,  we  cannot 
determine,  but  he  was  the  author  of  the  prodigious 
drain,  called  the  "  Fossae  Cluillite/'  which  after  the 
foundation   of  Rome  formed   the   boundary  of  the 
territories  of  Alba  towards  the   west;  which   made 
arahle  the  marshy  swamp  through  which  it  was  con- 
ducted; and  which  Niebuhr  considers  to  have  been 
one  of  the  noblest  works  ever  executed   by  man. 
Its  character  is  entirely  Etruscan,  and  as  Rome,  the 
iatei^t  colony  of  Alba,  for  more  than  two  hundred 
years,  sent  for  all  her  artists  into  Etruria,  we  cannot 
doubt  but  that  the  directorsof  it  were  from  that  nation. 
The  Etruscans,  though  so  admirable  in  many  things, 
.seem  to  have  had  great  jealousy  in  imparting  their 
knowledge  to  others,  and  as  we  have  said,  it  was  the 
effects,  and   not  the  causes,  which   they  communi- 
cated ;  tlie  results,  but  not  the  principles  ;  therefore 
the  Latins  might  copy  their  works,  and  labour  under 
their  direction,  but  were  utterly  unfit  to  manage  the 
scientific  part  of  any  vast  undertaking.    Besides  this 
work,  the  Alban  Mount  has,  at  some  very  early  date, 
been  artificially  cut,  in  order  to  make  a  deeper  channel 
for  the  river  ;  and  Dionysius  tells  us,  that  the  water 
was  conducted  from  the  lake  (or  river)  by  means  of 
sluices,  so  that  it  could  be  distributed  over  the  plain 
below. 

The  brothers  Numitor  and  Amulius,  mentioned 
by  Plutarch  and  Livy,  were  probably  brother  Lu- 
cumoes  or  Patricians,  each  in  his  day,  king  of  Alba ; 
and  Rea  Sylvia,  the  vestal  virgin,  the  mother  of 
Homulus,  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  ancient 


a 


386 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


family  of  the  Sylvii,  and  to  have  been  nearly  re- 
lated to  them.  The  pasture  lands  of  Alba  in  their 
day,  reached  the  Tiber,  where  their  territories  joined 
those  of  the  Sabines  and  Tuscans,  with  both  of  whom 
they  were  in  Isopolity.  The  young  princes,  Romulus 
and  Hemus,  the  sons  of  Rhea  Silvia,  and  grandsons 
of  Numitor,  were  brought  up  at  Gabii,  as  we  have 
already  said,  under  Tanctius,  or  Tanquitius,  the 
Tuscan,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  chief  college 
there. 

Virgil  and  Ovid  give  the  genealogy  of  Latinus, 
or  of  the  Latin  sovereigns,  thus  :  Picus,  the  first 
king  of  Latium,  married  Venilia  or  Velinas,and  was 
father  to  Faunus,  and  Faunus  was  father  to  Latinll^ 
who  ruled  in  Laurentum.  Now  Picus*  was  the  son 
of  Sabo,  the  Mars  or  Janus  Quirinis  of  the  Sabines, 
and  all  of  these  heroes,  Picus,  Faunus,  and  Mars, 
were  the  sons  of  Saturn.  Saturn  and  Janus,  then,  the 
Turrhene  hero  and  the  Turrhene  god,  stand  at  the 
head  of  this  list,  and  from  them  or  their  allies,  go  forth 
the  Sabines  from  Mount  Velinus,  and  become  Latins. 
This  agrees  with  the  results  of  the  most  acute  modern 
criticisms,  and  we  believe  to  be  the  truth. 

During  this  period,  that    is,  subsequent   to  the 

:•>  lumon's  settlement  of  Etruria,  by  Tarchun,  and  previous  to 

,,.,.  luiG.  the  entire  civilization  of  Italy,  in  the  year  1016  B.C. 

Solomon  built  his  magnificent  palace  and  temple  at 

Jerusalem,  by  means  of  artists  sent  from  Tyre;  and 

as  Tyre  certainly  did  not  excel  Egypt,  and  constantly 

traded  with  it,  the  costliness  and  skill  of  the  temple 

♦  Picus  was  Mars  of  the  Marsi. 


CIVILIZATION    OP   CENTRAL    ITALY. 


387 


workmanship  will  give  us  a  fair  idea  of  the  state  of 
art  in  the  East,  a  few  years  after  the  building  of 
Alba.  They  also  give  us  a  tolerable  notion  of  the 
models  to  which  the  Etruscans  always  had  access, 
and  of  the  science  and  refinement  with  which  they 
were  in  constant  communication,  by  means  of  their 
commerce  with  the  Delta,  and  the  Phoenician  co- 
lonies in  Lybia. 

We  know  not  at  what  period  the  Tuscans  crossed  Volsci. 
the  Tiber,  and  extended  their  dominion  over  the 
country  of  the  Volsci,  but  at  the  time  Rome  was 
founded,  Volscia  seems  to  have  been  very  long  in  their 
occupation,  and  not  only  was  the  whole  coast  as  far 
as  Circe,  (now  Terracina,)  reckoned  theirs,  but  Ap- 
pollonius  says,  that  in  the  days  of  the  Argonauts, 
Circe  itself  was  Tyrrhene  or  Etruscan.  We  need 
not  therefore  point  out  the  necessary  influence  of 
the  Etruscans  upon  the  Volsci,  in  whose  cities  it  is 
prohable  they  were  for  ages  settled,  as  the  clan  of 
Mezentius  was  in  Ardea,  and  whose  polity  was  in  con- 
sequence, a  mimic  Etruria.  The  Volsci  were  a  very 
warlike  tribe  of  Latins,  dwelling  to  the  south  of  their 
brethren,  the  Equi  and  the  Marsi ;  and  they  possessed 
a  long  line  of  sea  coast.  Their  chief  towns  were  very 
numerous,  and  their  country  commercial.  Their 
armour  was  distinguished  for  beauty  of  form,  and 
richness  of  material,  and  they  were  seldom  at  peace 
uith  Rome.  The  number  of  independent  Senates 
amongst  them,  mentioned  in  history,  shows  us  that 
their  government  was  on  the  same  model  as  the 
Etruscan,  consisting  of  many  members,  which  com- 

s  2 


388 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CIVILIZATION    OF    CENTRAL    ITALY. 


389 


C'ities. 


posed  one  whole;  but  the  secret  of  a  necessary  and 
continually  enduring  head,  and  of  one,  and  only  one, 
firm  central  government,  seems  to  have  been  dis- 
covered and  acted  upon  by  Rome  only. 

The  mighty  drains  in  the  country  of  the  Volsci, 
doubtless  executed   whilst   this   people  were  under 
Etruscan  dominion,  vied  with  those   upon  the  Po. 
They  made  the  Pontine  uiarshes  not  only  healtiiy  and 
fertile,  but  the  \ery  garden  of  Italy,  supplying  with 
wine,  and  fruit,  and  corn,  three-and-twenty  cities, 
which  then  flourished  upon  what  are  now  wide  and 
hopeless  plains.*    The  Volscian  letters  and  numbers, 
kalendar,  &:c.,  it  is  almost    needless    to   say,  were 
Etruscan,  and  so  were  very  many  words,  and  perhaps 
idioms,  in  their  language.    Plinyf  mentioFis  the  pro- 
ficiency  of  the  Volsci  in  the  plastic  art ;  and  speci- 
mens of  their  excellent  bassi  relievi  in  the  Etruscan 
style  may  be  seen  in  the  museum  of  Naples. 

Ancient  remains  of  art,  all  after  the  manner  of 
the  Tuscans,  and  at  times  with  Tuscan  inscriptions, 
are  found  at  Velletri.  If  the  masters  of  the  Volsci 
were  the  Rasena,  we  need  not  wonder  that  the 
disciples  should  give  evidence  of  their  school. 

The  principal  cities  of  the  Volsci  were  all  built 
upon  heights  strongly  walled  and  fortified  with 
citadels,  forums,  and  temples.  Such  were  Cora, 
Segni,  Velletri,  Corioli,  Antium,  Sulmona,  Arpino, 
Sora,  Anxium,  Terracina,  and  Interanma  on  the 
river  Clanis,  now  the  Garigliano.  Livyl  speaks  of 
the  strong  defences  of  Antium,  and  Dionysius  calls 


it  a  splendid  city  of  the  Volsci.  It  had  a  celebrated 
temple  to  the  goddess  Nortia  or  Fortune,  in  which 
were  drawn  the  Sortes  Antiumnae.  It  is  now  Castel 
dMnzo ;  and  Nettuno,  near  it,  where  antiquities 
abound,  was  once  Cerium,  the  port  of  Antium. 

Apollonius  makes  Circe  to  have  been  Turrhenian 
in  the  days  of  the  Argonauts,  and  so  does  the  ancient 
scholiast  upon  Homer.* 

Virgil  calls  many  of  the  Volscian  cities  Etrurian. 
Cato  ap.  Servium,t  says  "  Gente  Volscorum,  quae 
etiani  ipsa  Etruscorum  potestate  regebatur ;"  and 
DiodorusJ  tells  us  that  all  Volscia  and  Campania, 
"  Volscos  et  Campanos  omnes,"  were  once  subject  to 
the  Etruscans. 


1.  32. 


t  xi.  567,  381, 


I  See  lib,  v. 


*  Livy  vi.  vii. 


t    XXXV. 


X  vi.  9. 


;i9o 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


391 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA— CONCLUSION. 

c«NT.  The  quotation  from  Diodorus  Siculus,*  with  whidi 
"^&  X.  our  last  chapter  terminated,  viz.  that  "  the  whole  of 
Campania  was  once  subject  to  the  Etruscans,"  na- 
turally  leads  us  to  the  third  general  colonization  of 
the  Rasena.  This  is  the  last  emigration  upon  a 
grand  scale  recorded  of  them  in  ancient  history,  and 
will  conclude  what  we  have  to  say  upon  the  head  of 
their  being  the  first  civilizers  of  Italy,  and  conse- 
quently of  Europe. 

It  appears  that,  after  the  colonies  of  Rhcetia  and 
the  Po  had  become  great  and  flourishing,  the  twelve 
original  Dynasties  of  Central  Etruria  again  found 
themselves  over  peopled,  and  again  the  Lares  and 
Lucumoes  met  at  Voltumna,  and  took  the  resohition 
of  sending  forth  another  Etruria,  to  migrate  south- 
wards,  and  to  settle  in  the  half-occupied  lands  of  the 
Ausonian  Siculi.  Here,  according  to  Strabo,t  they 
formed  twelve  new  states,  and  established  tiieui- 
selves  exactly  upon  the  model  of  their  mother 
country ;  but,  like  the  Northern  Rasena,  their  go- 


V. 


t  V.  242. 


vernnients  were  perfectly  independent  of  her.  We 
know  as  little  of  these  twelve  southern  Dynasties,  as 
of  the  twelve  northern,  because  the  Greeks  settled 
amongst  the  Campanian  Rasena  too  late,  and  were 
too  much  afraid  of  them,  to  be  able  or  willing  to  give 
us  any  account  of  their  early  history.  The  Greeks 
imagined  that  this  people  had  always  lived  where  they 
fir<t  fonnd  them,  or,  at  least,  that  they  had  done  so, 
since  the  Trojan  war  ;  and  they  never  had  a  further 
wonder  concerning  them,  excepting  as  to  which  of  the 
Phryi^ian  or  Argonautic  heroes  might  have  been  their 
ancestors.  The  Romans,  on  the  other  hand,  could 
know  nothing  of  them  before  Rome  was  founded  ; 
and  Southern  Etruria  was  too  remote  from  the  scene 
of  action,  to  influence  Latium  more  than  any  other 
foreign  country. 

Our  knowledge  is  therefore  limited  to  the  Etruscan 
towns  which  the  Rasena  founded  in  Campania,  and  to 
the  extentof  country  in  that  region  which, beyond  con- 
troversy, was  in  early  times  and  for  many  ages,  theirs. 
Andthough,under  more  favourable  circumstances,  we 
might  have  been  able  to  redeem  from  oblivion,  some 
heroes,  whose  deeds  must  now  be  unknown  for  ever, 
and  to  tell  of  feeble  resistances  offered  to  them  in 
some  few  places,  quickly  to  be  overcome ;  yet  it  is 
not  likely  that  we  should  have  had  much  of  inci- 
dent to  relate,  even  had  the  lost  histories  of  Clau- 
dius and  Dionysius,  of  Aristotle  and  Theophrastus, 
of  Flaccus  and  Cecina,  been  still  extant  in  our 
libraries.  No  Umbri  or  Pelasgi  were  to  be  con- 
quered here.     No  people  proud  of  their  independ- 


392 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


ence,  or  endeavouring  to  improve  upon  a  lialf-civilj. 
zation.      The  inliabitants  of  Southern   Italy   were 
the  Sikeli,  who  had  already  fled  before  each  of  the 
conquering  races,  and  who  were  continually  joined 
by  new  refugees  or  captives,  barbarian   men,  who 
had   run  away,  to  escape  barbarian  slavery.  '  The 
Siculi   or  Ausoni   would  fear  the  Rasena  tlie  less, 
the  better  they  became  acquainted  with  tliem,  and 
we  may  say  the  same  of  the  Sabine  offsets,  who  came 
amongst  them,  about    the  same    a»ra,   bearin'>-  tlie 
peace-speaking  branches  and  garlands  of  friendHness 
which   betokened   them    the  children  of  a  Sacred 
Spring.     The  Rasena  associated  the  Southern  na- 
tives in  their  governments,  as  they  had  before  done 
with  regard  to  the  pristine  owners  of  the  North  and 
of  the  Centre;  and  whilst  they  proclaimed  the  laws 
of  Tages  to  be   the  sole  code  for  the  children  of 
Tarchun,  they    allowed  the   natives  to  keep   their 
own  gods,  and  their  own  laws,  as  far  as  ever  they 
pleased. 

The  Greeks   could   give  disturbance   to  neither 

party,  whether   contending  or   agreeing  together, 

for  there  either  were  no  Greeks    in   the   country, 

when  the  Turrheni  first  colonized  Campania,  or  else 

they  were  so  few  in  number  as  to  have  no  influence. 

Now,  as  we  have  presumed  the  North  to  have  been 

colonized  three  generations,  or  ninety  years,  after 

the  full  settlement  of  Etruria  Proper,  that  is,  about 

1090  B.  c,  thus  allowing  time  for  the  Rasena  to  have 

possessed  towns  there  with  well-furnished  arsenals, 

and  well-filled  harbours ;  and  for  an  extended  and 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


393 


nourishing  commerce  to  have  spread  itself,  north  as 
far  as  the  Baltic,  west,  to  Marseilles,  south,  to 
Lybia  and  Egypt,  and  east,  to  the  Ports  of  Corinth 
and  Argos,  in  the  days  of  Hesiod,  about  910  b.  c; 
so  we  may  suppose  that  three  more  generations, 
in  a  wealthy  and  fertile  land,  blessed  with  a  pro- 
found peace,  would  again  over-people  them,  and 
that,  about  1010  b.  c,  they  might  once  more  be 
constrained  to  sally  forth,  each  Dynasty  disburden- 
ing itself  of  its  superfluous  population.  As  Cuma 
was  founded  1060  b.  c,  this  would  bring  them  into 
its  neighbourhood,  whilst  yet  in  its  infancy,  and 
would  overawe  the  settlement,  before  the  Greeks 
had  time  to  become  in  any  way,  numerous  or 
powerful. 

Mil  Her*  thinks  that  the  Rasena  first  came  into 
Campania  by  sea ;  and  it  is  very  probable  that 
Virgil's  account  of  the  great  gathering  of  the  twelve 
people  to  assist  iEneas,  almost  all  of  whom  join  him 
in  ships,  may  be  part  of  the  tradition  of  the  Etruscan 
exit  towards  Southern  Italy.  Dempster  de  Etruria 
Re^^^ali  gives  the  authority  of  Janus  Parrhasius 
for  asserting  that  Campania  was  subject  to  the 
Tuscans  500  years  before  Rome,  i.  e.  at  a  very  re- 
mote period.  The  towns  which  they  founded  upon 
the  coast  directly  south  from  Circe,t  were  Puteoli, 
Herculaneum,J  Pompeia,  Stabiae,  Salernum,  Phlistu, 

*  Etriisker  on  Cuma.  - 

t  Apollonius  calls  Circe  Tyrrhene  or  Etruscan,  in  time  of  the 
Argonauts,  that  is,  in  the  earliest  period  of  history. 
X  Strabo,  v.  246. 

s  5 


394 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


and  Velia.*  Inland,  they  built  the  towns  and  cities 
of  Nola,t  Vulturnum,  Casilino,  f  Calazia,  Suessa 
Acerra,  Trebella,  Caleno,  Abella,  Venafro,  Atella, 
Nuceria,§  Alfaterna,  Compulteria,  Liturnus,  Blera' 
Acherontia,  Anxia,  and  Heraclea.  Miiller  giveJ 
also  Marcinaand  Sarraste,  on  the  Sarnus.|| 

Which  of  these  towns  were  capitals,  and  by  whidi 
state  they  were  founded,  we  can  in  most  instances, 
only  guess.  Miiller  conceives  Salernuni  to  have  beeu 
the  first  general  metropolis,  and  Vulturnum  the  last. 
Salernuni,  now  Salerno,  was  famed  for  its  Etruscan 
temple,  according  to  Pliny,  dedicated  to  the  Argive 
Juno,  i.  e.  to  Kupra  of  the  Rasena.  This  teuTple, 
said  by  the  Greeks  to  have  been  built  by  Jusoni 
was  probably  attributed  by  the  Rasena  to  Janus,  or 
to  the  tribe  of  Janus,  which  the  Greeks  metamor- 
phosed into  Jason,  and  transferred  to  the  days  of 
the  Argonauts. 

turnum.  Vulturnum  was  not  founded  until  fifty  years  before 
Rome,  according  to  Velleius  (i.  7)  from  Cato,  and 
yet  be  says  that  Vulturnum  and  Nola  were  illustrious 
before  Rome  was  built.  These  two  accounts  cannot 
both  be  true,  but,  as  the  history  of  Cuma,  and  the 
attribution  of  various  places  to  the  Tyrseni,  in  the 
days  of  the  Argonauts  and  at  the  arrival  of  iEneas, 
argues  the  Tyrseni  to  have  been  in  possession  of  the 
country  very  long  before  this  late  period,  and  as  even 
many  passages  in  the  Iliad  and  Odyssey  name  places 


*  Stephanus. 

I  Micali,  Antichi  Pop.  i.  xiv. 

II  From  Pliny,  iii. 


t  Veil.  Pater. 
§  Sen',  vii. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


395 


on  tiie  coast  as  Tursene,  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan 
war,*  we  may  either  suppose  Vulturnum  and  Nola, 
like  Veii  and  Capena,  to  have  been  the  latest  of  the 
Tuscan  establishments,  and  merely  in  their  origin 
colonies  from  some  of  the  other  southern  capitals ; 
or  that  Cato  means,  by  the  epoch  of  their  foundation, 
the  dedication  of  their  great  temples,  which  might 
take  place  many  years  subsequent  to  the  foundation. 
Miiller  justly  observes,  that  fifty  years  is  too  short  a 
time  to  allow  for  a  place  to  become  rich  and  illus- 
trious. 

The  great  and   wealthy  city  of  Vulturnum,  was  Capua, 
afterwards  Capua,  and  Capua  was  another  Etruscan 
word  signifying,  according  to  Servius,t   "  a  hawk," 
probably  the  cognomen  of  the  Samnite  general  who 
captured  it. 

Those  who  built  Vulturnum  were,  according  to 
Virgil,  the  sons  of  Halesus,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
descendants  of  the  people  of  Faliscii ;  and  Miiller 
has  found  a  strong  confirmation  of  this  tradition, 
in  two  small  towns  close  to  it,  both  named  from  the 
cities  of  the  Faliscii,  viz.  Falernum,  from  Faleria, 
and  Stellatina,  close  to  Capua,  from  Stellatina,  close 
to  Capena.  J  Near  Sutri,  Miiller  says,  a  Tuscan 
inscri])tion  has  been  found  containing  the  name  of 
Vulturnum.^  At  the  time  Vulturnum,  (i.  e.  Capua,) 
fell  under  the  power  of  Rome,  it  was  said  by  Cicero 
to  have  vied  with  Carthage  and  Corinth  in  riches. 
Its  ruins  may  now  be  seen  at  Santa  Maria  in  Corpo, 
ii  few  miles  from  the  present  Capua,  and  consist  of 

•  An.  Scholiast  on  Odyssey,  i.  32.  f  Mn.  x.  145. 

:  Muller,  b.  i.  v.  2.  §  Muller,  Einleit. 


396 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


an  amphitheatre,  seven  gates,  and  portions  of  the 
old  wall,  which  once  comprised  a  space  five  miles  in 
extent.  The  present  Capua  is  on  the  site  of  the 
ancient  Casilino. 

The  name  of  Pompeia,  spelt  in  inscriptions,  ac- 
cording to  Micali,  Pumpniian,  naturally  refers  itself 
to  the  Pumpu  as  its  founders,  the  great   Magnates 
whose  sepulchres  we  still  see  at  Tarquinia.     Ache- 
rontia,  named  from  the  Tuscan  Acheron,  reminds  us 
of  Mantua,  which  was  named  from  Mantu,  by  its 
Perugian  founder  Bianor.     Perhaps  some  later  Pe- 
rugian  chief  may  have  consecrated  Acherontia  to  tlie 
Shades  themselves,  in  imitation  of  Bianor,  wlio  had 
dedicated  his  city  to  the  Shade-ruling  deity.     Blera 
has  its  counterpart  near  the  Fanum  Vultumnje  in 
Etruria  Proper.     Anxia  speaks  for  itself,  as  a  co- 
lony from  Anxium,  of  tlie  Volsci  and  Etrusci,  and  was 
doubtless  settled  by  both  nations.    Strabo  (v.)  men- 
tions Campanian,  Acerra,  and  Nocera  or  Nuceria,* 
cities   which    were    named,  in   compliment   to   the 
Umbri,  from  their  towns  so  called  in  the  north, 
the  men  of  which,  according  to  the  laws  of  Tages, 
would  form  just  such  a  proportion  in  the  colonies, 
as  they  shared  in  the  means  by   which  they  were 
acquired.     According  to  the  unalterable  words  of  the 
treaty,  "They  shall  share  one  common  danger,  and 
divide  one  common  booty ;"  and  therefore  the  men 
of  Umbrian  Acerra  and  Nocera,  when  they  joined 
with  the  troops  of  their  neighbours,  the  Rasena  of 
Arretium,  Cortona,  and  Clusium,  would  divide  with 
them  the  new  States  founded  in  Campania.      These 

*  Plin.  iii.  5. 


CAMPANIA   AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


397 


towns  of  Acerra  and  Nocera  are  called  by  Pliny* 
Umbrian,  and  by  most  other  authors  Tuscan ;  Valerius 
Maximusf  speaks  of  the  strong  walls  of  Nuceria. 

StraboJ  says  that  Herculaneum  and  Pompeia  were 
Pelasgic  and  Turrhene ;  which,  no  doubt,  means  that 
they  were  founded  by  the  maritime  wanderers  or 
strangers,  the  Turrheni ;  and  Polybius§  tells  us  that 
the  Phlegraean  fields  were  Turrhene.  According  to 
Micali, II  the  names  of  several  of  these  towns  have 
been  found  in  the  old  Tuscan  writing,  thus  spelt : 
— Compulteria,  "  Kupelturnum."  Nuceria,  "  Nuf- 
krinum.*'  Alfaterna,  "  Alataternum."  Abella,  "  Ac- 
terl  or  Athellanum.*'  The  stone  of  Athella  records 
one  solemn  annual  feast,  which  was  kept  in  com- 
mon by  Abella,  Abellino,  Trebella,  and  Nola,  and 
was  called  the  Tancinud. 

Puteoli,  which  Stephanus  of  Byzantium  and 
Pausanius  (iv.)  call  Tursene,  Pliny  says,  was  a 
colony  of  Dicearchia,  founded  by  the  Greeks  of 
Cuma ;  whence  we  infer  that  Puteoli  was  colonized 
by  Greeks  and  Tuscans  in  common,  the  latter  being 
in  early  times,  by  far  the  most  polished  and  learned 
race  of  the  two,  and  therefore  teaching  and  civilizing 
the  former. 

We  find  the  tiny  settlement  of  Cuma,  which  for  Cuma. 
300  years,  scarcely  ventured  to  increase  its  terri- 
tories, and  which  had  no  ships,  except  for  trading 
with  the  Tuscans,  quite  surrounded  and  inclosed  by 
this    people,  in  their  peaceful  but  ever-advancing 

*  iii.  5.  t  ix.  6.  X  v. 

§  ii.  17.  II  An.  Pop.  xiv.  307. 


398 


niSTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


career  of  dominion  and  colonization.      Cunia  was 
bounded  by  Tuscan  Puteoli  and   Avernus  on  the 
nortb,   by  Nola  and  Vulturnum   on   the   east,   by 
Stabiae,  Salerno,  and  many  inferior  towns  on  the 
south,  and  by  the  sea  upon  the  west,  where   the 
Tuscans  then  ruled  the  waves,  even  as  the  British 
now  rule  in  the  English  Channel  and  in  the  Northern 
Ocean.     Such,  for  300  years,  was  the  condition  in 
Italy,  of  MAGNA  GRECIA  ;  and  we  need  not  be 
surprised  to  learn,  from  Dion.  Hal.  (viii.),  that  half 
the  population  of  Cuma  was   Umbrian  and  Etrus- 
can ;  neither  need  we  wonder,  when  we  find  that  an 
intimate  commerce  was  in  the  course  of  ages,  esta- 
blished between  Tarquinia  and  Cuma,  and  between 
Rome,   (whilst   it   was    under  Etruscan  rule,)  and 
Cuma,  and  that  Tarquin  the  Second  was  in  Isopolity 
with  that  city,  and  there  exercised  his  right  of  exile, 
and  retired  to  end  his  days. 

Near   Stabiae,    is    the    Promontory    of  Sorrento, 
which  was  surmounted  by  a  celebrated  temple  to 
Etruscan   Minerva,  of  which  Statins  says,* 
"  Est  inter  notos  nomine  muros, 
Saxaque  Turrhenae  templis  oneratae  Minen-ae." 

Herculaneum  on  the  west  coast,  and  Heraclea  on 
the  east,  are  both  named  from  the  demi-god  of  the 
Rasena,  "  Erkle  ;*'  a  god  who  was  adopted  by  the 
Greeks,  and  who  had  many  shrines  and  many 
towns  named  after  him  throughout  the  Greek 
settlements.  Heraclea,  upon  the  Gulf  of  Tarento, 
we  are  told  by  Theophrastus,  f  was  Turrhene; 
*  SUv.  ii.  t  01.  116.     Vide  Miiller. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


399 


and  though  this  assertion  startled  MUller,  the 
old  Greek  had  every  probability,  and  without 
doubt  tradition  also  on  his  side.  Modern  authors 
are  astonished  to  find  him  ascribing  Heraclea  to 
the  Turrheni,  because,  in  his  day,  this  town  was 
chiefly  inhabited  by  the  Greeks  of  later  times,  and 
was  reckoned  one  of  the  cities  of  Magna  Grecia ; 
but  the  Maritime  Rasena  from  Etruria  Proper, 
at  the  period  when  they  first  colonized  Southern 
Italy,  would  naturally  extend  themselves  to  this 
|)oint,  and  stretch  their  settlements  in  a  line  from  sea 
to  sea.  It  is  at  Heraclea  that  the  temple  lands  are 
found  measured  off,  according  to  the  Etruscan  rules, 
witii  the  Cardo  and  Decumanus.* 

We  learn,  from  the  Scholiast  upon  the  Odyssey ,f 
that  "  Elea,"  afterwards  conquered  by  the  Greeks 
from  the  Lucanians,  and  then  by  the  Samnites  from 
the  Greeks,  was  at  first,  a  Tuscan  settlement ;  and 
"  Elea  or  Velea,"  opposite  Paestum,  is  almost  in  a  Veiea. 
riirht  line  with  Heraclea,  and  has  a  chain  of  small 
towns  with  genuine  Tuscan  names,  which  were 
stations,  as  it  were,  between  them.  Velea  did  not 
become  Greek  till  the  61st  Olympiad,  and  was  Tus- 
can long  before  the  Olympiads  had  begun.  It  was, 
as  a  Grecian  colony,  first  settled  in  the  days  of 
Cyrus,:j:  by  lonians  who  fled  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
Persians,  and  who,  after  a  skirmish,  were  not  im- 
j)robably  received  by  treaty,  and  upon  equal  terms 
by  the  commercial  Etruscan  Velians,  to  whom  Cuma, 

•  See  Miiller's  Etriisker,  iii.  6,  13. 
t  i.  32.     Vide  Miiller. 

7 


400 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Sicily,  and  Grecia  Proper,  had  long  been  familiar. 
The  Tuscan  stations  between  Velea  and  Heraclea 
were  Vulci,  the  Vultur  mountains,  Lucus  Minervae, 
Blera,  and  Acherontia,  which  no  man  can  doubt 
to  have  been  Tuscan,  and  the  Vultur  mountains 
retain  their  old  name  to  this  day.  Dr.  Daubeney,  in 
his  late  tour  in  this  district,  visited  the  Monte  Vul- 
ture, the  country  of  Volca,  the  Grotta  Maina,  and 
the  River  Aufidus,  all  names  of  the  ancient  Tusci. 
As  far  as  Cape  Garganus,  not  much  to  the  north 
of  Heraclea,  the  Tuscans  had,  from  the  days  of  Tar- 
chun,  possessed  the  command  of  the  sea,  and  the 
choice  of  settling  wherever  they  pleased  in  the  land, 
because  this  country  belonged  to  their  allies,  the 
Umbri,  who  suffered  all  their  possessions  to  be  re- 
ceived as  "  Pars  Tusciae."  The  Ager  Picentinus, 
extending  from  Sorrentum  to  the  Silarus,  Pliny* 
tells  us,  became  Umbrian,  that  is,  was  shared  by 
the  Umbri  with  the  Turrheni,  at  the  time  of  their 
southern  emigration  and  conquests;  whilst  again, 
he  asserts  that  "  Ager  Picentinus  fuit  Thuscorum," 
because  he  considered  the  Umbri  and  Tusci  as  one. 
Stephanus  of  Byzantium  says,  that  the  "  Queyna" 
was  Tyrrhene.  Many  authors  believe  the  Silarus,  a 
small  river  running  between  Salerno  and  Paestum, 
to  have  been  the  boundary  of  South  Etruria  ;  but,  if 
Elea  was  Tuscan  in  very  early  times,  then  it  seems 
impossible  that  Paestum,  or  Phistu,  (or  Phistius,  or 

*  iii.  5. 

t  iii.  9.      See   on   the  Tuscan  Campanian  cities,   Miiller's 
Etriiisker  Einl.  4,  2. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


401 


Pistelel,  or  Sistlus,  for  it  is  spelt  all  these  ways,) 
lying  between  it  and  the  Silarus,  should  not  have 
been  Tuscan  also. 

Phistu  boasted,  as  its  oldest  ornament,  one  of  the  Paestum. 
strongest  marks  of  the  Tuscan  people,  viz.  a  temple 
to  the  warlike  Juno,  which,  being  a  sacred  shrine  of 
the  tribe  of  Janus,  was  as  usual,  referred  by  the 
Greeks  to  Jason,  before  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war 
and  during  the  lifetime  of  Tarchun.  Paoli  remarks 
upon  this,  that  such  a  reference  at  least  proves  the 
belief  of  the  Greeks,  that  its  date  was  too  ancient  to 
be  ascertained.*  The  common  story  of  Paestum 
makes  it  to  be  founded  by  the  Sybarites,  the  date  not 
given,  and  reconquered  by  the  Lucanians  in  the  u.  c. 
400,t  who  restored  its  ancient  name.  Now  the 
Sybarites  were  a  colony  of  Achaians,  according  to 
Aristotle,  who  did  not  appear  in  Italy  at  all  until 
800  B.  c,  and  who,  when  they  possessed  themselves 
of  Paestum,  did  so  by  conquest  from  the  Lucanians, 
the  youngest  colony  of  the  Samnites.  This  occurred 
about  the  time  that  the  Samnites  and  the  Tuscans 
were  struggling  for  the  upper  hand  in  Campania, 
when  the  rich  city  of  Vulturnum  had  just  fallen  by 
treachery  into  the  power  of  the  Samnites,  according 
to  Livy,J  u.  c.  332;  that  is,  b.  c.  421. §  The  Sybarites 

*  See  Paoli's  great  work  on  Velea  and  Paestum. 

t  Micali,  A.  P.  X  iv.  37. 

§  Hence  it  appears  that  Paestum  or  Phistu  was  founded  by 
the  Rasena,  and  continued  long  under  their  dominion,  probably 
for  four  or  five  hundred  years.  It  was  first  conquered  by  the 
Lucanians,  and  taken  from  them  by  the  Sybarites,  from  whom 
it  was  again  reconquered  after  a  short  possession. 


402 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


consequently  did  not  take  or  found  Paestuin  until 
ages  after  the  erection  of  the  great  Temple  of  Juno, 
and  this  niay  be  the  same  as  the  temple  now  called 
that  of  Ceres,  the  type  of  whose  architecture  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  pillars  of  Nevothp.h/s  tomb  at  Beni 
Hassan,  dating  at  least  1700  b.c,  and  which  was  pro- 
bably well  known  to  the  early  Rasena. 

We  have  no  light  whatever,  neither  by  in- 
scription nor  by  tradition,  as  to  who  built  these 
wonderful  and  magnificent  temples  yet  standing  in 
silent  ruin,  where  once  the  busy  hum  of  men  made 
cheerful  the  now  lonely  and  deserted  plains  ;  where 
commerce  smiled,  where  Ceres  and  Bacchus  are 
said  to  have  made  their  home,  and  where  agricul- 
ture abundantly  brought  forth  her  golden  stores. 
It  is  however  tolerably  certain,  that  had  the  Greeks 
raised  these  mighty  piles,  their  names  would  not 
have  slept  in  such  uncaring  oblivion ;  for  it  was  not 
the  fault  of  tliat  people  to  leave  their  own  vast  and 
sublime  creations  without  notice  or  renown.  Their 
beautiful  works  in  Lycia,  lately  visited  by  Mr.  Fel- 
lowes,  though  not  named  by  historians,  have  each 
their  own  inscriptions,  to  say  how  they  were  founded 
and  by  whom.  But  Paestum  is  silent  as  the  grave, 
and  was  erected  by  those  who  believed,  with  the 
careless  grandeur  of  the  East,  that  their  temples 
needed  no  storied  monument,  for  that  they  spake  the 
language  of  all  mankind,  and  could  not  cease  to  be 
had  in  everlasting  remembrance.  The  style  of  the 
temples  is  called  Doric,  but  no  such  Doric  buildings 
have  been  found  in  the  land  of  the  Dorians,  nor  can 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


403 


any  traveller  who  knows  Egypt,  afterwards  visit 
them,  and  not  have  his  thoughts  carried  back  to  the 
tombs  of  Beni  Hassan,  and  the  temples  of  Thebes, 
when  he  looks  upon  the  ruins  of  Paestum. 

We  see  in  these  buildings,  the  massive  stones, 
the  low  and  heavy  style  described  by  Vitruvius,  the 
baseless  pillars  somewhat  diminishing  upwards,  and 
even  the  triglyph  ornament  of  the  Tuscans ;  and 
these  noble  monuments  of  voiceless  antiquity  and 
unrenowned  skill,  strike  the  unlearned  eye,  as  if  they 
were  a  later  improvement  upon  the  oldest  native 
Tuscan  style;  just  such  an  improvement  as  long  in- 
tercourse with  the  great  architectural  structures  of 
the  wealthy  cities  in  Lybia,  and  the  Memphai'd 
would  naturally  produce.  When  the  Sybarites  took 
Pistulis,  we  believe  them  to  have  surprised  a  walled 
and  towered  city,  such  as  we  see  still  occupying  its 
ancient  consecrated  ground.  We  believe  that  it  had 
Tuscan  gates,  a  Tuscan  citadel,  and  a  Tuscan  am- 
phitheatre, a  forum  and  a  temple,  all  probably  re- 
paired and  adorned  by  the  Greeks,and  doubtless  used 
by  them  in  the  service  of  other  gods,  as  they  were 
afterwards  governed  by  other  masters,  and  filled  by 
other  votaries. 

Pliistu  presents  us  with  all  the  characters  of  the 
Turseni,  excepting  a  Tuscan  site,  which  would  have 
been  more  appropriately  found  upon  the  mountain 
behind  it;  but  the  southern  Tuscans  having,  at  the 
time  of  their  settlement  in  Campania,  an  over- 
whelming power  in  their  own  countrymen  to  back 
them,  against  the  uncivilized  Siculi ;  and  having,  as 


I'll 


i 


404 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


Kola. 


their  earliest  neighbours,  the  Samnites  and  their 
offsets,  whom  they  looked  upon  as  their  children,  or 
their  brethren ;  seem  to  have  abandoned  the  lofty  and 
peculiar  sites  of  Etruria  Proper,  and  to  have  thought 
only,  or  chieHy,  of  safe  harbours  and  fruitful 
fields.  The  greater  number  of  the  Campaniau 
towns  were  situated  in  plains,  though  walled  and 
fortified,  like  those  of  the  north.  The  site  of  a  town 
was  a  circumstance  left  to  their  own  discretion,  and 
though  uniform  wherever  they  had  to  contend  with 
warlike  adversaries,  was  not  one  of  the  requisites 
prescribed  by  the  laws  of  Tages. 

The  town  of  Nola  was  one  of  the  latest  of  the 
Tuscan  cities,  built,according  toVelleius,at  the  same 
time  with  Volturnum,  and  bordering  upon  the 
Greek  settlements  ;  and  it  contained  the  most  beau- 
tiful kind  of  Etruscan  vases  that  have  ever  been 
excavated,  with  a  polish  and  varnish  quite  peculiar, 
and  a  grace  of  form  which  is  the  Greek  refinement 
upon  a  Tuscan  original.  As  to  the  shape  of  these 
vases,  it  is  needless  to  say,  that  they  are  all  ori- 
ginally Egyptian,  and  most  of  them  may  be  seen 
in  Rosellini's  plates,  copied  from  the  tombs  of 
those  Pharoahs  of  the  18th  and  19th  dynasties, 
which  were  sealed  up  at  least  1600  b.  c,  and 
five  or  six  hundred  years  previous  to  the  period 
about  which  we  are  now  writing.  In  Egypt  these 
vases,  for  various  uses,  were  of  gold,  silver,  and 
bronze,  as  well  as  of  clay.  Such  we  find  them  also 
amongst  the  Hebrews  under  Moses,  and  conse- 
quently under  succeeding  rulers,  and  such  we  still 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


405 


find  them  in  the  tombs  of  the  Rasena.*  The  inha- 
bitants of  Nola,  as  we  might  naturally  conjecture, 
were  partly  Greeks  and  partly  Tuscans,  though  the 
Tuscans  appear  always  to  have  remained  masters  in 
the  town,  and  were  without  any  doubt  its  original 
founders.  The  strong  towers  of  Nola  are  spoken  of 
by  Livyt  and  by  Silius.J 

We  know  little  of  the  other  cities  enumerated  from 
Midler  and  Micali,  beyond  their  names,  and  that 
Tuscan  inscriptions,  or  coins,  or  tombs,  are  occa- 
sionally found  in  their  vicinity.  Micali§  states  that 
the  names  of  Maisius,  Vesius,  Veltineisra,  Purnia, 
&c.  have  been  found  in  the  Etruscan  burying-places 
in  Campania,  all  names  familar  amongst  that  people 
in  the  northern  states ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand, 
**  Larth.  Campanu,"  a  "  Lar  of  Campania,"  has  been 
found  added  to  names  in  the  sepulchres  of  Perugia. 
Several  small  rivers  in  South  Etruria  went  by  the 
name  of  Clan  and  Clanis,  particularly  the  Liris  and 
the  Uftente.  The  Chiana,  near  Clusium,  bore  the 
same  name  originally,  the  "  Clanis,"  or  the  river  of 
the  great  Clusium  Clan. 

About  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  Cuma  was  Homer, 
founded,  i.  e.  about  910  b.  c.  Homer  came  in   his    Jjo' 
wanderings,  to  this  small  Greek  settlement,  probably 
in  an  Etruscan   vessel  from  Egypt.      This  extraor- 

♦  The  vases  of  Nola,  are  the  same  in  style  and  subject  as  those 
of  Chiiisi  and  Tarquinia,  but  treated  with  more  grace,  and  made 
of  a  finer  and  more  lustrous  clay. 

t  xxiii.  44.  t  xii.  162. 

§  It.  av.  Rom.  ii.  p.  19. 


406 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


dinary  man,  whose  name,  birth,  and  parentage,  are 
not  known,  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  school- 
master in  Smyrna  or  Chios,  and  to  have  travelled 
into  distant  lands  that  he  might  gain  knowledo-e  in 
countries  more  advanced  than  his  own.*     In  actino* 
thus,  he  pursued  the  same  course  with  every  Greek 
of  superior  intellect  and  attainments  in  those  early 
days.      The  countries  particularised  as  those  over 
which  he  travelled,  are  Egypt,  Africa,  and  Spain, 
or  in   other  words,  Egypt  and   the   Phoenician  co- 
lonies  to   the    west   and    north    of  it,   substitutino- 
Etruria  for  Spain,  because  we  know  that  he  visited 
the  one,  whilst   we   have   not   the   slightest   trace 
of  him  in  the  other.     At'ter  he  arrived  in  Egypt, 
he  is  said  to  have  found  the  account  of  the  Trojan 
war  in  the  library  of  Ptha,  at  Naucratis,  and  he 
was  so  struck  with  the  waste  of  heroism,  of  blood, 
and  of  treasure,  that  had    been   occasioned    by  a 
mistake  regarding   Helen,  which   arose   from   the 
ignorance  of  events,  which  must  ever  follow  between 
distant   countries,   when   the    intercourse   between 
them  is  limited  and  unfrequent,  that  it  fired  his  mind 
and  kindled  his  genius,  to  render  it  into  an  epic  poem. 
In  this,  besides  instructing  his  countrymen   in  a 
great  moral  and  political  truth,  he  wished  to  make 
known  throughout  all  the  Greek  tribes,  an  event 
in  which  all  their  chiefs  had  been  engaged,  and  yet 
the  remembrance  of  which,  because  it  had  happened 
one  hundred  and  fifty   years    before,  and    had  no 
chronicler  in  Greece,  was  then  sinking  into  obli- 
♦  See  for  Homer,  Herodotus,  and  Strabo. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAHNA    GRECIA. 


407 


vioii.     The  destruction  of  Troy,  because  the  wife  of 
Menelaus  was  erroneously  supposed  to  be  detained 
within   her  walls,  was   indeed  known,  as    well    in 
.  Grecia  Proper,  as  in  Egypt   and  in  Asia  Minor; 
but  the  names  of  the  heroes,  with  the  exception  of 
two  or  three,  and  their  deeds,  had  no  distinct  or  lively 
remembrance  in  their  native  land.    It  was  the  custom 
in  Egypt,  in  Assyria,  and  in  all  the  Assyrian  and 
Egyptian  colonies ;  and   probably  amongst  all  the 
nations  throughout  the  southern  and  eastern  world, 
for  a  man's  deeds  to  be  recounted  at  his  funeral, 
and  for  songs  to  be  composed    in    his  honour,  in 
order  to  magnify  whatever  could  be  remembered  in 
the  acts  of  his  life,  which  was  heroic  or  praiseworthy. 
These  songs,  when  they  related  any  striking  incident, 
were  preserved  in  families,  and  sung  by  the  bards, 
or  the  poets,  or  the  chiefs,  after  supper,  and  Homer 
soon  found  that  his  poems  were  of  that  attractive 
kind,  which  made  him  universally  acceptable.  When 
in  the  Memphaid,  he  would  doubtless  strive  to  ob- 
tain   information  concerning  all  the  dispersed  co- 
Ionics   of  his   countrymen  towards    the    west,  and 
through  the  Turrheni  Campanian  merchants  from 
the  immediate   neighbourhood  of  Cuma,  he  would 
liear  of  the  few  establishments  of  the  Greeks  who 
were  settled  in  tiiat  town,  and  in  the  islands  of  the 
Bay  of  Naples. 

If  Honjer  read  the  account  of  the  Trojan  war  in 
the  library  of  Ptha  at  Naucratis,  then  it  is  probable 
that  the  Rasena  in  his  day,  had  a  factory  at  Nau- 
cratis, for  they  were  a  great  commercial  people  long 


'  I 


408 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


before  the  Greeks,  and  in  the  year  two  hundred  of 
Rome,  Egina  liad  a  very  large  establishment  for  the 
Greek  merchants  at  this  place.  Aristotle  says  that 
in  the  reign  of  Amosis,  the  Greeks  there  possessed 
four  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  slaves  ! ! 

The  great  poet,  on  his  arrival  in  Italy,  seems  first 
to  have  visited  Cuma  and  its  neighbourhood,  where 
he  learned  the  gloomy  doctrines  of  the  Tuscan  Ache- 
rontia,  and  whence  he  travelled  into  Turrhenia,  in 
which  land,  tradition  says,  he  unfortunately  cauHit  a 
fever  which  occasioned  him  to  lose  his  eyes.  Doubt- 
less at  Tarquinia,  Cere,  or  wherever  else  he  might 
travel,  he  would  sing  those  bewitching  lays,  which 
told  of  Priam's  death  and  Troy's  fall;  and  in  this 
manner,  the  Iliad  came  to  be  known  in  Turrhenia,  as 
ancient  authors  assure  us  that  it  was,  before  it  was 
known  in  Greece.  The  poet,  when  he  returned 
blind  to  Cuma,*  expected  sympathy  and  assistance 
from  his  own  countrymen,  but  tliough  they  admired 
him  as  other  men  had  done,  they  were  too  like  the 
world  of  the  present  day,  to  part  with  their  money 
for  an  old  song,  and  they  ciilled  him  Omeros,  or  the 
blind  man,  and  said  that  the  charitable  funds  of 
Cuma  were  not  intended  for  the  o^irjpoi,  or  the  blind. 

The  songs  of  Homer  at  Cuma  seem,  however, 
never  to  have  been  forgotten:  the  Phlegraean  fields, 
he  is  supposed  to  have  described  from  nature,  and  the 
Lestrigoni  are  the  Cumean  notion  of  those  Sikeh 
who  dwelt  to  the  south  of  the  Greeks,  and  amongst 

♦  Tiraboschi  quotes  Heraclldes  Ponticus  for  the  tradition  that 
Homer  lost  his  sight  in  Tyrrhenia. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


409 


wliom  they  did  not  dare  to  venture.  These  songs 
may  have  been  either  written  down  in  Turrhenia 
or  they  may  have  been  learnt  and  repeated  by  suc^ 
cessive  bards,  for  as  ancestral  songs  were  ever  in 
mode  amongst  the  Tuscans,  those  who  sang  them 
were  sure  to  be  men  of  quick  parts  and  retentive 
memories.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  Homer's 
tales  were  translated  into  Tuscan,  and  constantly 
repeated  at  the  suj)per  tables,  but  that  they  were  not 
written  down,  because  the  vases  show  us  that  the 
Etruscans  had  different  versions  of  them  in  different 
provinces,  and  that  they  added  to  them  various  ideas 
and  customs  peculiar  to  themselves.  In  short,  they 
put  Homer's  pocujs  into  an  Etruscan  dress,  which 
they  would  not  have  done,  had  they  translated  or 
transcribed  them  from  a  written  original. 

Homer,  or  the  blind  man  of  Cuma,  returned  to 
Asia  Minor,  and  in  Chios  married,  and  there  died. 
His  poems  were  all  written  out  in  fragments  by  the 
Asiatic  Greeks,  and  Lycurgus  the  great  lawgiver 
of  S])arta,*  first  heard  them  when  he  travelled  into 
Ionia.  He  was  so  delighted  with  them,  and  thought 
them  so  well  fitted  to  aid  the  tendency  and  design 
of  his  own  laws,  by  inspiring  the  Greeks  with  pa- 
triotism and  courage,  that  he  had  them  collected 
together,  and  introduced  them  intoSparta,t  but  they  ^• 
were  not  generally  known  in  Greece,  nor  arranged 
as  we  now  have  them,  till  long  afterwards,  by  Pisis- 
tratiis,  560  b.  c.  It  is  no  marvel  if  some  cor- 
ruptions should  have  crejjt  into  the  copies  of  the 

*  B-  c.  840.  f  piut 

T 


410 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Car- 
thage, 

B.  (  . 


Iliad,  seeing  that  those  copies  were  first  perfected 
three  or  four  centuries  subsequent  to  the  age  of 
Homer. 

The  next  great  event,  which  had  an  after  and  en- 
during influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  Italy,  was  the 
foundation  of  Cartilage,  in  the  year  b.  c.  890,  by  a 
small  colony  from  Tyre,  who  followed  the  fortunes 
and  were  under  the  command  of  Elisa,  or  Dido,  a 
widowed  princess  of  that  city.*  It  is  said  that  she 
asked  leave  of  her  brother  Pygmalion,  the  reigning 
king,  to  depart  for  Chartaca,  or  Kartaca,  or  Karta- 
aca,  a  small  sea-port  town  near  Tyre,  now  Acre, 
where  she  wished  to  live  in  retirement ;  and  upon 
his  granting  her  request,  she  put  to  sea,  and  made 
sail  for  the  well-known  friendly  harbour  of  Utica, 
then  a  great  city  and  powerful  state  in  Africa.  The 
governor  of  Utica,  Justin  says,  received  her,  and  set- 
tled her  and  her  followers  at  a  small  town  at  no  great 
distance,  where  he  procured  for  her  a  grant  of  land, 
and  where  he  and  the  Lybians  helped  her  to  build 
the  citadel  of  Bursa,  or  Bozrah,  which  in  time, 
uniting  with  the  town,  became  the  Kartaca,  or  Car- 
thage, to  which  she  retired.  Ancient  authors  occa- 
sionally call  Carthage  by  the  name  of  Tyre,  and  its 
inhabitants  Sidonians ;  and  Eusebius  says  that,  ac- 
cording to  Philistus  of  Syracuse,  it  was  built  by 
Zorus,  (i.  e.  Tsur  or  Tyre,)  and  Charchedon,  (i.  e. 
the  little  town  of  Chartaca.) 

*  The  date  of  Carthage,  according  to  Petavius,  is  137  prior 
to  Rome.  It  was  destroyed  in  the  year  of  Rome  GOC,  at  which 
time,  according  to  Solinus,  it  was  737  years  old. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRJ5C1A. 


411 


Solinus  says  that  Carthage  consisted  of  three  dif- 
ferent parts,  Megara,  Bursa,  and  Cothon,  built  at 
three  different  times,  and  that  Bursa,  or  the  citadel, 
was  the  only  one  erected  by  Elisa.  This  might  be 
ascertained  in  old  times,  because  the  Carthaginians 
kept  with  great  solemnity  their  founder's  feasts,  and 
there  may  have  been  three  such  in  the  great  city, 
which  resembled  London,  Westminster,  and  South- 
wark,  the  three  names  gradually  becoming  lost  in 
that  one  which  was  most  warlike  and  important. 
The  territories  of  Utica  and  Carthage  were  divided 
from  Numidia  by  the  river  Tusca.  Virgil  is  sup- 
posed to  have  derived  his  knowledge  of  Dido  from 
the  Carthaginian  annals,  fragments  of  which  were 
preserved,  though  most  of  them,  along  with  those 
of  the  Lybians,  were  destroyed  by  the  Romans. 
Pygmalion  was  the  Priest  of  Hercules,  in  whose 
temple  the  perpetual  fire  was  kept  at  Tyre. 
He  consulted  the  Augurs  as  to  whether  or  not 
he  should  i)ursue  his  sister,  and  they  forbade 
him  to  molest  her.  She  settled  near  the  Barcae, 
who  were  probably  Phoenicians  as  well  as  her- 
self, and  their  prince  is  called  her  brother  Barca, 
by  Strabo  and  Pliny.  The  Carthaginian  nobles 
were  merchants  ;  they  consulted  the  flight  of  birds, 
and  carried  Pataeci,  that  is,  small  images  of  gods  or 
heroes,  on  the  prows  of  their  vessels,  which  they 
imagined  to  be  the  patrons  of  seamen,*  and  they  for 
a  long  while,  sent,  every  year,  tithes  and  free-will 
offerings  to  the  temple  of  Hercules  at  Tyre.     The 

*  Carthage,  Ancient  History,  vol.  xvii. 

T    2 


412 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Rasena  doubtless  became  acquainted  with  the  Car- 
tha";inians  throuoli  the  Uticans. 
Greek      In  the  year  800  b.  c,  the  great  cities  of  Crotona 
*^[J^]^'  and  Sybaris  were  founded  in  the  south   of  Italy  by 
j!(M>.  Achaians,  who  carried  on  a  commerce  with  Grai- 
cia  Proper,  and  besides  this,  they  necessarily  soon 
came  into  some  communication   with  the  Etruscan 
colonies    in    their    neighbourhood.       Locris*    was 
founded  a  few  years  later,  and  from  this  time  for- 
wards, the  Greek   vessels  ventured   to  coast  from 
the  Umbrian  Garganus,  to  Salentinum,  and  from 
Paestum  or  Phistu  to   Reggio,  but   they  seldom  if 
ever,   ventured    north    of   Naples.      Their   earliest 
commerce   with    Etruria    Proper    seems    to    have 
been  that  of  Cumaf  with  Pyrgi  and  Tarquinia,  and 
perhaps  also  with  Antium  and  Cosa.     The  dialects 
spoken  by   the  Greek   tribes  who  settled  in  Italy, 
were  the  Dorian  and  the  Eolian,  the  only  two  now 
found  u})on  the  Etruscan  vases,  mingled  with  words 
of  Tuscan,  because  the  two  people  spoke  each  other's 
language,  and  dwelt  in  each  other's  cities,  wherever 
they  were  borderers.     For  this  reason,  the  Moctes 
Attica?!  say,  that  if  there  is  any  Greek  to  be  traced 
in  the  Tuscan  tongue,  it  is  Eolic,  though  the  oldest 
Tuscan  language  is  like  the  Hebrew. 

Crotona,  Temesa,   Taranto,   Messapi,    Brondisi, 

*  Miiller  says  that  Cortona,  Sybaris,  and  Locris,  were  at  first 
only  fortresses,  and  that  all  the  oldest  towns  of  Magna  Grecia, 
excepting  only  Cuma,  were  situated  on  the  gulfs  of  Locris  and 
Scillace. 

t  Miiller.  t  xi.  17. 


CAMPANIA.    AND    MAGNA    GREClA. 


413 


and  ^letapontus  or  Metabo,  were  all  places  con- 
quered by  the  Greeks,  about  this  period,  from  the 
Siculi,  who  had  villages  upon  their  sites.  Crotona 
has  often  been  confounded  in  its  traditions,  with  Cor- 
tona or  Cortyus,  in  the  centre  of  Etruria  Proper. 

The  founding  of  Taranto  is  ascribed  to  Tarens  orTaran- 
Taras,  the  son  of  Neptune,  who  is  represented  as^^' 
riding  upon  a  dolphin,  an  Etruscan  emblem,  which 
signifies  one  who  crosses  the  ocean.  The  dolphin 
has  beneath  it  a  star,  called  by  the  Rasena  "  the 
guiding  sign,"  the  star  by  which  they  steered  at  sea, 
probably  the  polar  star,  but  which  some  have 
thought  to  represent  the  compass,  an  Eastern 
invention,  the  origin  of  which  cannot  be  traced. 
This  device  of  Tarens  riding  upon  a  dolphin 
above  his  own  star,  formed  the  ancient  arms  of 
Tarentum.  There  is  an  old  tradition,  that  Taras 
came  from  Tarcpiinia,  and  scarabaei  with  his  ima^e 
Iiave  been  found  in  the  Tarquinian  sepulchres.* 
Tarentum  was  not  colonized,  as  a  Greek  city,  until 
707  B.  c. 

Messnpi  reminds  us  of  Messapus  the  Etrus- 
can, whom  Virgil  brings  to  the  assistance  of 
yEneas,  though  all  we  can  infer  from  this  coinci- 
dence is,  that  Etruscans  may  very  ])robably  have 
formed  part  of  the  population  of  Messapi,  as  they 

•  There  is,  in  the  possession  of  the  author,  a  remarkable 
scarabffus  with  an  intagho  of  Taras  riding  on  a  dolphin.  And 
it  is  distinguished  by  the  unique  pecuharity  of  having  the  back 
of  the  scarabaeus  fashioned  into  a  human  face  with  an  Egyptian 
headdress. 


414 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


did  of  Cuma  and  Heraclea.  The  Greeks,  who  were 
capable  afterwards,  of  telling  us  that  their  colonies 
founded  Rome  and  all  the  seaports  of  northern 
Italy,  were  capable  also  of  telling  us  tliat  they  were 
the  originators  of  cities,  which  in  the  commencement, 
they  only  shared  in  common  witli  the  Rasenaand  the 
Siculi,  and  only  dwelt  in  by  their  sufferance. 

Zanclc.  In  the  eighth  century  before  Christ,  Cuma  sent 
forth  her  colony  to  build  Zancle,*  now  Messina,  in 
Sicily,  and  about  the  year  760  b.  c,  colonies  of 
Dorians  from  Chalcis  and  Asia  Minor  formed  also 
settlements  along  the  Sicilian  sea  coast.  In  the  iit'th 
Olympiad,  a  few  years  before  Rome  was  founded,  the 
Greeks  bejian  to  venture  into  the  Turrhene  seas,  where 
tliey  peopled  Naxos,  in  Sicily,t  Megara,  and  other 
towns,  and  from  Sicily  they  first  came  in  numbers  to 
Italy.  Mliller  thinks  that  the  Campaniau  Greeks 
were  very  little  known  in  Etruria  before  this 
period. 

Rome,  In  the  sixth  Olympiad,  Rome  was  founded,  and 
7j!i!  we  have  therefore  brought  our  liistory  down  to  the 
close  of  its  first  division.  Wehave  shown  how  Western 
Umbria  in  early  ages  and  barbarous  times,  first  be- 
came civilizetl  under  the  Rasena,  who  spread  them- 
selves through  the  wide  territories  of  the  Umbri, 
north  and  south ;  and  we  have  also  shown  how,  by 
their  influence  upon  the  Sabellian  tribes,  which  all 
derive  their  origin  from  the  Umbri,  they  gradually 
spread  their  own  institutions,  but  not  the  reasons  and 
groundwork  of  those  institutions,  throughout  Italy. 
*  Thucyd.  vi.  t  Muller. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


415 


This  unworthy  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Rasena, 
which  led  them  to  conceal  their  first  principles  of 
government  and  science,  lest  the  multitude  should 
share  in  the  knowledge  of  the  few,  and  lest  the  limbs 
of  the  child  should  grow  into  proportion  with  the 
head  of  the  man,  has  deprived  Etruria  of  the  grati- 
tude of  posterity.  She  is  indeed  the  origin  of  civil- 
ization to  Europe,  and  of  almost  every  important  and 
useful  institution  which  blesses  and  preserves  our  pre- 
sent order  of  society  ;  but  as  the  tribes  of  Italy  were 
ever  in  danger  of  falling  back  into  their  Sikelian 
barbarism,  as  soon  as  her  guidance  was  withdrawn, 
we  cannot  help  perceiving  a  selfish  policy  in  her 
Magnates,  and  in  her  aristocratical  governments, 
unworthy  of  the  pristine  genius  of  her  faith,  and  of 
the  noble  and  exalted  public  institutions  given  to 
her  j3eople  by  Tarchun. 

We  think  we  have  proved  that  the  power  of 
Etruria  both  extended  over  Italy  and  blessed  it, 
before  the  Greeks  had  any  power,  and  before  the 
name  of  Rome  had  been  heard  amongst  mankind, 
and  we  will  adduce  a  few  conclusive  sentences  from 
ancient  authors  to  show  that  we  have  only  explained 
at  length,  what  they  in  brief,  have  uniformily  as- 
serted .  ^^ 

Dionysius  Halicarnassus*  says  that  the  Rasena 
were  the  first  inhabitants  of  Italy  who  fortified  their 
towns,  and  that  they  were  a  brave  and  skilful  na- 
tion, who  taught  the  Pelasgi  navigation  and  military 
discipline ;  also  that  they  were  the  earliest,  and  long 

»  lib.  i. 


I 


416 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


the  only,  people  known  to  the  Greeks,  for  that  all 
the  extent  of  Italy  which  the  Latins  called  "  Italia," 
the  Greeks  only  knew  by  the  name  of  Turrhenia. 

Diodorus  Siculus=*  speaks  of  Etruria  as  the  source 
of  all  learning  and  philosophy  to  the  other  Italians, 
and  says  that  the  Turrheni  excelled  in  courage,  lived 
in  wide  and  fruitful  lands,  built  many  and  celebrated 
cities,  were  powerful  in  ships  and  ruled  on  the  sea ; 
also  that  "  Volscos  et  Canjpanos  omnes"  were  sub' 
ject  to  their  sway. 

Pliny  t  and  Athenaeus  J  s|)eak  of  their  having 
invented  the  anchor  and  the  shield,  and  excelling 
all  their  cotemporaries  by  sea  and  land. 

Heraclides  Ponticus  says,  that  the  Turrheni  shone 
in  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  Varro  that  they  tau<'lu 
religion  to  the  Romans. 

Livyaffirms§  that  before  Rome  had  risen  into 
l)Ower  they  had  filled  Italy  with  their  riches  and 
their  fame,  which  spread  from  the  Alps  to  the  sea. 

Strabo  (v.)  tells  us  that  the  Romans  took  from 
them  their  consuls  and  magistrates,  lictors,  fasces, 
secures,  and  triumphs,  their  gods,  sacrifices,  divina- 
tion and  solemn  music. 

Diodorus  Siculus  ||  again  says,  that  the  Turrheni 
were  amongst  the  first  in  letters,  in  the  investigation 
of  nature,  and  in  the  knowledge  of  thunder  and 
lightning.  They  were  the  first  who  gave  the  en- 
signs of  sovereignty  to  their  chief.  They  cultivated 
heir  fields,  and  made  their  hills  arable,  and  they 


*  lib.  V.  f  vii. 

§  lib.  V.  33. 


X  Deip.  xii. 
I!  lib.  V. 


CAMPANIA    AND    MAGNA    GRECIA. 


417 


were  luxurious  in  their  feasts  and  their  apparel,  i 
They  wore  woollen  garments,  which  were  flowered 
all  over,  (with  crimson,  with  purple,  and  with  gold, 
as  we  learn  from  the  tombs,)  they  used  silver  cups, 
and  they  were  fond  of  many  servants  and  slaves, 
who  were  gaily  dressed,  delicately  treated,  and  well 
instructed.  The  Romans  took  from  them  their  ma- 
gistrates, lictors,  curule  chairs  of  ivory,  purple  toga, 
and  atriae  or  porticoes  to  their  houses,  to  keep  off 
the  crowd  of  attendants.  "  In  this  age,  about  the 
710  of  Rome,"  adds  Diodorus,  "they  dine  or  sup 
twice  every  day,  and  they  have  fallen  from  glory  to 
gluttony.*' 

Plutarch  in  Mario,  says,  that  the  Turrhenian, 
the  Ionian,  and  the  Adriatic  seas,  were  all  in  early 
times  ruled  over  by  the  Tuscans,  and  he  and  Servius 
say  that  the  Latins  were  tributary  to  them. 

Homer  in  the  Odyssey,  and  Herodotus  in  Vit. 
Horn.,  ascribe  to  them  extensive  dominions,  com-     \ 
incrce, and  power.  Aristotle*  says,  that  "the  Indians 
ruled  in  the  east,  as  the  Etruscans  in  the  west."  ' 

Catof  says,  "  in  Thuscorum  jure,  pene  omnis 
Italiee  fuerat." 

Servius,  in  his  commentary  upon  Virgil,J  asserts 
"  Nam  constat  Thuscos  usque  ad  mare  Siculum 
omnia  possedisse." 

^ye  have  now  proved  the  Rasena  to  have  been  an 
Asiatic  or  a  Ludin  colony,  and  we  think  that  they 

*  Orat.  in  Bacch.  f  Ser^-ius  ^En.  xi. 

X  Georg.  ii.  533. 

T   5 


418 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CONCLUSION. 


419 


prove  themselves  to  have  passed,  like  the  Jews,  a 
long  sojourning  in  Egypt,  and  to  have  come  from 
Egypt  or  Lybia,  into  Europe. 

Let   us,  as  an  illustration,  suppose  an  English 
ship  to  arrive  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  to-mor- 
row, at  an  island  in  Polynesia  never  before  heard 
of.     The  crew  are  amazed  to  find  a  people  there, 
who  write  the  old  black  letter  of  our  forefathers, 
and  who  speak  a  jargon  of  German  and  French, 
which  when  analysed,  proves  to  be  the  English  of 
the  days  of  Chaucer.    This  people  inform  them  that 
the  name  of  their  island  is  "  Anglia,"  and  that  they 
themselves  are  "  Londoners,"  a  colony  from  Nor- 
mandy, who  arrived  in  ships  at  tlieir  present  home 
five  centuries  ago,  under  "Sir  Hubert."     Their  me- 
tropolis is  named  Hubertstown,  their  great  lawgiver 
is  St.  Louis,  their  patron  saint,  St.  George,  and  one 
of  their  towns  is  Georgeville,  because,  as  they  allege, 
George's  land  was  the  earliest  name  of  their  country. 
Their  great  and  rich  temple  is  "Notre  Dame;"  their 
kalendar  is  the  old  style  of  Europe  ;  their  towns 
are  built  with  walls,  gates,  and  fortresses,  and  their 
cathedrals  are  like  those  of  Normandy  and  Brit- 
tany.    Their  religion  also  is  the  Roman  Catholic, 
such    as   it    was   before  the  decrees  of  Trent  had 
fixed  it  in  its  present  dogmas,  when  much  liberality 
and  much  diversity  of  opinion  were  allowed  to  exist 
amongst  its  members,  upon  difiicult  points  of  faith, 
though  there  was  a  general  agreement  in  doctrine 
and  worship. 

Though  this  strange  people  might  say  that  "  God 


had  given  them  the  Polynesian  Anglia,"  even  as 
the  llasena  said  that  Jove  had  given  them  Etruria, 
and  though  they  might  preserve  no  trace  of  their 
history  previous  to  their  settlement  in  Polynesia 
under  Sir  Hubert,  yet  could  we  doubt  as  to  who 
they  were,  or  whence  they  came?  As  a  colony  of 
Londoners  and  going  through  transitions,  such  as 
we  have  imagined,  they  could  in  truth  have  no 
history  to  relate,  but  would  resemble  the  American 
emigrants  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and  Charles. 
Yet  should  we  not  say  that  they  needed  no  records, 
that  their  language  and  customs  told  their  own 
story,  and  that  not  all  the  annals  of  corroborating 
narratives,  could  make  the  truth  more  evident,  as 
to  their  having  been  originally  a  colony  from  Lon- 
don, the  capital  of  England,  at  a  time  when  it  had 
been  in  intimate  relation  with  France  ?  Should  we 
not  deduce  with  equal  confidence,  that  this  colony 
had  dwelt  for  a  time  in  Normandy,  that  they  had 
been  protected  there  by  St.  Louis,  whose  laws  and 
memory  they  in  consequence  held  in  reverence,  and 
that  some  strange  accident,  perhaps  persecution 
following  upon  his  death,  or  war,  or  famine,  had 
driven  them  across  the  ocean  to  the  New  Anglia, 
in  which  our  ship  is  supposed  to  find  them? 

Let  us  imagine  still  further,  that  this  people  had 
impressed  upon  their  standard  coin,  called  a  sove- 
reign or  suzerain,  the  head  of  William  the  Con- 
queror doubled,  in  order  to  express  that  he  had 
heen  their  lord  in  two  countries.  Suppose  that  on 
the  reverse  side,  was  a  ship,  in  memory  of  their 


420 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


having  been  driven  from  their  earthly  heaven,  the 
French  home,  \vhieh  had  at  first  received  them, 
and  of  tlieir  having*  found,  upon  being  forced  away 
from  it,  refuge  in  another  home  in  the  Ea^^t.  And 
suppose  that  they  had  introduced  amongst  the  na- 
tive islanders,  the  saint-worship  of  this  William  of 
their  coins,  with  whom  they  were  continually  con- 
founding Sir  Hubert,  in  tradition,  because  in  Nor- 
mandy, they  had  been  called  the  people  of  William, 
and  Sir  Hubert  as  the  head  of  this  people,  when 
they  colonized,  naturally  represented  in  the  new 
country,  the  man  who  had  been  their  former  head 
and  symbolical  father  in  the  old;— would  not  this 
aid  us,  as  an  additional  light,  to  trace  the  period 
during  which  they  had  dwelt  in  France,  under  the 
kings  between  the  dynjisties  of  William  and  St. 
Louis?  Historical  testimony,  however  clear,  could 
scarcely  convince  our  understandings  more  strongly, 
as  to  the  origin  and  adventures  of  this  people, 
though  it  might  relate  the  details  of  their  story 
more  circumstantiallv. 

To  apply  this  parallel  to  the  Rasena  :  a  tribe  from 
Resen,  the  capital  of  Aturia,  in  the  land  of  Assyria, 
which  the  Egyptians  called  Ludin,  having  ruled  for 
some  tiuie,  in  the  Men)phaid,  are  driven  away,  and 
taking  ship,  come  into  Umbria  under  Tarchun,  or 
Tirhaka.  Thev  call  themselves  R.S.N.a,  from 
Resen  ;  their  new  settlement  Eturia,  from  Aturia;* 
and  their  chief  town  Tarchuna,  from  Tarchun  their 

*  Servius  xi.  596,  calls  Turrhenia  Etruri.  Strabo  xvi.  names 
Tarchun  as  the  Etrurian  chief. 


/ 


CONCLUSION. 


421 


warrior  head.  Tages  or  Taautes,  their  lawgiver,  is  the 
same  as  Egyptian  Thoth,  and  their  land  was  called 
Heraclea,  from  their  patron-saint  "  Erkle."  One  of 
their  towns  near  the  Temple  of  Voltumna  bore  the 
same  name ;  and  we  deduce  it  from  Erkol  the 
princely  demigod  of  Tyre,  or  from  Archies  the  As- 
syrian king  of  Lower  Egypt.  Their  great  temple 
of  Eluthya  was  dedicated  to  the  same  divinity  as 
Eluthia  of  the  Thebai'd.*  The  image  on  their 
coins  was  that  of  Janus,  who  was  the  ancient 
chief  and  ruler  of  the  Assyrians  in  the  Avaris 
and  the  Mem|)haid ;  and  one  of  whose  tribes  came 
in  a  ship  to  Italy,  the  coin  itself  bearing  the  name 
of  '*  As  or  Asith,"  Assyrian  Janus's  successor.  The 
style  of  the  Rasenan  buildings  and  the  genius  of 
their  religion  was  Egyptian  ;  tlieir  letters  were 
Plianician,  and  tlieir  numerals  were  the  remains 
of  an  Assyrian  alphabet,  which,  if  not  cotemporary, 
preceded  the  Phoenician.  Their  writing  continued 
from  first  to  last  Oriental,  being  read  from  right  to 
left,  often  leaving  out  vowels,  and  generally  using 
them  indifierently,  one  for  another.  This  of  itself 
proves  that  they  neither  learnt  from  the  Greeks 
nor  copied  them,  or  they  would  have  changed  their 
mode  of  writing  and  fixed  their  sounds  after  the 
Grecian  manner.  All  that  they  adopted  from  the 
Greeks  in  the  course  of  time,  was  the  O,  and  some 
of  the  letters  which  express  double  sounds.  Their 
original  alphabet  seems  to  have  been  the  same 
with  the  Egyptian,  the  Assyrian,  and  the  Chaldee, 

*  Pliny  ix. 


ii 


422 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


and  had  in  it,  no  medial  letters,  no  B,  D,  or  G, 
and  no  C.  The  B  was  expressed  by  V,  the  D  by 
T,  and  C  by  S  or  K.  It  is  from  the  use  or  omis- 
sion of  these  letters  on  inscriptions,  that  we  are 
often  able  to  guess  their  date,  as  preceding  or  subse- 
quent to,  the  foundation  of  Rome.  Their  language  is 
a  dialect  of  Assyrian,  their  astronomy  Chaldean,  their 
alphabet  Semitic,  their  numerals  arrow-headed,  and 
their  religious  usages,  manners,  and  customs,  are  a 
mixture  of  Egyptian  and  Phoenician,  identical  with 
neither,  but  partaking  of  the  nature  of  both. 

We  need  not  ask  reasoning  men  whether  this  peo- 
ple are  or  are  not  Assyrians  ?  Whether  we  should 
believe  their  own  tradition,  that  they  originally  were 
driven  by  famine,  or  some  other  calamity,  from 
Ludin,  and  sailed  to  the  west  and  north,  taking  with 
them  arms  and  followers,  tools  and  furniture :  or 
whether,  according  to  the  conjectures  of  learned 
dreamers,  they  were  animated  portions  of  the  Italian 
soil,  who,  in  the  progress  of  time,  by  some  marvel- 
lous and  hitherto  unexperienced  and  su|)ernatural 
developement;  or  by  contact  with  Pelasgi,  who  could 
neither  build,  nor  sail,  nor  light,  became,  with  the 
sudden  force  of  inspiration,  a  learned  and  powerful, 
a  great  and  civilized  nation  ?  We  apprehend,  as  the 
governing  rule  of  this  world,  that  eliects  must  have 
causes  equal  to  produce  them. 

This  appears  to  us  the  most  convenient  place  for 
criticising  a  parallel  which  was  drawn  in  the  chapter 
on  the  liyksos,  p.  33,  between  the  Egyptians  and  the 


CONCLUSION. 


423 


Rasena,  where  Egyptian  Eluthya  is  named,  as  con- 
taining a  temple  to  the  same  goddess  who  was  wor- 
shipped at  Pyrgi,  and  where  "  Ransni,"  a  scribe  and 
general  is  mentioned  as  having  been  buried  in  the 
Eluthyan  necropolis.  Also  we  would  make  some 
remarks  upon  a  passage  of  Diodorus,  according  to 
which  one  race  oF  the  Hyksos  lived  for  three  hundred 
years  in  a  portion  of  Egypt  near  Ethiopia,  in  a  town 
called  Esar,  which  is  the  Etruscan  word  for  a  demi- 


god. 


Eluthya  was  a  town  in  Upper  Egypt,  mentioned 
by  Pliny.^'  Strabo  (v.)  describes  it  as  rich  and  noble 
in  appearance,  and  says  that  it  contained  a  temple 
to  the  goddess  of  delivery  and  victory,  which  temple, 
Uosellini  informs  us,  was  adorned  by  the  sovereign 
Queen  Amense,  and  by  the  Pharoahs  Moeris  and 
Meuuion.  In  proof  of  its  high  antiquity,  Rosellinit 
gives  the  preuoiiien  of  a  king  prior  to  the  j6th 
dynasty,  who  was  buried  here.  Now  this  temple 
was  certainly  known  to  the  Hyksos,  because  the 
part  of  Egypt  in  which  it  is  situated,  was  devastated 
by  them,  and  if  a  Hyksos  general  could  find  a  place 
there,  or  if  the  Egyptians,  like  the  Romans,  ever  took 
the  names  of  those  whom  they  conquered,  such  as 
'*  Asiaticus,"  "Africanus,"  &c.,  Ranseni,  who  died  in 
the  reign  of  Setho^  has  every  chance  of  being  such 
a  man.  The  Rasena,  we  believe  to  have  left  Egypt 
either  when  Sethos  was  a  child,J  and  Ranseni  may 
have  been  a  veteran  soldier,  or  they  left  it  a  few 
years  previous  to  his  reign,  which  would  still  cor- 
respond with  the  youth  of  Ranseni.      It  may  be 

t  vol.  i.  p.  144.  X  Bunsen's  dates. 


IX, 


424 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


urged  that  Elutliya  is  the  Greek,  and  not  tlie 
Egyptian  name  oltlie  goddess  or  tenij)le  of  wliich 
we  are  speaking.  Its  name  has  indeed,  within  the 
hist  few  years,  been  discovered  by  the  hieroglyphics 
to  be  "Tsuan,"  but  we  may  with  equal  truth,  argue 
against  the  temple  of  Pyrgi,  the  name  of  which  we 
only  know  through  the  Greeks,  and  the  vernacular 
of  which,  could  it  be  found,  would  more  probably 
be  some  Syro- Egyptian  sound,  like  "  Atsuara  or 
Atsuana."  Tsuan  being  the  Egyptian,  and  Athara 
the  Pliamician  name  for  Eluthya.  In  both  cases, 
the  Greeks  conceived  the  temple  to  be  dedicated  to 
the  same  goddess,  and  the  names  in  Etruscan  and 
Egyptian,  to  signify  the  same  thing.  This  is  further 
confirmed  by  Plutarch,  who  says  that  Athuri  is  a 
title  of  Isis.  Athyr,  according  to  Rosellini,  i«? 
Venus,  i.  e.  she    was  one  of  the  great  goddesses  of 

Egypt. 

Winning  says  that  the  four-winged  PhaMiician 
figures  are  Athara  or  Eluthya,  the  same  with 
Egyptian  Isis  and  the  Greek  lo.*  With  the 
Egyptians,  the  vulture  was  the  emblem  of  victorv, 
and  the  hawk  of  sovereignty,  which  two  were  repre- 
sented in  Etruria  by  the  very  same  birds,  latinized 
afterwards  into  a  vulture  and  an  ea^le. 

The  tomb  of  Ranseni  is  one  of  four  painted 
sepulchres,  all  in  the  same  place,  and  in  his  tomb 
are  the  representations  of  agricultural  processes, 
music  and  dancing,  exactly  similar  to  the  Etruscan 
remains  in  the  sepulchres  of  Tarquinia. 

Esar,  the  Hyksos  town  of  Diodorus,  was  situated 
•  Winning,  in  Brit.  Mag. 


CONCLUSION. 


425 


seventeen  days  to  the  south  of  Meroe,  according  to 
Pliny.*  Wilkinson  says  that  Esar  means  in  Ara- 
bic, the  "  left  hand,"  but  it  is  surely  not  so  pro- 
bable that  any  people  should  have  given  to  their 
capital  the  sinister  name  of  "  Left-IIand,"  as 
that,  according  to  the  custom  of  all  the  ancient 
Asiatic  tribes,  they  should  have  called  it  after  the 
name  of  a  greater  or  lesser  god.  At  all  events, 
Esar  was  a  Ludin  name,  given  to  the  town  of  a 
Ludin  colony,  from  the  Avaris,  and  Esar  also  is  the 
name  of  blessed  or  deified  spirits  amongst  the  Etrus- 
cans, and  was  given  to  some  of  their  rivers,  and  with 
great  probability  to  some  of  their  smaller  towns 
also. 

The  inventionsf  ascribed  to  the  Etruscans,  by 
Greek  and  Latin  writers,  are  the  trumpet,  the 
shield,  the  phalanx,  and  the  science  of  fortifica- 
tion,J  Tuscan  columns  and  architectural  propor- 
tions,§  the  prow  and  anchor,||  mills,^  atria  or  house 
courts,  plays  and  theatres,  horse  races,*  *  the 
golden  crown  of  triumph,  paintings,t  f  Fictile 
vases,J  J  and  coins.  The  meaning  of  **  inven- 
tion,** as  applied  to  these  and  many  other  things, 
we    have    before   observed,    simply   indicates    that 

•  vi, 

t  The  authors  from  whom  this  list  is  taken  may  be  seen  all 
collected  together  in  Miiller,  Micali,  and  Dempster.  They  are 
Varro,  Festus,  Tertullian,  Tacitus  xiv.,  Isidorus,  Athenajus 
Deipnosophist  vi.,  and  Pliny  vii,  36,  xxxvi.  18,  xxxv.  2. 

X  Isodorus  and  Vitruv.  §  Dcip.  vi.  |1  Plin.  vii. 

f  Pliny,  xxxvi.  18.  *♦  Tacitus,  xiv.        ff  Plin.  xxxv. 

X  Isidorus. 


426 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the   Rasena  were    the   first  to   use   and    introduce 
them  into  Italy. 

The  Romans  took  from  the  Rasena  the  method 
of  founding  and  consecrating  cities,  of  constituting 
the  senate  and  government,  and  of  ordering  their 
colonies.  From  them,  they  learned  the  construc- 
tion of  walls,  forts,  and  pouu^ria  ;  the  reckoning  of 
time,  literal  characters,  numerals,  and  coinage. 
From  them,  they  also  learned  the  worship  of 
Janus,  Hercules,  and  Saturn,  besides  other  gods 
and  heroes  ;  the  forms  of  declaring  war,  and  ol 
making  treaties  ;  the  use  of  augury,  and  of  reli- 
gious ceremonies;  of  military  music  and  accoutre- 
ments ;  of  chariots,  trumpets,  Circensian  games, 
crowns,  sceptres,  curule  chairs,  togas,  ornaments  of 
dress,  and  fasces;  the  institution  of  Vestals,  Feciales, 
Salii,  and  lictors ;  of  colleges  for  different  brother- 
hoods of  men,  of  Arvales,  Agrimensores,  and  Harusi- 
pices.  From  them,  they  also  learned  the  science  of 
cultivating  land  with  agricultural  instruments,  the 
culture  of  the  vine,  the  arts  of  statuary  and  architec- 
ture, the  fabrication  of  pottery,  the  science  of  navi- 
gation, the  construction  of  shi])s,  magazines,  and 
armaments,  the  method  of  keeping  their  annals,* 
and  the  useful  practice  of  singing  at  feasts  the 
praises  of  their  ancestors.  Livy  says,  that  in  the 
year  389  of  tlie  city,  the  Romans  introduced  from 
Etruria,  dancing,  playing,  scenic  amusements,  and 
repeating  of  verses.  Nevertheless,  the  verses  which 
recorded  the  praises  of  ancestors  were  repeated  long 

*  Justus  Fontanus. 


CONCLUSION. 


427 


before  this  period,  because  one  of  the  laws  in  the 
Twelve  Tables  commands  that  when  this  is  done, 
other  men  are  not  to  be  disparaged. 

The  wonderful  similarity  between  the  Rasena  and 
the  Egyptians  in  religious  dogmas,  in  the  form  of 
their  furniture  and  pottery,  their  apparel  and  orna- 
ments, their  architecture  and  painting,  their  division 
and  measurement  of  land,  their  military  customs, 
arms,  and  discipline,  but  above  all,  in  their  funeral 
rites,  has  been  frequently  touched  upon  in  this  vo- 
lume, and  will  be  referred  to  more  in  detail,  when 
we  come  to  treat  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Rasena.  Such  are  the  painted  cavern,  the  sculptured 
iuiage,  the  yearly  feast  in  memory  of  the  deceased, 
the  praises  sung  at  his  funeral,  the  Lares,  the  vases, 
the  scarabaei  and  bronze  specchj  buried  with  the  dead ; 
the  sacred  flower  of  the  Lotus  painted  on  the  walls 
of  the  tomb,  the  Tutulus  as  a  mark  of  dignity,  worn 
upon  the  head,  the  emblems  of  the  Hippocampus, 
the  Tiphon,  and  the  sacred  geese  ;  the  illustrious 
men,  distinguished  by  red  painted  faces,  and  the 
women  of  a  fairer  and  paler  colour ;  the  very  name 
of  the  god  "Mantu,"  and  of  the  demons  Charon  and 
Tifon.  All  of  these,  which  were  not  the  separate 
and  simultaneous  inventions  of  two  different  and 
widely  distant  nations,  but  which  were  derived  from 
the  one  people  to  the  other,  we  shall  treat  of  more 
at  length,  hereafter. 

It  is  almost  equally  interesting  to  remark  the 
strong  brotherly  likeness  between  the  Etruscans 
and  the  Hebrews,  that  other  Assyrian  or  Ludin 
race,  which,   like   themselves,   found   a  long  tem- 


428 


IIISTOKY    OF    ETnrRIA. 


poraiy  home  in  the  Avaris,  and  came  out  thenco, 
between  two  and  three  centuries  before  them,  tu 
settle  as  a  separate  nation,  in  another  country. 
The  resemblance  between  the  two  peojile  is  so 
strong,  arising  from  an  identity  of  circumstances, 
in  many  respects,  that  the  Jews,  when  thoy  became 
acquainted  with  the  Etruscans,  believed  them  to  be 
the  children  of  Esau,  the  brother  of  Jacob,  and 
called  them  a  race  from  Edom.*  We  observe,  how- 
ever, this  great  difference  between  the  two, — the 
Hebrews,  an  unwarlike  race,  went  into  a  warlike 
and  highly  civilized  country,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  were  continually  influencing  them  to  adopt 
their  customs,  though  to  their  own  hurt.  Here 
they  seem  to  have  lived  under  a  continual  impres- 
sion that  the  Canaanites  were  a  superior  people  to 
themselves,  and  that  in  their  land,  they  could  learn 
much  more  than  they  were  ever  able  to  teacli ; 
though  they  alone  were  the  people  of  the  Most 
High,  and  though  they  alone  possessed  that  trutli, 
of  which  every  rational  notion  in  Palestine  was  but 
a  corruption.  The  Rasena,  on  the  contrary,  went 
forth  a  warlike  and  bold  race,  into  a  land  where 
they  had  no  equals,  and  where  consequently,  to 
their  misfortune,  they  taught  all  and  could  iu 
return  learn  nothing. 

We  find  amongst  the  Jews,  these  strong  points 
of  resemblance  to  the  Rasena.  They  adopted  the 
Assyrian  letters  and  dialect,  their  weights  and  mea- 
sures, their  coins  and  established  rules  for  wages, 

*  The  rabbis  have  a  tradition  that  the  Etruscans  were  the 
children  of  Esau.     Vide  Winning,  in  British  Mag. 


CONCLUSION. 


429 


usury,  and  debt;  their  system  of  land-measuring  and 
agriculture,  their  cultivation  of  the  olive  and  the 
vine,  their  strict  division  of  the  people  into  classes, 
and  the  distinction,  in  matters  of  government, 
between  dominant  Hebrews  and  plebeian  Canaan- 
ites, which  was  ever  kept  in  view,  and  ever  carried 
out  into  practice.  We  find,  moreover,  a  civil  divi- 
sion of  the  people  into  households,  and  a  military 
division  of  them  into  tens  and  fifties,  hundreds  and 
thousands.  We  find  amongst  the  Hebrews,  the  As- 
syrian law  of  female  inheritance,  the  institution  of 
asylums,  aggers,  w^alled  cities,  gates,  and  forts,  the 
building  of  many  storied  houses,  the  custom  of 
counting  a  man  for  a  family,  and,  in  numbering  the 
j)eoj)le,  of  reckoning  the  warriors  only.  We  recog- 
nize amongst  them  the  poll-tax  and  tithes,  the 
keeping  of  pedigrees,  the  prohibitions  for  a  man  to 
be  a  priest  (answering  to  an  Augur)  before  he  was 
of  considerable  age,  the  use  of  highways,  and  the 
practice  of  reading  and  writing.  The  covenants 
which  they  made  with  neighbouring  nations,  or  be- 
tween families  and  tribes,  were  always  established 
and  solemnized  by  feasts  and  sacrifices ;  and  they 
used  in  war,  trumpets,  shields,  helmets,  daggers, 
battle-axes,  and  swords,  and  for  household  and  tem- 
j)le  purposes,  vessels  of  brass  or  bronze,  and  clay. 

The  Hebrews  brought  with  them  out  of  Egypt 
even  the  bronze  specchj  for  the  women,  like  those 
now  found  in  the  Etruscan  tombs,  besides  the  gold 
and  jewelled  ornaments  for  dress;  chains,  earrings, 
bracelets,  and  a  thousand  other  similarities  in  sacred 


430 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


and  domestic  habits,  though  their  exit  took  place 
nearly  300  years  prior  to  the  Rasena.  And  all  these 
we  hold  to  be  strong  confirmation  for  wliat  we  have 
throughout  advanced,  viz.  the  self-evident  orien- 
talism of  the  Etruscans.  Indeed,  the  deeper  we 
push  our  researches,  the  more  clearly  does  the 
truth  shine  forth,  defying  even  doubt  and  hesita- 
tion, that  the  Etruscan  nation,  which  differed  in 
language  from  all  around  them,  and  which  origin- 
ated civilization  to  every  other  Italian  tribe,  whilst 
they  resembled  none,  can  be  identified  with  the 
men  of  Egypt  and  Phoenicia,  like  children  of  the 
same  family.  AVe  apprehend,  therefore,  that  by  the 
voice  of  common  sense  and  reason,  the  Etruscans 
must  be  acknowledged  as  the  race  which  they  have 
ever  called  themselves,  i.  e.  the  children  of  Tarchun, 
the  disciples  of  Tages  or  Thoth,  and  the  tribe  of 
ancient  Ludin. 

To  them  alone  we  trace,  in  the  first  instance,  the 
civilization  of  Italy,  where  Niebuhr,  Midler,  and 
Micali  prove,  that  the  Greeks  had  no  influence 
until  after  the  year  300  of  Rome;  and,  if  this  be 
true,  it  is  to  Etruria,  and  to  her  great  Etruscan 
Latin  colony,  the  lordly  and  world-embracing  Rome, 
that  we  owe  the  civilization  of  Europe  in  general, 
and  of  our  own  island,  Great  Britain,  in  par- 
ticular. 

Learned  men,  should  any  of  you  ever  deign  to 
peruse  this  work,  forgive  its  errors,  and  be  not  dis- 
gusted by  one,  ten,  or  even  a  hundred  mistakes  in 
its  pages,  which  may  appear  inexcusable  to  the  eyes 

6 


CONCLUSION. 


431 


of  your  superior  knowledge.  Be  persuaded  to  read 
it  through,  and  to  ponder  well  the  evidence  of  facts, 
united  to  those  of  ancient  testimony  and  of  existing 
remains.  Weigh  these  together,  and  then  determine 
if  the  argument,  in  the  mass,  be  not  founded  upon 
truth.  The  theory  built  upon  it  may  be  so  unskil- 
fully supported,  as  to  fall  to  pieces  at  the  first  rude 
touch,  but  the  foundation,  we  believe  to  be  so  deeply 
laid,  that  it  cannot  be  overthrown. 

Be  not  offended  that  one  who,  in  comparison  with 
you,  knows  nothing,  should  venture  to  intrude  upon 
the  ground  which  you  have  left  vacant,  and  who 
feels  like  a  mole  attempting  to  burrow  through  a 
mountain,  having  no  power  to  accomplish  more 
than  barely  to  trace  upon  the  surface  that  line  which 
it  is  your  province  to  quarry  through  underground. 

Be  not  forgetful  that  the  ablest  general  rarely 
marches  his  forces  over  ground  that  has  not  pre- 
viously  been  prepared  for  him  by  the  humble  pio- 
neer,  and  that  the  most  talented  of  architects  cannot 
put  into  execution  his  sublime  conceptions,  except 
he  have  the  help  of  the  poor  workman  who  labours 
for  his  daily  bread.  Do  not  despise  the  day  of  small 
things.  "  I  see  men  as  trees  walking."  Let  us 
hope  that  the  ointment  may  yet  be  found,  by  your 
help,  which  shall  restore  to  those  dim  and  treelike 
figures  the  grace  and  the  proportions  of  men. 

NoTE.-Since  this  volume  was  entirely  finished,  the  author  has 
seen  the  very  curious  work  lately  pubhshed  by  Sir  WiUiam  Bee- 
tham  upon  "Etruria  Celtica,"  and  is  gratified  to  find  that,  by  an 
entirely  different  light  and  process,  that  zealous  and  ingenious 


432 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


antiquarian  has  arrived  at  nearly  the  same  results,  in  all  impor- 
tant particulars,  with  those  developed  in  the  preceding  pages. 
The  Eugubian  tables,  granting  them  to  be  written  in  Etrus- 
can and  not  in  Umbrian,  must,  however,  still  remain  an  open 
question,  until  more  can  be  ascertained  concerning  the  various 
dialects  of  the  Phoenician  lan^age.  As  the  Rasena  had  been 
settled  in  Italy  for  ui)wards  of  500  years,  when  those  tables 
were  engraved,  there  can  be  no  question  that  both  Greek 
and  Oscan,  but  esi>ecially  the  latter,  had  by  that  time,  greatly 
influenced  the  primitive  Etruscan  tongue,  even  as  much  as 
French  and  Latin  in  England,  have  influenced  the  native  Saxon, 
and  for  this  reason  the  Irish  and  Etruscan  languages,  even 
though  they  could  be  i)roved  to  be  cognates,  cannot  be 
identical. 

As  we  beheve  Etruscan  to  have  been  the  learned  language  of 
Umbria,  it  is  just  as  likely  that  all  public  decrees  should  have 
been  written  in  that  tongue,  as  that  our  own  Acts  of  Parliament 
formerly  should  have  been  written  in  Latin :  and  much  more 
likely  than  the  absurd  custom,  which  we  still  preserve,  of  plac- 
ing Latin  eulogies  in  our  churches  upon  the  monuments  of 
illustrious  Englishmen,  as  if  their  own  language  were  not 
polished  enough  to  celebrate  their  praise,  or  as  if  we  wrote 
for  foreigners,  and  not  for  the  benefit  and  improvement  of  our 
own  peoi)le. 


THE    END. 


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tntljfCitpufJtrttigdrk 

THE  LIBRARIES 


Third  Edition. 

TDUR  TO    IHE    SEPULCHUKS    OF  KTHl'lUA 

IN    1S80 

By  Mrs.  Hamilton  CJrav. 

Contents :— Introduction— Veii— Mont  Nerooe— Tarquinia—Vulci 
~  Tuscania— Ca^re  or  Agylla-Castel  d'Asso-Clusmm— Conclusion. 

With  numerous  Illustrations,  post  8vo,  price  21s.  cloth. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA 

Part  I. — TAi'.rin  N    vmj   his   iimes. 
From  the  Foundation  of  Tarquinia  to  the  Foundation  of  Rome. 

Bv  Mrs.  Hamilton  Guay. 


THE 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PART    II. 


FROM      THE      FOUNDATION     OF     ROME     TO     THE      GENERAL 
PEACE    OF   ANNO   TARUUINIiE,  839.       B.  C.  348. 


BY 


MRS.    HAMILTON    GRAY. 


(  ()I..C()].L. 

URRARY 

A  YORK. 


LONDON; 

J.  HATCHARD  AND   SON,  187,  PICCADILLY. 

1844. 


•a 


PREFACE. 


LONDON : 

G.   J.    PALMKR,   rniNTER,  SAVOV   STllKKT,   bTUAND, 


In  this  Volume  we  have  so  often  referred  to 
Niebuhr*s  "  Roraische  Geschichte,"  that  we  wished 
to  make  that  work  as  accessible  as  possible  to  an 
English  reader.  We  found  this  difficulty, — that 
whereas  our  quotations  were  made  from  the  ori- 
ginal, the  German  copies  and  English  translation 
nowhere  can  be  made  to  agree  for  reference,  except- 
ing in  the  notes,  which  in  both  are  numbered  alike. 
We  have  therefore  adopted  the  somewhat  clumsy 
expedient  of  quoting  the  notes  only,  in  order  to 
refer  our  readers  to  that  part  of  the  work,  whether 
note  or  text,  from  which  our  knowledge  was 
gleaned. 

For  the  quotations  from  Dionysius  and  Diodorus 
we  would  refer  to  their  index,  as  in  the  first  volume. 


20564 


II 


VI 


PREFACE. 


A  very  eminent  scholar  has  desired  that  the 
authors  referred  to  in  p.  41,  vol.  i ,  of  this  work,  as 
having  related  that  Northern  Africa  was  settled  by 
the  Phoenicians,  may  be  named.  They  are  chiefly 
collected  from  the  Universal  Ant.  His,  vols, 
xvii.  p.  220,  &c.,  and  vol  xviii,  p.  141,  &c.,  and  they 
are  Aristotle  de  Mirabilia,  Strabo  iii.,  Nonnius  in 
Dionys.  xiii.,  Sallust  in  Jugurtha,  Veil.  Paterc,  1. 
c.  2,  Florus  iii.,  Praecop  de  Bell.  Vand.,  Eusebius 
Chron.,  August  in  Epist.  ad  Rom.,  besides  the 
modern  authorities  of  Huet,  Bachart,  and  Heeren. 
The  author  who  asserts  that  the  tribes  of  "  Ait 
Amor"  and  "  Ait  Het."  are  Phoenicians,  is  (iray 
Jackson,  once  British  Consul  amongst  them,  in 
his  History  of  the  Morocco  and  Barbary  States ; 
and  he  could  judge  as  to  their  language  not  being 
Arabic,  and  as  to  the  prefixes  of  O  and  Mac  not 
being  mispronunciations  of  that  tongue,  because 
he  was  himself  a  distinguished  Arabic  scholar. 

Von  Hammer's  opinion  is  quoted  from  a  private 
letter  written  by  him  to  Mr.  Spencer  Smith,  of 
which  the  writer  of  this  work  was  permitted  to 
make  use,  as  well  as  of  Mr.  Jackson's  letters  to  the 
same  gentleman,  and  to  his  talented  s^on,  the  Re- 
verend Herbert  Smith.     The  information   respect- 


PREFACE. 


vn 


ing  the  Ogham  alphabet  is  taken  from  '«  the  Round 
Towers  of  Ireland,"  by  O'Brien ;  and  the  "  Darius" 
referred  to,  as  the  last  king  under  whom  the  arrow- 
headed  characters  were  used,  should  have  been 
written  "  Darius  Codomanus." 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPl'ER  I. 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


Turrhenia  founds  Alba  Longa — Colonies  and  Townships  of 
Alba  Longa — Alba  Longa  founds  Rome — Reign  and  Insti- 
tutions of  Romulus.       ....        Page     1 


CHAPTER  IL 

PERIOD   OF    NUMA. 
B.C.  716.      YEAR    OF   TARQUINIA    47l. 

State  of  Etruria  in  the  time  of  Numa — Reign  of  Numa — Poli- 
tical parties  in  Etruria — Institutions,  Sacred  and  Civil,  of 
Numa — Profound  peace  all  over  Italy    .  ,  .33 

CHAPTER  III. 


PERIOD    OP   TULLU8    HOSTILIUS    IN    ROME. 
B.  C.  672.      YEAR   OF   TARQUINIA   515. 

Reign  of  Tullus  Hostilius  in  Rome — Comparative  authenticity 
of  the  first  three  Roman  reigns — War  with  Alba  Longa — 


CONTENTS. 

Various  accounts  of  this  war,  and  explanations  of  its  origin- 
Destruction  of  Alba  Longa-Revolution  in  Corinth-Arritffel 
and  settlement  of  Demaratus  at  Tarquinia-Greek  artists  es- 
tablished in  Etruria-State  of   the   arts   in  Greece  and  in 
Etruria— Death  of  Tullus  Hostilius       .  .  .55 


CHAPTER  IV. 


PERIOD    OF    ANGUS    MARTIUS  IN    ROME. 
B.    C.    639.      YEAR    OF    TABQUINIA,    548. 

Reign  of  Ancus  Martius -Arrival  of  Lucius  and  Tanaquil 
at  Rome  from  Tarquinia— Political  parties  in  Etruna— Po- 
pular tendency  of  the  northern  states,  and  aristocratic  ten- 
dency of  the  southern-Cale  Fipi,  the  leader  of  the  liberal 
party- Zeal  of  Lucius  for  the  aristocratic  cause— Disap- 
pointed in  Tarquinia,  this  zeal  leads  him  to  Rome— Power  of 
Lucius  in  Rome— Ceremonies  of  the  Feciales- Rome  becomes 
the  scene  of  the  struggles  of  pohtical  parties  in  Etruria       77 


CHAPTER  V. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 

PERIOD     OP     THIRTY-SEVEN      YEARS;     FROM      Cl5      TO     578 
BEFORE    CHRIST.        YEAR    OF    TARQUINIA    572. 

Accession  of  Lucius  to  the  Roman  Throne— Changes  in  the 
Senate— Circus  Maximus— Arbitrary  Changes  of  Lucius 
opposed  by  Attius  Navius-Royal  Pomp  of  Lucius-Cloaca 
Maxima-Explanation  of  the  expression  "Tarqmman  Dy- 
nasty"- More  than  one  reign  comprehended  under  that  of 
Lucius- Inconsistency  in  the  commonly  received  Account  of 
the  Succession  to  the  Throne  after  the  Death  of  Lucius- 
Latins  and  Sabines,  aided  by  the  Etruscan  Liberal  army. 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


conspire  against  Lucius  and  are  defeated — Triumph  of  Lucius 
— Account  of  Mastama — Great  power  and  extensive  domi- 
nions of  Lucius — Followers  of  Cale  Fipi  settled  on  the  CoeUan 
Mount   .....••     100 

CHAPTER  VI. 
FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 

PERIOD    THIRTY-SEVEN    YEARS. 
B.    C.    615   TO    578.      YEAR    OF    TARQUINIA    572. 

Celes  Vibenna  and  the  army  of  the  liberal  faction  gain  an  es- 
tablishment in  Rome — ^Tarquin  prepares  to  build  a  temple  to 
Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva — Opposition  and  fate  of  Attius 
Naevius — Flight  of  the  Marcii  from  Rome — ^Tarquin  and 
Mastama  reign  together — Death  of  Tarquin — Gaia  Cecilia — 
Memory  of  Tarquin  revered — Office  of  Quaestor — Idols  intro- 
duced into  Rome  by  Tarquin — Troubles  in  Etruria — Frag- 
ment of  Etruscan  history  by  Claudius,  preserved  in  an  in- 
scri[)tion — Birth  and  early  history  of  Mastama — Northern 
states  of  Etruria  politically  opposed  to  the  southern — Ruin  of 
Vetulonia — llie  admission  of  Mastama  and  the  party  of  Celes 
V^ibenna  into  the  Roman  state  gives  tranquillity  to  Etruria — 
The  Etruscan  league  on  the  banks  of  the  Po — Invasions  of 
the  Gauls — Settlement  of  the  Gauls  at  Milan — Intercourse  of 
the  Etruscans  with  foreign  states  .  .  .124 

CHAPl'ER  VII. 

PERIOD    OP    MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 


li 


I'hRIOD    OF    MASTARNA,   OR  SERVIUS    TULLIUS,  FORTY- FOUR 
YEARS.       B.    C.    578.      YEAR    OF   TARQUINIA,    609. 

Exaltation  of  the  Plebs — Dedication  of  the  Temple  of  Tiana  on 
the  Aventine — Despotic  military  power  of  the  liberal  chief — 
Arbitrary  measures  against  the  Patricians — Plebeian  tribes — 


k 


Xll 


CONTENTS, 


Plebeian  army-Census  of  the  people-Despotic  taxation- 
Arbitrary  measures  in  favour  of  the  people,  and  agamst  t^e 
aristocracy-Irritation  of  the  Patricians-Conspiracy  of  the 
Tarquinian  party-Head  of  the  Tarquinian  party  and  his 
wife  TuUia-Death  of   Mastarna-Commonly-received    ac- 
counts of  it,  and  its  attending  circumstances- Various  incon- 
sistencies-Intention of  Mastama  to  abdicate,  or  change  the 
kinffly  power-Magnificent  works  of  Mastarna-The  wall  ot 
Rome-He  continued  those  of  Lucius-His  memory  vene- 
rated by  the  people  and  hated  by  the  nobles-Funeral  of 
Mastarna-Comparison  of  his   career  %vith  that  of  Lucius 
Tarqmnius         .  .  •  •  * 

CHAFFER  VIII. 

PERIOD    OF   MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 

Contests  between  the  Etruscans  and  Carthaginians-S^dinia- 
The  Phocians-Etruscan  Oflferings  at  Delphi  -  Divinities 
common  under  different  names  and  in  different  countries- 
Travels  of  Pythagoras— His  intercourse  with  the  Etruscans— 
Letters-Progress  of  alphabets -General  state  of  the  civi- 
lized world-Decay  of  some  nations  before  Etruna  had 
reached  her  most  flourishing  period-Necessary  intercourse 
between  the  Etruscans  and  the  chief  countries  of  the  ancient 

179 
world .     i/y 

CHAPITER  IX. 

SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 
PERIOD   OF   TARQUINIU8   8UPERBU8. 
B.     C.     534.       YEAR    OF     TARQUINIA     653. 

Reign  of   Tarquinius  Superbus— His  character— He  puts  to 
death  and  banishes  the  chiefs  of  the  party  of  Mastarna-He 


*(     1 


'|l 


CONTENTS. 


xm 


degrades  the  Junian  house — His  personal  kindness  to  its 
chief— Opposition  of  Herdonius  to  Tarquin— His  fate— Tar- 
quinius becomes  supreme  in  Latium — Sextus  Tarquinius  at 
Gabii — Etruscan  colonies  in  the  north — Victory  of  the  Cu- 
maeans  over  the  united  northern,  Etruscan,  and  Umbrian 
host  —  Aristodemus  —  Great  works  of  Tarquinius  —  Libri 
Fatales— Severity  of  Tarquinius*  rule — Embassy  to  Delphi 
— Intrigues  of  Junius  Brutus — Story  of  Lucretia — Revo- 
lution in  Rome — Exile  of  Tarquinius,  his  family,  and  ad- 
herents— Brutus  at  the  head  of  the  government — Laws  of 
Servius  Mastama  followed— Oath  taken  against  theTarquinii 
— Origin  of  the  office  of  Rex  Sacrorum  .193 


CHAPTER  X. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


i 


B.     C.    511.      YEAR    OF   TARQUINIA    676. 

Tarquin  retires  to  Caere— Sends  ambassadors  to  Rome — Impla- 
cability of  Brutus— Valerius^  Collatinus  retires  to  Lavinium 
— Embassy  of  the   Carthaginians    to  Rome — Conspiracy  to 

restore  Tarquin  detected— Death  of  the  sons  of  Brutus 

Confiscation  of  the  property  of  Tarquin— Tarquin,  aided  by 
Tarquinia  and  Veii,  makes  war  on  Rome — Battle  in  which 
Aruns  and  Brutus  are  slain  —  Lucretius  and  Valerius 
at  the  head  of  the  republic  —  Dedication  of  the  great 
temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus — ^Tarquin  applies  for  aid  to 
Lars  Porsenna — Obscurity  of  Etruscan  history — Rivalry  be- 
tween the  parties  of  Tarquin  and  Porsenna  in  the  Rasenan 
League— Porsenna,  notwithstanding,  aids  Tarquin,  in  order 
to  re-establish  Etruscan  influence  in  Rome        .  ,    228 


1 


I 


\) 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

LARS    PORSENNA. END    OF    TARQUIK. 

A.  TARQ.  678  TO  692;  a.  c.  509  to  497. 

The  importance  of  the  epoch  considered— Tarquin  seeks  aid  from 
Lars  Porsenna,  of  Chisium — His  motives  for  assistinjr  him — 
Porsenna  elected  Embratur  of  the  Leapfue — Gathering  of  the 
Etruscans  from  *'  the  lays  of  ancient  Rome" — Feat  of  Hora- 
tius  Codes— Blockade  of  the  city  and  its  suflferings  from 
famine — Attempt  on  the  hfe  of  Porsenna  by  Caius  or  Mucius 
— Destructionof  Roman  navy — Ignominious  submission  of  the 
city — Story  of  Cleha — Coolness  between  Porsenna  and  Tar(iuin 
— ^Tarquin  takes  refuge  with  Mamilius— Siege  of  Aricia  by  A  runs 
Porsenna — Aricia  applies  for  aid  to  the  Cumans — Victory  by 
Aristodemus — Death  of  Aruns  Porsenna — ^Tyranny  of  Aris- 
todemus  atCuma — Porsenna*8  victory  in  Volsinia — His  mag- 
nificent tomb  at  Clusium— State  of  parses  and  popular  feel- 
ing at  Rome,  in  favour  of  Tarquin — War  with  the  Latins, 
headed  by  Tarquin  and  Mamilius — Battle  of  Regillus,  and 
defeat  of  Tarquin — Death  of  Tarquin  at  Cuma  .     247 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    NINE    years'    WAR. 
A.    TARQ.    695    TO    714.       A.    C.    492    TO   473. 

War  between  Veii  and  Rome  —  Plebs  refuse  to  enhst— 
Battle  between  Tuscans  and  M.  Fabius— Q.  Fabius  and 
Consul  Manlius  killed— M.  Fabius  refused  a  triumph— His- 
tory of  the  Fabii,  taken  from  the  funeral  songs— Virginius  de- 
feated—Fabii  colonize  on  the  Cremera— ITieir  battles  with 
the  Veientines— Fabii  destroyed— Tuscans  take  the  Jani- 
culum,  and  defeat  Servihus— Truce— Meetings  at  Voltumna 

8 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


4 


-Menenms  condemned  to  death-Tuscans  and  Sabines  re- 
commence  the  war-Peace  for  forty  years-Sea-fight  off 
Cuma-Declme  of  Tuscan  naval  power-Thauk-offerings  at 
Delphi— Die— Tuscan  Libri  Fatales      .  .  274 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

LARS    TOLIJMNIUS    AND    THE    TWELVE    YEARS*    WAR. 
A.  c.  453;  AN.   R.  300;  AN.  TARQ.   734. 

Settled  state  of  Etruria  Proper-Sicilians  attack  Corsica  and 
Elba— Romans   consult  the  code  of  Faliscia— Fragments  of 
Tuscan  laws-Debt-Etruria  free  from  famines  of  Rome- 
Revolt  of  Fidene— LarsTolumnius- Murder  of  Feciales-War 
between  Veii  and  Rome-Faliscia  joins-Legend  of  Cossus- 
Fidene  taken-Meeting  at  Voltumna-Tnice-Fidene  revolts 
-Death  of  LarsTolumnius-SpoHa  opima-Romans  defeated 
--^  eu  sohcits  aid  from  Voltumna— Garrisons  Fidene— Panic 
in    Rome— Fidenians   fight  with   torches-  Capitulate-Veii 
concludes  peace  for  twenty  years-Etruria  Nova- Herodotus 
-South  Etruria-Vulturnum  taken  by  Capys-Tuscans  in 
Athenian    army -Form    the    commercial    population    of 
Capua    ...  ^ 

^  •  •  •  .  .     306 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF    VEII. 

KROM  A.R.  340  TO    360;    A.  c.  413  to  399;     a.  t.  774  to 

794. 

Veii  observes  the  truce-Overflow  of  Tiber- Veii  changes  her 
form  of  government— Threatens  the  Feciales— Renews  the  war 
—Eighth  Seculum—Romebesieges  Veii— Takes  Artena— Diet 
of  Vultumna— Prince  of  Veii  aflfronts  the  Diet- Etruria  in- 


N 


li-l 


1 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


dignant— Romans  winter  before  Veii— Troops  complain  of 
cold— Appius  Claudius  insists  on  their  remaining— Tuscans 
raise  the  siege — Assisted  by  Faliscia  and  Capena — Defeat  Ro- 
mans—Siege renewed— Severe  winter— Capenians  repulsed — 
Rise  of  Lake  Alba— Tuscan  Haruspex— National  prophecies 
—Emissarium- Delphic  oracle— Tarquinia  aids  Veii— Faliscia 
calls  a  meeting  at  Vultumna— Diet  permits  troops  to  hire 
themselves— FaUscia  defeats  the  Romans — Rome  in  great 
alarm— Camillus  Dictator— Battle  of  Nepete— Camillus  un- 
dermines the  city — Asks  how  to  dispose  of  booty— Vows 
temple  to  Juno  Vejentina — Veii  assaulted — Capitulates — 
Sacked — Her  greatness  and  opulence — Gods  and  treasures 
removed  to  Rome — Camillus  seeks  the  desolation  of  Veii. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WARS    AFTER   VEII. GAULS. — COLONIES. 

FROM    AN.   B.  359   TO   405;   FROM    A.  C.   394   TO   348;     FROM 

A.  T.  TO  793  TO  839. 

Rejoicings  in  Rome  on  account  of  the  fall  of  Veii — Discontent 
with  Camillus — Conquests  of  the  Gauls  in  Etniria  Nova — 
Fall  of  Melpum  -Dionysius  in  the  Adriatic — Attacks  Pyrgos 
— Romans  wish  to  settle  in  Veii — Make  an  alliance  with  Ca- 
pena— Sutrium  and  Nepete — Besiege  Faleria — Faliscia  alUes 
itself  with  Rome — Volsinia  and  Salpina  make  war  on  Rome 
— Embassy  from  Clusium — Aruns  leads  the  Gauls  against 
Clusium,  and  then  on  to  Rome— Romans  retire  to  Veii  and 
Csere — Tuscans  defeated  at  Veii  and  the  Salines — Veii  aban- 
doned by  the  Romans — Volsinia  and  Tarquinia  make  war  on 
j^Qine — Siege  of  Sutrium — Attack  on  Cortuosa  and  Contene- 
bra — Attack  on  Sutrium  and  Nepete — Meeting  at  Voltiunna 
to  refix  the  boundaries — Savage  war  between  Tarquinia  and 
Rome — Csere  assists  Tarquinia — Loses  part  of  her  Roman 
franchise — Colonies — Ardea— Anxur — Circeium — Tusculum 
— Antium  ......    381 


2 


\ 


ORH 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


CHAPTER  I, 

PERIOD   OF   ROMULUS. 
Turrhenia  founds  Alba  Longa-Colonies  and  Townships  of 

Until  the  third  year  of  the  si:.th  Olympiad, 
accordmg  to  Varro.  that  is,  seven  hundred  aJd  fifty- 
three  years  before  the  christian  .era,  and  four  hun- 
dred  and  thirty-four  years  after  the  dedication  of  the 
great  temple  at  Tarquinia,  Etruria  was  the  only 
great,  civilised,  and  commercial  power  in  Europe 
But  upon  her  borders,  was  another  strong  and  rising 
state    warlike  as  herself,  though   not  commercial 
and  treading  fast  in  the  footsteps  of  her  civilization. 
1  h,s  was  Latmm,  consisting  of  several  divisions,  the 
chief  of  which  was  Alba,  having  under  it  thirty 


2  HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 

townships,  and  being  ac'^now led ged  as  the  mightiest 
and  perhaps  the  most  sacred  of  the  thirty  states 
which  then,  and  indeed  at  all  times,  formed  the 
great  Latin  confederation. 

The  Latins  were  at  peace  with  the  Tuscans,  and 
yet  formed  an  armed  neutrality  against  them. 

During  this  Olympiad,  Niebuhr  *  informs  us  that 
"  there  were  three  separate  co-existing  dynasties ;  the 
Priscan,  or  original,  the  Alban,and  the  Tyrrhene; 
each  dynasty  consisting  nominally  of  thirty  towns 
or  governments ;"  because  thirty,  the  three  and  ten 
of  the  Rasena,  was  the  sacred  and  fundamental 
number  of  the  Latins.     Each  of  these  governing 
towns  was  like  those  of  Canaan,t  mentioned  in  the 
scriptures, "  a  royal  city,"  being  governed  by  kings, 
and  ruling  supreme  over  dependent  towns.     These 
confederations,  though  now  co-existent,  had  sprung 
up  separately.     Three  ages  prior  to  this  time,  there 
existed  at  first  only  one  dynasty   or   league,   that 
of   the   Priscan,    or    ancient    Latins,    which    was 
formed  against    the  Tuscans,  who   were   then   ra- 
pidly advancing   in  their  career  of  conquest.      It 
consisted  of  Tibur,  Preneste,  Fucine-Alba,  and  of 
all  the  greatest  and  oldest  of  the   Latine  cities.    It 
may  be,  that  Tibur,  Gabii,  and  Preneste,  which  are 
called  the  colonies  of  Alba,  were 'the  colonies  of  Fu- 
cine-Alba.   Or  it  may  be  that  although  great  cities 

♦  Niebuhr,  vol.  i.  n.  570,  &c.  &c. 

t  In  Joshua  ix.  17,  and  x.  2,  Gibeon,  though  a  republic,  is 
said  to  have  been  like  a  royal  city,  and  we  are  told  that  Beeroth, 
Chephirah,  and  Kirjath-Jearim  were  subject  to  it. 


PERIOD    OF    ROJfULUS.  3 

before  the  foundation  of  Aiba  Longa,  they  yet  came 
to  be  called  her  colonies,  because  the  Turseni  or 
Rasena,  when  dominant  over  Latium,  settled  colo- 
nies in  them;  for  we  have  already  shown  that  they 
all  received  the  Tuscan  religion,  and  that  the  build- 
ings and  ground  plans  of  these  cities  were  modelled 
after  the  Tuscan  fashion. 

Fucine,  or  Priscan  Alba,  was  situated  on  the  Jake 
Fucinus,  and  was  the  capital  of  the   Marsi.     But 
they  and   their   country,  when   conquered    by  the 
Tnrrheni,  were  forced  to  accept  of  such  terms   of 
peace  and  alliance,  as  they  thought  proper  to  im- 
pose.      None  of  the  cities  were  destroyed ;  nor,  as 
far  as  we  can  discern,  were  they  even  rendered  tri- 
butary ;  but  their  alliance  with  the  Rasena  was  not 
voluntary,  and   a  temple  erected  by  both  nations, 
and  common  to  the  sacrifices  of  both,  was  made  the' 
inviolable  bond  of  union  between  them.     The  Tyr- 
seni,  as  Niebuhr  believes,  had   brought  their  own 
Penates  to  Alba  Longa,  where  history  tells  us  that 
the  men  of  Veii  had  a  settlement,  and  here  they 
insisted  upon  the  thirty  original,  or  Priscan  Latine 
cities  joining  with  them  to  build  another  temple  to 
the  great  common   god   of  Italy.      This  god,  the 
great  god  of  the  Latins,  we  are  told,  was  Dianus 
with  his  queen  Diana,  which  is  the  Latin  form  of 
Etruscan  Tiana  or  Tina,  and   Talna,  Jupiter  and 
Juno.     This  originated  the  second  Latine  league, 
when  the  ancient  Latins  and  their  Tuscan  allies' 
worshipped  in  common,  each  receiving  their  portion 
of  the  sacrifice,  which,  however,  the  Alban  Dictator 

B  2 


4  HisrroBY  of  etruria. 

offered  up.     And   this  lea^rue  continued  until   the 
destruction  of  Alba,  if  not  longer. 

The  Latins  who  were  forcibly  settled  in  Alba  by 
the  Turseni,  were  called  Tursene  Latins,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Hindoos  of  Tanjore  and  Allahabad 
may  be  called  British  Hindoos,  because  subject  to 
the  British  power.  And  this  new  eleuient  in 
Latiuni  produced  the  third,  or  Alban  league,  con- 
sisting of  the  Albans,  (who  increased  and  Hourished 
so  as  to  have  thirty  counties  dependent  upon  them, 
called  the  thirty  townships  of  Alba  ;)  and  also  of  the 
thirty  original  towns  of  the  Latins.  These  allied 
themselves  with  the  Albans,  and  agreed  to  meet 
regularly  at  Lavinium,  the  old  cradle  of  Alba,  and 
there  to  offer  up  yearly  sacrifices  in  acknowledg- 
ment of  one  common  faith  and  country.  The  Dic- 
tator of  each  great  city,  probably  took,  in  turn,  the 
office  of  high-priest,  in  behalf  of  the  common 
league. 

This  union  of  sixty  towns  in  sacrifice,  at  Lavi- 
nium, is  considered  by  Niebuhr  as  quite  established  ; 
and  in  proof  of  it,  he  mentions  an  ancient  coin 
which  represents  the  Genius  or  founder  of  Lavinium 
on  one  side,  and  a  wheel  with  six  spokes  on  the 
other,  each  spoke  representing  ten  towns.  The 
Sylvii  who  were  the  chief  family  in  Alba  Longa, 
and  who  were  in  general,  elevated  to  the  throne 
there,  were  possibly  under  Tyrsene  j>rotection,  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  Hindoo  Rajahs  are  now 
under  British  protection  in  India.  And  however 
light  the  yoke,  they  no  doubt  felt  it  to  the  full  as 


PERIOD    OP    ROMULUS.  5 

galling,  and  longed,  when  they  had  an  opportunity, 
to  throw  it  off.  The  unbroken  union  with  the 
Umbri  shows  us  that  the  Tyrseni,  like  the  British, 
benefited,  and  did  not  injure  those  with  whom  they 
connected  themselves  by  treaty.  At  the  same  time, 
the  troubles  and  commotions  of  Alba  teach  us  that 
no  benefit  will  ever  reconcile  an  unbroken  and 
high-spirited  nation  to  any  other  rule  than  that  of 
its  own  blood. 

About  nineteen  years  previous  to  the  sixth  Olym- 
piad,  u  €,,  about  seven  hundred  and  seventy  two 
years  before  Christ,  or  somewhat  earlier,  there  was 
civil  war  in  Alba  Longa,  and  Tarchetius  or  Amu- 
lius  dispossessed  the  Sylvian  Numitor  of  the  sove- 
reign power.     We  have  everything  short  of  demon- 
stration to  assure  us  that  the  government  of  Alba 
was   precisely  on  the  plan  of  the  Etruscan  cities, 
with   a  Senate  and  patrician  Populus,  and  with  a' 
non-governing  Plebs,  who  were  the  free  and  fight- 
ing  portion   of  the   community,  and  all  of  them 
landholders.     Niebuhr  calls  the  thirty  townships  of 
Alba  her  Plebs.      All  this  constitution  was  set  at 
nought  by  Tarchetius,  who,  Plutarch*  tells  us,  slew 
the  sons  of  Numitor,  and    became   the   father   of 
twins  by  his  daughter,  probably  his  captive  in  war 
bhe  either  then  was  a  Vestal   virgin,  under  thirty 
or  else  she  saved  her  life  by  becoming  one ;  for  the 
legend  says  that  Vesta  protected  her.     We  know 
that  the  greater  part  of  this  story,  and  of  the  whole 

*  In  Rom. 


I 


|1 


H 


6 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


life  and    times  of  Romulus,  is  merely  a  national 
romance,  a  sort  of  fairy  tale.    But  however  impossi- 
ble  and  fictitious,  we  have  nothing  more  truthful  to 
offer  in  its  stead  ;  and  it  is  vain  now  for  human 
ingenuity   to   torture    itself  in  order  to  select  and 
restore  to  their  proper  places,  the  great  historical 
truth   contained  in  the  allegory  of   Romulus   and 
Remus.     Its  construction  reminds  us  of  Sir  Walter 
Scott's  most  ingenious  tale,  in  Ivanhoe,  of  the  Pope 
authorising  the  Benjamites  to  seize  their  wives  from 
the   other  tribes  of  Israel.      A  still  more  striking 
impersonification  of  tradition,  is   the   story  of  the 
Virgin  Mary,  now  current  amongst  the  peasantry  of 
Ireland ;    viz.,  that  she  was  a  young   girl  going  to 
mass,  when  the  angel  Gabriel  met  her,  and  told  her 
that   she   should  be   the   mother   of  the   beautiful 

child  Jesus. 

Who,  if  the  scriptures  had  perished,  like  the 
ancient  annals  of  Italy,  could  now  distinguish  and 
arrange  the  confused  truths  contained  in  such  a 
legend  as  this,  and  could  separate  them  from  the 
strangely  conglomerated  falsehoods  with  which 
they  are  interwoven  ?  Even  such  is  tradition  ;  and 
upon  such  materials,  chiefly,  we  have  now  to  work. 
Tradition  preserves  the  colossal  features  and  forms 
of  history,  but  it  puts  on  them  a  mask,  which  con- 
ceals their  right  proportions,  and  often  clothes  them 
in  a  garb  which  is  not  their  own. 

The  history  of  Etruria,  and  of  the  Rasenan  do- 
minion in  Italy,  as  we  have  already  observed,  we 
now  only  know  through  the  history  of  Rome  ;  with 


PERIOD   OP    ROMULUS.  7 

a  very  few  exceptions,  chiefly  incidental  remarks  in 
Herodotus,  Plato,  and  Aristotle.  Therefore  we 
shall  divide  this  period  by  the  Roman  reigns,  as  the 
most  convenient  for  its  elucidation,  and  the  easiest 
for  the  memory  of  our  readers.  The  next  two  hun- 
dred and  forty-four  years,  we  shall  distinguish  as 
"  Etruria  in  the  time  of  Romulus,  of  Numa,  of 
Tullus  Hostilius,  of  Ancus  Marclus,  of  Tarquinius 
Priscus,  of  Servius  or  Mastarna,  and  of  Tarquinius 
Ultimus  or  Superbus." 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS.*  f 
B.    C.    771.      ANNO    TARaUINIiE,    4164 

According  to  the  old  legend,  Numitor,  the  disin- 
herited sovereign,  whose  children  had  been  slain 
and  outraged,  continued,  nevertheless,  to  live  peace- 
fully and  quietly  in  Alba,  giving  no  jealousy  to  the 
Tyrrhene  tyrant,  but  keeping  his  riches  and  dignity 
unmolested,  and  exercising  such  influence  as  a  weak 
character  may  still  possess,  when  suffering  under 
great  misfortune,  and  not  stained  by  vice  or  arro- 
gance. Plutarch  tells  us,  that  Numitor  brought  up 
the  two  boys,  children  of  his  daughter,  and  gave 
them  a  royal  education,  having  them  instructed  in 
all  the  knowledge  fit  for  princely  Lucumoes,  at  the 

*  Rome  was  founded  after  the  founding  of  Tarquinia  434 
years ;  before  Christ,  753  years. 

t  Authorities  for  this  history,— Li\7,  i. ;  Dion.  Halic.  ii.  and 
V. ;  Plut.  in  Rom. ;  Ancient  History,  xvi. ;  Miiller  Etriisker. 

X  These  are  the  dates  of  the  birth  of  Romulus, 


8 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


college  of  Gabii,  under  the  Presidentsbip  of  Tanc- 
tius,  the  Tuscan.  It  is  even  said,  that  the  Usurper 
Bent  to  the  oracle  of  Carraenta  in  Tuscany,  perhaps 
in  Csere,  in  order  to  inquire  the  destiny  of  the  young 
princes,  and  on  being  told  that  they  would  rise  to 
empire,  be  resolved  on  their  destruction.  It  seems 
that  Mars,  or  Mavors,  wbose  temple  was  outside  the 
walls,  was  the  patron  divinity  of  their  house ;  for 
they  are  called  bis  children,  and  are  said  to  have  been 
nourished  by  bis  wolf,  provided  for  by  bis  bird,  and 
trained  from  the  cradle,  to  attend  the  feasts  of  the 
Laurentalia,  in  which  his  priests  sacrificed.  At  the 
age  of  eighteen,  they  assisted  Numitor  to  regain  his 
rightful  power,  replaced  the  Sylvii  in  their  origi- 
nal position  amongst  tbe  Latine  Princes,  destroyed 
the  abused  authority  of  Tyrrbenia,  by  slaying  Tar- 
cbetius,  and  then,  as  tbe  beads  of  a  fresh  colony,  left 
Alba  for  ever. 

As  they  were  born  amidst  tbe  horrors  of  war,  and 
quitted  their  native  town  with  an  Augur,  and  tbe 
following  of  a  thousand  families,*  well  provided  and 
armed,  and  as  they  went  forth,  at  tbe  age  of  eighteen, 
with  all  tbe  honours  of  peace,  to  seek  a  fresh  settle- 
ment ;  instead  of  remaining  to  uphold  and  consoli- 
date the  power  which  they  are  said  to  have 
re-established ;  we  suspect  that  their  birth  took 
place  in  one  of  the  Sacred  Springs  of  Latium,  and 
that  they  were  then  vowed  to  be  the  founders  of  a 
holy  city. 

♦  Plut.  in  Rom. 


PERIOD    OF   ROMULUS.  9 

They  journeyed  about  twenty  miles  to  the  north- 
west, when  they  came  to   a   spot  upon  the  Tiber, 
then  the  Rumon  river,  where  seven  small  hills  stood 
near  each  other.     They  were  named  the  Palatine, 
Esquiline,  Viminal,  Quirinal,  Tarpeian  or  Saturnian, 
(afterwards  the   Capitol)   Aventine,  and   Lucerum, 
afterwards  the  Ccelian.     Of  these,  tbe  Lucerum  or 
CcBlian  belonged  to   the   Tuscans,*  or    Luceres   of 
Ardea.     They  were  under  a  Lucumo,  and  belonged 
to  one  of  the  Etruscan  Lucumonies.    Niebubr,  in 
his  first  edition  of  the  Roman  history,  thought  they 
belonged  to  Caere.     Probably  they  were   under  the 
same  rule  as  the  Janiculum  and  the  Vatican,  two 
small  hills  on  the  opposite  side  of  tbe  Rumon  river, 
and  both  of  them  Tuscan,t  subject  either  to  C«re  or 
to  Veii.  The  Palatine  and  Esquiline  were  Alban,  the 
Tarpeian  and  the  Quirinal,  Sabine.      The  Aventine 
seems  to  have  been  common  to  tbe  three  nations, 
whose  dominions  here  met,  and  it  was  a  sort  of 
asylum  and  site  of  their  common  shrines.     There 
Tatius,  the  Sabine  king,  was  buried ;  and  there,  in 
later  times,  Tiana  of  the  Latins,  and  Juno  or  Ku- 
pra  of  the  Tuscans,  stood  side  by  side.  The  Viminal 
belonged  to  the  Sabines,  and  was  the  one  least  in- 
habited,  and  of  the  least  consequence. 

We  cannot  help  observing,  that  in  reality,  each  of 
the  three  nations  had  three  hills  in  this  locality.  Tbe 
Tuscans  possessed  Janiculum,  the  Vatican,  and  Lu- 
cerum  ;  the  Sabines  possessed  the  Tarpeian,  the  Qui- 


I 


I  t 


\n 


1 


Festus,  5  ;  Dion.  Halic. 


t  Miiller. 
B   5 


10 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


rinal,  and  the  Viminal;  and  the  Albans,  or  Latin  na- 
tion, the  Palatine,  the  Esquiline,  and  the  Aventine. 
However,  only  seven  of  these  lay  within  the  Rumon 
river;  and  only  three  of  them,  i.  e.  the  Palatine,  the 
Esquiline  and  the  Lucerum,  seem  to  have  united  in 
sacrificing,  as  brothers,  at  each  other's  shrines.  None 
of  the  hills  were  uninhabited;  all  contained  shrines  or 
temples,  and  some  resident  noble  families;  and  Qui- 
rium,  Tarpeia,  and  Lucerum  were  regularly  garri- 
soned and  fortified.* 

When  the  young  Alban  colony  reached  these 
hills,  each  was  anxious  for  the  blessing  of  giving  a 
home  to  the  sacred  band ;  and  those  families  who 
had  kindred  among  the  wanderers,  would  naturally 
think  they  had  some  claim  to  a  preference,  whilst 
the  honour  was  undecided. 

Livy  (i.  7)  tells  us,  that  the  Pinarii,t  who  were 
Sabines  of  the  Gens  Valerius,  and  the  Potitii,  who 
were  Sabines  of  the  Gens  Volesus^  were  established 
as  priests  of  theTu-can  Hercules  upon  the  Palatine, 
and  when  they  opened  their  arms  to  Romulus,  he 
thanked  them  by  sacrificing  at  their  shrine.  Ro- 
mulus and  Remus  were  ficcompanied  by  families 
from  Bovilla,  Medulia,  Pallantium  of  Alba,  Satur- 
nia  of  Alba,  and  Remuria,  a  small  town  about  four 
miles  §  from  the  Aventine.  Romulus  seems  to 
have  headed  one  division,  and  Remus  another;  and 
when  tlie  cordial  welcome  of  the  seven  hills  enabled 


*  Niebuhr  i.  n.  1338. 
X  Dionysius  HaJicar.  ii. 


10 


t  Plutarch  in  Pop. 
§  Dion.  Hal.  i. 


i» 


PERIOD    OF   ROMULUS.  |j 

and  iJTuX  tt  aS':  'tn  ""r'-'' 

an  Augur  with  Liu,  and  X;  decided  to  /ef^'i^' 
dispute  to  aufrnrv  in  ^  A      -^  "^^^^^^  t^  ^Gfer  their 

-ight  be  founledtltlo'S  ^"-"'^  '="^°"^* 
to  ensure  its  future  proll!  t  "/'"'  ^"  "^ 
saw  six  vultures  onthir^'-  ^^'""^^  ^ugur  first 

Tuscans  interpreted  he  til"'"''  P"'"''^'"^'  ^  '^- 
to  that  hill  t     Bufhif       f '  "^  """'""^^  "'■g'ory 

eluded.  Z.£  X-  It;  ''''  T''-'^- 
the  Palatine,  promisin^to  tl IT  T  '  /"''"''^^  -^^ 
of  rule  and  So.iS  VlL  ^  T'"  ""'""^^ 
cou«e.  nullified  by  the  seco  d  Jl  .  ^^'"'^  ^"''  "^ 
and  the  Run,on  cfty  was "^  1^^^^^^ 

pomp  and  circumsUce  upTnIr  pV"''"'^''*''^" 
hill  was  given  un  in  1     ?  ^  Palatine.    This 

cannot  b^tTur^ri  r'!  71^  ^''T" '"^ '  ^"^ '^ 
boundaries,  and' raising  i  fi  3,  Zu'l  ^  ""'' 
have  chosen  for  his  in^fr.  '"'  ^^  ^''ould 

;a-d  land  .'easurfr!  a^T  '  A^^ S  Tst'  ''- 
The  nobles  of  Luceru.n  .,.„    ^j  ,       ''^^  Tuscans. 

and  consecrated  hsPorrlu"  a  T"  '?  '"'''''' 
out  an  ac^eer  whi^h  J  '^"''""°''  and  marked  him 

as  Dion;SSfanrars  tX"^^^^'^'^  ^-^' 
of  his  thousand  families  tI  r  '  "  ^*'''  ''««^ 
their  own  peopled  i  7  f°"°'^^''  ^^^  '""les  of 

agger  to  tCt':ti:Z',  t\r  '"''  ^"^  ^^« 

•^^o^r,  and  to  the  nominal  thou- 

♦  Plut. 

T  Varro. 


^' 


i 


t 


A 


12 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


sand  families  of  which  their  border  colony  con- 
sisted. 

All  this  Plutarch  tells  us  they  did,  according  to  the 
written  rules  of  their  own  people,  and  the  laws  of 
Tages,  which,  henceforth,  in  great  part,  became  the 
sacred  laws  of  the  sacred  Turrhene  city  of  Rome. 
The  day  chosen  for  the  important  ceremony,  (and  no 
Augur  then  foresaw  how  important,)  was  the  day  of 
Pales,  the  Etruscan  Genius  of  husbandmen.  The 
shepherds  of  the  Palatine  and  Esquiline  kindled 
their  fires  at  night,  and  danced  in  his  honour;  and 
the  Italian  artists  kindle  their  fires,  and  dance  in 
memory  of  this  day  still.  Rome  was  founded  upon 
the  21st  of  April,  753  b.  c  ,  and  her  founder's  feasts 
took  the  name  of  the  Tuscan  shepherd's,  patron 
saint,  and  were  called  Palilia.  Varro*  tells  us  that 
many  cities  in  Latium  were  founded  with  these  rites, 
and  those  so  founded  were  probably  called  cities  of 
the  Tyrrhene  Latins. 

The  Alban  Latins  and  Tursene  Luceres  were  now 
in  religion  and  government  one  people;  and  so  far 
from  fearing  this  young,  colonizing  band,  the  Tuscans 
believed  that  they  could  do  nothing  more  acceptable 
to  heaven,  than  adopt  them  as  their  brethren,  and 
crown  their  prince,  as  one  early  chosen  and  blessed, 
to  govern  themselves  and  the  sacred  colony. 

The  legend  says,  that  whilst  the  Pomoerium  wall 
was  building,  Remus,  in  uncontrollable  anger,  leapt 


*  Lib.  iv. 


^»m* 


PERIOD  OF   KOMULUS, 


13 


over  It,  saying,  contemptuously,  "Thus  will  the 
enemy  leap  over  this  wall  of  Rome."  The  Tuscans 
were  helping  on  the  work,  and  Celer  their  commander 
knocked  him  down,  and  killed  him,  saying,  «  Thus 
will  the  citizens  repulse  the  enemy."  From  him 
Romulus  named  all  the  Knights  Celeres.  Niebuhr* 
however,  thinks  that  Celeres  was  the  Tuscan  name 
for  Patricians  in  general.  Remus  was  buried  in  the 
Ayentme,  which,  from  him.  was  afterwards  often 
called  Remuria. 

Before  the  arrival  of  Romulus,  a  sacred  league  or 
brotherhood  had  existed  between  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Palatine,  the  Esquiline,and  the  Lucerum,  (after- 
wards the  Caelian,)  who  had  divided  themselves  into 
guilds  or  fraternities,  very  possibly  in  memory  of  the 
seven  first  families  who  had  settled   there,  and  of 
their  first   union   by  intermarriage.     These  seven 
clans  called  themselves  the  Septem  Montani,*  and 
down  to  the  time  of  the  Roman  Emperors,  for  ei^ht 
hundred  years,  continued  to  hold  their  yearly  fea^sts 
and  sacrifices  in  their  seven  temples,  where  none  but 
Montani  might  assist.  These  clans  adopted  Romulus 
and  made    him   and   his  followers   Montani   also 
Hence  seven   became  the  sacred   number  of   the 
Romans,  and  never  could  be  changed,  however  mul- 
tiplied, in  the  lapse  of  ages,  the  hills  and  regions  and 
fraternities  of  Rome  might  become. 

Romulus  was  now  sole  prince,  and  head  of  the 
new  colony ;  and  Etruria  did  not  know,  and  in  her 

•  Varro,  iv.  5 ;  Xiebr.  i.  n.  930. 


I 


If 


14 


HISTOKY    OF    ETRURIA. 


might  and  affluence,  probably  did  not  care,  whether 
ghe  had  gained  a  town  to  her  already  extensive  em- 
pire, or  yielded  a  border  fort  to  piety  *     We  have 
already  seen,  that  at  this  period,  she  spread  herself 
from  the  Alps  to  Cape  Garganas,  in  one  direction, 
and  from  sea  to  sea  in  the  other,  in  wide  and  flou- 
rishing dominion,  with   rich  and  mighty  towns,  all 
strongly  fortified,  abundantly  peopled,  and  increas- 
ing in  commercial  importance  and  domestic  skill. 
She  had  an  influence  which  was  felt  in  Italy  from 
one  extremity  to  the  other.     With  abundant  colo- 
nies, numerous  outports,  and,  as  far  as  appears,  a 
united,  though  not  strongly  cemented  policy.    Even 
then,  Etruria   was   three    Etrurias,    and    not  one 
Etruria;  besides  the  Turrhene  settlements,  which 
were  so  loose  in  their  dependance,  as  almost  to  con- 
stitute a  fourth  Etruria. 

The  profound  Niebuhrsays,  that  the  Turrheni,  or 
Turseni,  and  the  Etruscans  were  a  different  people, 
and  are  only  confounded  together  by  mistake,  being 
in  reality  no  more  one  and  the  same,  than  the  pre- 
sent English  and  the  ancient  Britons.  We  bow  to  his 
decision,  and  acknowledge  it  to  be  to  a  certain  extent, 
true.  The  Etruscans  Proper  were  no  more  the  whole 
inhabitantsofTurrhenia,than  the  Britons  Proper  are, 
or  ever  were,  the  whole  inhabitants  of  England ;  but 
as  no  man  mistakes  what  we  mean,  when  we  speak 
of  "The   British   dominions'*  in    Asia,  Africa,  or 

♦  A  site  for  the  colony  of  the  Sacred  Spring,  having  been 
yielded  by  the  Tuscan  Luceres,  the  original  inhabitants. 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


15 


America,  so  need  no  man  stagger  at  the  Etruscan 
or  Turrhene  dominion,  in  Italy  or  elsewhere.  We 
perplex  no  understanding,  when  we  say  that  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  gained  the  battle  of  Waterloo, 
though  in  truth  the  Duke  may  have  never  drawn 
his  sword.  It  is  in  the  self-same  terms,  that  we 
speak  of  the  conquests  of  Tarchun,  and  that  we  un- 
derstand, under  his  name,  all  who  were  subject  to 
his  sway.  The  might  and  power  of  Turrhenia  were 
beyond  all  question  Tuscan;  and  when  we  name 
the  Tyrrhenians,  we  mean  all  the  inhabitants,  of 
whatever  blood,  who  dwelt  as  natives  within  Tyrr- 
henia,  or  who,  as  the  children  of  Tages,  colonized 
from  her  borders. 

The  "  Turrhene  Latins"  were  the  Latins  under 
the  power  of  the  Tyrrheni ;  and  at  this  period,  when 
Alba  had  revolted  from  them,  and  secured  her  inde- 
pendence by  treaty,  their  empire  still  extended*  in 
an  uninterrupted  line  from  Ardea  (colonized  by 
Mezentius)  to  Terracina,  and  to  the  ports  of  Antium. 
Livy  (i.  2)  says,  that  Etruria  possessed  such  conse- 
quence before  the  dominion  of  Rome,  that  she 
filled  with  her  fame,  the  length  and  breadth  of  Italy, 
reckoning  from  the  Alps  to  the  straits  of  Sicily,  and 
ruling  not  only  by  land,  but  by  sea."  Indeed,  at 
this  period,  her  commerce  was  very  flourishing  with 
Carthage,  to  which,  for  some  centuries,  she  was 
alternate  friend  and  foeif  and  she  visited,  for  pur- 
poses of  trade,  Naxos,  Megara,  and  also  several  ports 


•  Niebuhr,  vol.  ii.  n.  28. 


t  Niebuhr,  vol.  i.  n.  403, 


V. 


!/■■ 


I 


4<l 


l.v 


16 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD   OF    ROMULUS. 


17 


J 
* 


in  Sicily,  without  allowing  the  vessels  of  these  cities, 
in  return,*  to  navigate  the  Tyrrhene  sea. 

Miiller  believes  that  Tarquinia  and  Caere  traded 
with  Corinth  a  few  years  before  the  foundation  of 
Rome,  and  that  they  sent  ships  to  Cuma,  with  which 
they  had  formed  a  strict  alliance;  besides  other 
treaties  which  they  made  with  the  few  Greek  towns 
then  established  in  Opica,  or  the  southern  part  of 

Italy. 

Whilst  Alba  was  a  Rasenan  city,  being,  according 
to  tradition,  subject  to  Veii,  and  ruled  by  Deheberis, 
and  others  of  her  kings,  several  of  her  colonies  bore 
the  strongest  marks  of  union  with  Etruria,  not  only 
in  their  institutions,  their  temples,  and  their  col- 
leges, but  even  in  their  names.  Virgil,  Mn.  vi. 
773,  &c.  tells  us,  that  Castrum  Inui,  Fidene,  Collatia, 
Cora,  Nomentum,  Gabii,  and  Pometia,  were  colonies 
of  Alba.  Now  Castrum  Inui  was  dedicated  to  the 
Etruscan  god  of  that  name,  the  same  as  Pan,  in 
whose  honour  the  Roman  feasts  of  the  Lupercalia 
were  celebrated.  Fidene  remained  true  to  Veii 
after  the  fall  of  Tarchetius,  or  Amulius.  Collatia, 
in  the  reign  of  Tarquin,  opened  her  arms  to  receive 
an  Etruscan  garrison;  and  Cora  derived  her 
origin  from  Cortona.  Nomentum,  Gabii,  and  Po- 
metia, boasting  the  same  Alban  origin,  were  also 
half  Tursene,  according  to  the  old  legend  ;  and  each 
of  these  towns  would  rejoice  in  the  new  half  Tursene 
and  sacred  colony  of  Romulus  from  Alba,  established 
upon  the  Rumon,  and  would  give  it  the  right  hand 

♦  Miiller's  Etriisker. 


of  fellowship  and  protection,   together  with   their 
cordial  support. 

Romulus,  according  to  his  own  notions,  and  those 
of  his  time,  could  not  govern    legally    without   a 
Senate,  and  one  which  must  be  chosen  entirely  from 
the  sacred  colonizers.     Accordingly,  a  hundred  per- 
sons were  elected  out  of  his  nominal  thousand  fami- 
lies, and  stood  as  his  constitutional  advisers,  without 
whose   approbation    nothing   could  pass   into  law. 
They  were  elected  by  the  whole  body  of  Patricians, 
Tuscan  and  Roman ;  and  this  body  first  decided  in 
all  cases,  upon  the  matter  and  expediency  of  the  laws 
proposed,  and  then  they  were  laid  for  final  decision 
before  the  Senators.     In  later  times,  no  man  could 
be  a  Senator  under  the  age  of  forty-five  ;  but  now  the 
Tuscan  Augurs  must  have  given  a  dispensation  and 
blessing  to  the  first  body  of  Senators,  and  permitted 
them  to  sit  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  ;  otherwise,  no 
Alban  cotemporary  of  Romulus  in  the  colony  of  the 
Sacred  Spring,  could  have  been  eligible  to  senatorial 
office,  until  within  ten  years  of  the  death  of  their 
prince ;  as,  having  been  eighteen  years  old  when  he 
led  his  colony,  and  having  reigned  thirty-seven,  he 
must  havedied  when  he  attained  the  age  of  fifty-five. 
The  seven  Montani,  Romulus  now  divided  into 
thirty  Curiae,  or  parish  divisions ;  either  from  the 
Tuscan  sacred  numbers  of  three  and  ten,  or  else 
because  thirty  was  the  fundamental  number  of  all 
the  Latins.      Rome  had  now  three  gates,  the  Porta 
Rumonalia,   towards   the   Rumon   river,  or  Tiber 
the   Porta  Carmentalia,  facing  the  Janiculum,  in' 


vS 


\p 


o  i 


lljl 


18 


HISTORY    OF   ETHURIA. 


honour  of  the  Tuscan  goddess,  Carraenta,  who 
had  been  consulted  on  the  birth  of  Romuhis,*  and 
the  Porta  Mucionis.  She  had  also  many  shrines, 
amongst  which  those  of  Jupiter,  (the  Tianus  of  La- 
tium,  and  Tina  of  Tuscany,)  were  prominent.  And 
the  division  of  her  people  was  perfected  into  tens,  by 
electing  a  hundred  for  the  Senate,  and  a  thousand  to 
represent  each  tribe,  that  of  the  R.M.N.S.,  and  that 
of  the  Luceres,  who  constituted  the  patricians,  and 
governing  powers  of  the  Curiae;  and  again  by  ap- 
pointing Decuriones,  priestly  officers,  and  judges, 
after  the  manner  of  the  Rasena,  who  were  consti- 
tuted, with  their  own  temples  and  sacrifices,  to  watch 
over  and  superintend  every  ten  households. 

Rome  is  expressly  said  to  have  taken  these  divi- 
sions from  the  Tuscans,  and  she  may  either  have 
incorporated  with  herself,  the  existing  divisions  of 
the  Luceres,  or  she  may  have  followed  the  previous 
forms  of  Alba,  which  were  established  there  by  the 
Rasena. 

Romulus,  the  young  and  brave  prince  of  the 
united  Luceres  and  Roman  Albans,  had  the  right  of 
intermarriage  and  commerce,  and  was  on  a  footing 
of  friendly  equality  with  all  the  Alban  and  Turrhene 
Latin  cities.  His  treaty  with  Alba  and  her  depen- 
dencies is  referred  to  by  the  Feciales  in  the  reign 
of  Tullus  Hostilius,  and  is  proved  by  his  sacrificing 
in  the  temples  of  Lavinia. 

But  opposite  to  him,   rose  the   Sabine  town   of 
Quirium,  now  the  Quirinal,  and  the  Sabine  fort  of 

*  Miiller  on  Teraplum. 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


19 


Tarpeia ;  and  neither  they  nor  their  kindred  in 
Sabina  would  enter  into  any  such  bond  of  brother- 
hood  or  treaty  of  equality  with  him.  All  that 
he  could  obtain  from  the  Prince  of  Quirium  was, 
that  the  asylum  on  the  rock  Tarpeia  should  be 
open  to  his  people  and  theLuceres,as  well  as  to  the 
other  allies  of  the  Sabines;  and  that  the  slaves  and 
debtors  who  took  shelter  there,  should  not  only  be 
considered  safe,  but  should  be  eligible  to  become 
soldiers  and  citizens  of  the  new  settlement. 

The  new  colony  and  the  old  nation  were  so  close 
together,  that    the    prohibitions    which    separated 
them  became  a  constant  source  of  irritation  and  an- 
noyance.     And  as  all  men  wish  for  the  thing  which 
is  denied  them,  and  wish  for  it  with   irresistible  ve- 
hemence, when  the  obstacle  is  without  reason,  it  is 
very  likely  that  the  prince  of  the  Senate,  or  some 
other  distinguished  Roman,    fell  violently  in   love 
with  the  Sabine  lady,  Hersilia,  and  insisted  upon 
being  allowed  to  marry  her.     Romulus  had  no  way 
of  satisfying  his  discontented   follower,  except   by 
inviting  her  and  as  many  other  Sabine  matrons  and 
virgins  as  would  attend  her,  to  a  grand  fenst,  with 
games,  which  he  proposed  to  celebrate  in  honour  of 
the   Tuscan  god    Neptune,   from    whose    altar   he 
removed  the  earth  which  covered  it,  and  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Consus.    Possibly  the  meaning 
of   the  name   is,  that    this   divinity   was  a   "  God 
Consens,"  a  race  of  deities  peculiar  to  Etruria.* 
♦  Dion.  Halicar.  says  that  this  took  place  in  the  fourth  year 


•I 
t 

•II 
'  'I 

n 


i' 


20 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


The  Sabines  came  to  the  games,  and  Hersilia, 
with  many  of  her  virgin  companions,  was  carried  off 
by  the  Romans.  Some  authors  give  the  number  at 
thirty  only,  and  others  at  more  than  five  hundred  ; 
but  they  were  all  patrician  women,  and  were  made 
the  wives  of  none  but  patrician  men.  When  the 
Sabines,  in  great  indignation,  demanded  the  restitu- 
tion of  their  women,  and  satisfaction  for  the  outrage 
committed,  and  were  refused  it,  war*  was,  of  course, 
the  consequence.  If  before  this  time,  the  Luceres 
had  been  prohibited  from  intermarrying  with  the 
Sabines,  we  can  understand  how  it  was,  tliat  thoy  so 
warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Romulus,  and  how 
the  Lucumo  of  the  Caelian,  and  the  King  of  Ardea, 
and  the  forces  of  the  Janiculum,  the  Vatican,  and 
Veii,  perhaps  also  those  of  Caere  and  Fidene,  should 
so  heartilv  have  made  the  cause  their  own.  Tatius 
was  created  Dictator  of  the  Sabines,  and  immediately 
Quirium,  Tarpeia,  Crustumerium,  Cenina,  and 
Antemnae,  all  small  towns,  either  close  to  Rome,  or 
within  twelve  miles  of  her,  whose  women  had  been 
seized,  girded  themselves  to  take  vengeance  upon 
the  perfidious  colony  and  her  allies.  The  legend 
says,  that  Romulus  met  his  enemies  with  25,000 
foot  besides  horse,  which  supposes  a  very  great 
accession  of  allied  power.     A  war  of  importance  is 

of  Rome.    And  Livy  says  that  it  took  place  in  fourteen  months 
after  Rome  was  finished. 

♦  Plutarch  says  that  Romulus  made  war  on  the  Sabines  in 
order  to  gain  their  alliance. 


Ill 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


21 


likewise  intimated,  when  so  many  of  the  Sabine 
towns  were  engaged ;  and  they  were  forced  to  act 
under  a  Dictator,  who  ruled  the  kings  of  the  petty 
states.  Acron,  king  of  Cenina,  was  killed  by  Ro- 
mulus, and  his  spoils  were  hung  up  at  the  shrine  of 
Jupiter,  being  the  first  Spolia  Opima  of  Rome,  and 
being  followed  by  the  first  triumph. 

Notwithstanding  the  powerful  aid  of  her  allies, 
the  injured  Sabines  were  victorious  over  Rome,  and 
it  is  said  that  the  women  who  had  been  honourably 
received  into  all  the  thirty  Curiae,  mediated  between 
the  contending  parties,  and  caused  them  to  conclude 
a  peace.     The  advantages  and  concessions  of  this 
peace  were  so  mutual,  that   we   cannot   doubt   its 
havmg  been  the   work  of  a  third  party,  probably 
the  allied  lyrseni,  and  not  either  of  the  people  so 
immediately  aggrieved.     The   Sabines  yielded  the 
points  in   dispute,  and   granted  the  right  of  com- 
merce  and  intermarriage,  which  they  had  so  obsti- 
nately  and  unreasonably  opposed.     But  it  was  upon 
condition  that  the  sacred  colony  should  not  only  in 
return,  unite  with  the  Sabines,  as  it  had  done  with 
the  Luceres,  and  make  them  an  integral  and  essen- 
tial part  of  its  government:  but  also  that  the  kings 
should    rule   together,   each    having    his    separate 
Senate,   and   that    upon   the  death   of  either,   the 
Senates  should  unite  under  the  survivor,  who' was 
to  be  king  of  both,  and  his  successors  on  the  throne, 
should  be  chosen  alternately  by  the  one  nation  out 
the  other.     This  was  faithfully  carried  out  in   the 


22 


HISTORY    OF  ETRURIA. 


successive  elections  of  Numa  the  Sabine,  TuUiis  the 
Latin,  and  Ancus  Marcius  the  Sabine  again,  who 
followed  each  other  regularly,  at  least  according  to 
the  legend.  There  may  have  been  other  kings 
besides^  them,  during  the  years  assigned  ;  but  this 
tradition  is  sufficient  to  assure  us  that  the  treaty  of 

Tatius  was  kept. 

The  two  people  were  henceforward,  to  be  called 
"  Romani  et  Quirites,"  to  show  that  the  Quirites 
were  equal  with   the  Romans  ;   a   confession    ex- 
torted at   the  point  of  the  spear  ;  and  it   implied 
that  these  Quirites  would  not  merge  into  any  colony 
of   another  people,   however  sacred   it  might   be. 
The  laws  concerning  land  and  property  were  to  be 
Quiritary,  and  not  Tuscan.     In  short,  the  Quirites 
had  to  change  their  habits  in  nothing,  whilst  the 
Romans  were  to  adopt  the  Sabine  gods,  their  laws, 
and  their  customs,  wherever  they  did  not  harmonize 
with    the   previous   forms   of    the    Albans   or    the 
Luceres.     The  three  elements  were  to  be  mixed  as 
intimately  as  possible.     The  religion,  dress,  kalen- 
dar,   and    general    forms   of    life   were    Etruscan. 
The  Etruscan  Nones  were  the  market-days,    and 
measure  of  weeks;  and  the  Ides  and  Calends  divided 
their  months.     The  Etruscan  name  of   the  sacred 
colony  prevailed  to  stand  first  in  public  documents, 
but  the  dominant  civil  power  was  intended  to  be 
Quiritary  or  Sabine. 

At  the   same  time,  the  three  tribes   were   now 
united,  and  named;  1st,  theRamnes— or  as  we  pro- 


PERIOD   OF   ROMULUS. 


23 


nounce  it,  Romans.  2nd,  the  Titles,  or  Sabines : 
and  3rd,  the  Luceres,*  or  outpost  of  a  Lucumony 
either  Caere  or  Ardea.  All  these  names,  Varro  (iv.) 
tells  us  are  Tuscan;  and  so  are  almost  all  the 
names  of  early  Rome;  and  the  higher  we  ascend  in 
antiquity,  the  more  prevalent  we  shall  find  the 
Tuscan  form  of  names  at  any  particular  period,  in 
the  history  of  Italy.  Even  «  Latinus"  itself  is  a 
Tuscan  name,  and  derived  from  the  family  of  the 
Latini,  whose  sepulchres  are  at  Arrezzo.f 

When  the  Titles  were  received  into  all  the  thirty 
Curiae,  which  are  said  to  have  been  named  from 
their  women,  the  Titian  Agger  was  added  to  that  of 
the  Romans  and  Luceres,  and  all  the  portions  were 
marked  out  according  to  the  Tuscan  rules.  The 
land  of  the  united  patrician  body  extended  as  far  as 
the  Fossa  Cluilia,  six  miles  beyond  the  Roman 
gates  and  no  farther.  Festus  (v.)  expressly  says, 
that  during  the  period  of  Romulus,  Rome  extended 
in  no  direction,  excepting  towards  the  sea,  embrac 
ing  a  tract  of  land  to  the  east  of  the  Tiber,  and  oppo- 
site  to  the  Rasena,  which  was  very  difficult  to  manage 
ordefend, and, probably  on  thataccount,secured,alike 
by  Albans,  Latins  and  Tyrrhene  Latins,  to  thij  new 
sacred  colony.  It  formed  a  triangle  between  Ostia 
(then  belonging  to  Veii)  and  Alsium,  Rome  beinff 
the  apex.  ° 

*  Festus  says  that  Lucer  was  the  Tuscan  king  of  Ardea 
Dionysius  Hal.  and  Varro,  say  that  the  Luceres  were  so  named* 
because  their  ruler  was  a  Lucumo. 

t  See  Miiller's  Etriisker  Hypogeum. 


24 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


■Il 


The  Sabine  worn  en,  though  they  had  been  united  by 
force  to  the  Romans  and  Luceres,  without  any  of  the 
auguries  and  ceremonies  indispensable  to  patrician 
inarriasres,  were  to  have  all  the  honours  shown  them, 
which  were  paid  to  the  highest  of  the  Etruscans  ; 
and,  like  the  children  of  the  Lucumoes,  all  the  boys 
of  these  marriages  were  to  wear  the  Bulla  and  the 
Praetexta,  in   token  of  their   acknowledged    rank. 
The  towns  of  Crustumerium,  Cenina,and  Antemnae, 
became  Isopolite  with  Rome,*  and  had,  equally  with 
Quirium,  the  rights  of   commerce    and    intermar- 
riage; but  they  were  allowed  no  share  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  were  not  elected  into  any  of  the  Curiae. 
Crustumerium,t  in  the  year  of  Rome  200,  was  rec- 
koned amongst  the  Tuscan  towns,  like  Fidene,  the 
Turrhene  element  havingbecome  predominant  in  her. 
The  kalendar  of  Rome  was,  of  course,  that  of  the 
Rasena,  i.  e.,  a  sacred  year  often  months,  six  of  which 
years  made  a  Lustrum.     But  as  she  is  said  to  have 
adopted  the  Sabine  kalendar,  which,  in  its  divisions, 
was  the  same  with  the  Rasenan,  but   not   in   the 
names  which  distinguished  each  division,  we  pre- 
sume that  Romulus  altered  some  of  the  Etruscan 
names,  in  order  to  please  the  Sabines.     The  divi- 
sions of  the  Roman  month  into   Kalends,  Nones, 
and  Ides,  which  continued  down  to  a  late  period  of 
the  christian  sera,  was  altogether  Etruscan. 

Livy    tell    us   that   Romulus   acknowledged   the 
Sabine  gods.     They  may  have  been  previously  wor- 


Livy. 


t  Miiller. 


T 


PERIOD   OP    ROMULUS. 


25 


sliipi)e(l  by  the  Tuscans,  on  the  Luneiun. ;  or  the  Lu- 
ceres may,  and  probably  did,  bend  at  all  their  shrines 
on  the  farpeian.    But  they  had  not  yet  been  adopted 
by  the  sacred  band  of  Alba.    Ro.nulus  bound  himself 
and  his  people  to  worship  yearly  from  that  time,  at 
the  holy  temples  of  Saturnia  and  Tarpeia.     Tatius 
built  there  twelve  altars,  apparently  out  of  compli- 
ment to  the  three  tribes.  The  names  of  the  gods  who 
were  there  worshipped,  were  Vidius,  .Jupiter,  Saturn 
Vulcan  or  Sethlans,  Summanus,  Larunda  or  Vesta' 
lerminus,and  Vertumnus;  which  were  all   Etrus- 
can.    Quirinus  or  Mars  of  the  Sabine  nation  ;  Ops, 
Mora,  Sol.  Luna,  Diana,  and  Lucina  of  the  Latins 
amJ  Sab.nes  together.     As  these   names  are  fifteen 
while   the  altars  were  only  twelve,*    Miiller  con- 
cludes that   some  wore  dedicated  to  two  or  three 
deities      The  road  from   the   Palatine  to  these  tem- 
ples along  the  valley,  which  separates  the  hills,  was 
called  the  "  Via  Sacra,-  because  the  kings  met  upon 
It,  and   there  marched   to  sacrifice  together      The  / 
kings  also  appointed  two  Vestals,  as  priestesses  of''^ 
the  Roman  and  Sabine  women,  whose  names  were 
Oegania  and  Verania.f      Romulus  also  instituted 
teasts  of  the  Matronalia,  in  honour  of  the  Sabine 
women,  because  he  had  appointed   the  Carmentalia 
for  the   women  of  the  Ramnes  and  Lueere«      He 
founded  on  the  Palatine,  a  college  of  the  Sal'ii    or 
Tuscan  dancing  priests  of  Mars,  and    he  dedicated 
the  Campus  Martius  without  the  walls  to  Mars,t 

*  Muller's  Etrusker,  iii.  8.         f  Plutarch  in  Xuma. 

I  Dionys.  Hal.  iv. 

C 


1 1 1 


1, 


/ 


\. 


(I 


26 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


the  ffod,  who  as  Quirinus,  Mavors  or   Marte,  was 
common  to  all  the  three  tribes. 

The  kings  also  built  two  temples  in  common. 
One  to  Vulcan,  or  the  Etruscan  Sethlans,  the  god 
of    protection  from  fire  and  other  evils;    and  the 
other  to  the  double-headed  Janus,  the  demi-god  of 
the  Rasena,  who  now  represented  their  union.     Of 
this  temple,  which  stood  on  the  limits  between  the 
Palatine  and  the  Saturnian,  and  which  was  rever- 
enced alike  by  all  the  three  tribes,  it  is  said  that  its 
gates  were  always  open  in  time  of  war,  that  the 
one  people  might  pass  through  it  to  help  the  other ; 
but  that  they  were  shut  ♦  in  time  of  peace,  in  order 
that  they  might  not  pass  through  to  quarrel  with  each 
other— a  new  form  of  the  old  allegory,  that  "  Idle- 
ness is  the  mother  of  mischief."    It  is  further  said,t 
that  after  the  reign  of  Numa,  to  whom  many  attri- 
bute this  law,  it  was  only  shut  twice  during  eight 
centuries— one  time,  at  the  end  of  the  first  Punic 
war,  under  the  consulship  of  Titus  Manlius  ;  and 
the  second  time,  after  the  battle  of  Actium,  under 
Casar    Augustus.       During    these    centuries,   the 
Romans  had  many  long  periods  of  profound   tran- 
quillity,  not  to  mention  twenty  years  of  peace,  under 
Servius  Tullius.     It  required,  therefore,  some  other 
reason  besides  peace,  to  authorize  the   shutting  of 
this  temple:  and  this  reason  may  have  ceased  to 
operate,  and  may  have  become  obsolete,  by  Livy's 
day,  who  tells  the  tale. 


♦  Sen-ius  ap  ^Eniad.  i.  295. 


t  Livy  i.  19. 


PERIOD   OP    ROMULUS. 


27 


Ihis  strange  double-headed  government  of  Rome 
continued  for  five  years,*  without  attracting  any  at- 

tention,unless,perbaps,thatofridicuIe,fromEtruria 
latius  was  dominant,  but  he  neither  interrupted  the 
commerce  of  the  Etruscans,  nor  attempted,  in  any  way 
to  molest  them,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Tiber' 
They  therefore  left  him  alone,  and  probably  thought 
that  the  young  Alban  prince  was  properly  punished 
by  such  a  restraint  upon  his  pride,  for  the  violence 
and  sacrilege  which  he  had  used  in  the  games  of 
Neptune. 

All  went  on  quietly,  till  an  embassy  was  sent  from 
Laurentum,  the  oldest  of  the  Latin  cities,  to  Rome, 
complaining  of  an  inroad  of  the  Sabines,and  praying 
that  they  might  be  restrained.     Whether  the  ambas- 
sadors  showed  more  affection   to  Romulus  than  to 
latius,  or  what  was  the  cause  of  offence,  we  are  not 
told;  but  Tatius  was  angry,  and  on  their  return 
home,aIlowed  them  to  be  assaulted  and  robbed.  The 
Laurentmes  complained,  but  Tatius  expressed  no  re- 
gret, and  gave  them  no  satisfaction ;  we  wonder, 
therefore,  not  to  hear  of  war  between    Laurentum 
and  Quinum.     However,  the  time  of  the  great  La- 
vinian   sacrifice   drew  nigh,   for  the  thirty  Alban 
townships,  and  the  thirty  Latine  towns ;  when  the 
sacred  colony,and  all  connected  with  her,  were  bound 
to  assist  at  the  ceremony.     Tatius  and  Romulus, 
with   the  Celeres,  attended,   and  the   Laurentines 
raised  a  tumult,  in  which  Tatius  was  killed.t     Ro- 
*  Dionys. 

.h.^.^/''''  "j  ";,v^'  '^^''  *'•'"  ^^''  ''="="fi'=«  '^ae  offered  up  by 
the  Latin  and  Alban  Dictators,  alternately. 

C2 


11 


\i 


28 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


mul  US  treated  this  murder  as  justifiable  homicide,and 
from  this  time,he  became  sole  king  of  Rome  and  Qui- 
rium.  But  the  pious  Latins  looked  upon  the  deed 
as  odious  before  tlie  gods,  and  a  violation  of  the  holy 
meeting,  holding  the  principle,  that  bad  deeds  in 
one  man  will  not  justify  bad  deeds  in  another.  And 
they  believed  that  a  pestilence,  which  afterwards 
affected  Laurentum,  was  sent  as  a  judgment.  Tatius 
was  honourably  buried  on  the  Aventine,  without 
the  walls,  probably  near  the  spot  where  Remus  was 

laid. 

Romulus   now  united  the  two  Senates,  and  their 
meetinsrs  were  held  in  the  Comitum,  on  the  Satur- 
nian  hill.  Niebnhr  thinks  that  the  Ramnes  were  con- 
sidered as  the  Majores  Gentesand  theSabines  as  the 
Minores,  mentioned  by  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus. 
But  there  are  many  historical  proofs,  some  of  which 
we  shall    adduce,  that   all    posts    of  authority   and 
honour  were  divided  equally  between  them  ;   and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  there  may  have   been,  at   first, 
Gentes  Majores,  and  Gentes  Minores,  in  each  of  the 
tribes.     Each  had  probably  ten  representatives,  or 
Decuriones,who  took  place  of  the  others,as  a  Scottish 
Duke  still  comes  in  rank  before  an  English   Mar- 
quis. 

Tacitus  tells  us,  that  Celes  Vibenna,  or  Cale 
Fipi,  the  great  Tuscan  warrior,  came  to  his 
people  on  the  Lucerum,  and  confirmed  their  alliance 
with  Romulus;  that  he  assisted  him,  whilst  he  lived, 
on  terms  of  perfect  independence  and  equality,  and 
that  he  was  buried,  when  he  died,  beneath  this  bill, 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


29 


which   had  its  name  changed  in  memory  of  him. 
Others,  with  more  probability,  refer  this  event  to  the 
time  of  Tarquin  the  First,  100  years  later.    The  mis- 
take  has,  perhaps,  arisen  out  of  the  fact,  that  the 
prince  of  the  Luceres,  the  Tribune  of  the  Tuscan 
Celeres,  was  always  buried  on  this  hill ;  and  Tacitus 
may  have  given  to  this  prince,  the  earliest  name  he 
found  on    record,  that  is,   Vibenna.     The  Tuscan 
Lucuino  is  said  to   have  taught  Romulus   how    to 
form  his  camp,  which  may,  perhaps,  mean  that  the 
Roman    forces    had    some     discipline    introduced 
amongst  them,  which  did   not  prevail  amongst  the 
Albans  and  the  Latins.    Roinulus's  army  was  formed 
altogether  on  the  Tuscan  model,  and  he  adopted  all 
their  armour.     He  provided  for  the  payment  of  his 
men  by  a  tax  upon  widows  and  virgins,  and  all  be- 
yond   was  raised   by  the  Tribes  themselves;     each 
paying  and  arming  its  own  contingent  at  a  very 
low  rate  per  head.     The  cavalry  was  all   noble  and 
chosen*    by   augury,  three    hundred    out   of  each 
tribe ;  and  the  third  part  of  these  again   was   more 
noble  than  the  rest,  and  formed  a  guard  to  the  sove- 
reign,  being  distinguished  by  the  Tuscan   name  of 
Celer  or  Celeres.  The  age  he  appointed  ibr  men  to 
serve  in  the  field,  was  from  twenty-five  to  forty-five; 
after  which  they  were  senior,  and  became  guards  to 
the  city,  and  were  only  led  against  an   enemy,  in 
great  extremities. 

Livy  tells  us,  that  at  this  time,  Fidene  became  a 

*  Livy  i.  37, 


30 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


i 


Roman  colony,  and  that  Veii  and  her  allies  purchased 
a  peace  of  a  hundred  years,  by  yielding  the  Septem 
Pagi  and  the  Salines  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber ;  but 
Niebuhr  disbelieves  all  these  wars,  and  thinks  them 
mere  inventions  of  the  old  annalists.  It  is  certain, 
from  subsequent  history,  that  Fidene  did  not  receive 
a  Roman  garrison,  and  that  neither  Caere  nor  Veii, 
nor  Tarquinia,  yielded  up  any  part  of  their  territory 
to  Rome.  The  Septem  Pagi  and  the  Salines  were 
not  in  reality  ceded  until  later.  It  is,  however,  pro- 
bable, that  these  states  gladly  acknowledged  Rome 
as  an  ally,  and  made  with  her  treaties  of  peace. 

The  greater  part  of  Etruria  enjoyed  profound  re- 
pose during  the  thirty-seven  years  which  are  as- 
signed to  the  reign  of  Romulus  ;  and  it  was  not  dis- 
turbed, nor  in  any  way  affected  by  his  sudden  and 
violent  death  during  an  eclipse,  on  the  7th  of  July, 
716  B.  c.  The  Tuscan  artists  *  made  an  image  of  him, 
which  was  set  up  in  a  brazen  chariot,  in  the  temple 
of  Vulcan,  and  probably  their  Augurs  advised  his 
being  associated  with  the  Sabine  demi  god,  Quirinus, 
and  considered  as  the  same  person. 

Plutarch  does  not  ascribe  one  single  invention  to 
Romulus.  But  he  speaks  of  kings,  palaces,  colleges, 
asylums,  temples,  shrines,  men  of  rank,  followers, 
clients,  slaves,regiments,  brazen  instruments,armour, 
letters,  writing,  oracles,  and  in  short,  of  the  marks 
of  social  progress  in  general,  as  all  drawn  imme- 
diately from  Alba,  or  as  existing  and  taught  amongst 
the  Tuscans.     This  sufficiently  proves  that  the  early 

•  Plut. 


PERIOD    OF    ROMULUS. 


31 


and  fundamental  civilization  of  Rome,  which  was 
very  considerable,  was  all  derived  either  mediately 
or  immediately  from  Etruria.  It  may  not  be  un- 
worthy of  remark,  in  order  to  illustrate  the  compa- 
ratively recent  origin  of  the  Greek  states  and  cities 
in  Sicily  and  southern  Italy,  that  it  was  only  during 
this  reign,  that  the  town  of  Syracuse  was  founded 
by  the  Corinthians. 

It  would  be  almost  wearisome  to  go  through  the 
different  institutions  of  Romulus,  divine  and  social, 
and  to  show  that  they  were  all  Etruscan,  and  by  various 
authors  are   referred  to  Etruria  ;  though,  excepting 
through  Turrhene  Alba,  whence  he  sprung,  Tanc- 
tius  of  Gabii,  who  educated  him,  and  the  Luceres, 
who  received  him,  or  the  men  of  Veii,  or  Fidene, 
or  Caere,  with  whom  he  was  in  unceasing  communi- 
cation, it    is   hard    for  us   to   trace   the  connexion. 
Livy   (i.  8)  says  that  the  kingly  pomp  of  Romulus, 
his  purple  robe,  his  golden  crown,  his  Lictors,  his 
Fasces,  and  his  throne,  were  from  Etruria.     Solinus 
says  that  they  were  derived  from  Vetulonia,  then 
the  queen  of  the  northern  cities.      His  Fecials  and 
the  worship  of  Janus  were  introduced  from  Falisci,or 
Ardeaof  the  Luceres.  Dion.  Halicarnassus  says  that 
he  brought  into  Rome  the  relations  of  Patricians  and 
Plebs,  patron  and  client.     His  town  was  founded 
by  Etruscan  rites ;    his  time  was  measured  by  the 
Etruscan  kalendar ;  his  gods  were  the  divinities  of 
Etruria,  with  a  mixture  of  Sabine  and  Latine.     His 
auguries  were  interpreted  according  to  the  Etruscan 
fashion;  and  Livy  says,*  that  until  the  reign  of  Tar- 

*  Livy  ii. 


32 


HISTORY   OF   EiiartiA. 


quiiiius  Superbus,  none  but  the  Tuscans  ever  inter- 
preted a  Roman  augury.  His  young  men  were 
either  sent  into  Etruria  to  be  educated,  or  were 
brought  u]>  under  Etruscan  discipline,  if  we  are  to 
believe  Cicero,  who  says,  that  this  was  the  custom 
from  the  beginning.  His  artisans,  who  made  his 
images  and  armour,  and  who  built  his  forts  and 
temples,  were  all  Etruscan,  if  we  are  to  credit  the  tes- 
timony of  Fabius  Pictor,tl)at  for  300  years  Rome  had 
no  artists  of  her  own.  Romulus  is  said  to  have  appro- 
priated a  street  to  these  men,  opposite  to  the  Jani- 
culum,  callel  the  Vicus  Tuscus;  but  others  refer 
this  to  the  days  of  Celes  Vibenna,  oreven  Porsenna. 
He  became  an  Augur  after  he  was  five-and- 
twenty,  and  divined  with  the  Tuscan  Lituus,  and 
in  the  Tuscan  manner.  Dionysius  tells  us  that 
Romulus  allotted  a  portion  of  the  state  lands  to  the 
gods,  and  a  portion  to  the  crown.  The  pasture 
which,  until  otherwise  assigned,  was  common  to  the 
whole  patrician  body,  paid  a  tax  of  one-tenth  to 
the  government.  All  these  institutions  were  un- 
doubtedly Tuscan. 


33 


CHAPTER  II. 

PERIOD   OF    NUMA.* 
B.C.   no.       YEAR   OF    TARQUINIA    47l. 

Nul     P    f  '"  .^"•""^-''•-titutions.  Sacred  and  Civil,  of 
Auraa-Profound  peace  aU  over  Italy. 

per?o7of7„'f  ?""  "^  '^'  ^*'-"^''^"  '^'^t-y  -  that 
C  L  '^^■'""^y^^^«'  '=°™P'--ed  in  the  reign  of 
Numa  at  Rome,  reckoning  from  the  death  of  Romu- 

lengthof  the  first  Roman  Seeculum,  according  to  the 

sS:rof  r'^  ^^"^•'^"  ^"^"^^'^^''«  n,adefhe  firs 
nTI  T  T'  *°  '"'•'"•"^'^  ^"'''  the  death  of 

Numa ;  t  a  very  short  division  of  time,  considering  the 
usaal  length  of  that  term  in  Etruria  Proper,  v  "^ne 
hundred  and  ten  years,  and  by  no  means'pr  figuW 
thedurat,on  which  has  since  developed  itse'nasC  o^f 

*  Authorities  for  this  period  are  Plutarch  in  Numa  I  i™  • 
from    s  to  22.  Ancient  History  xi.  ,vi..  Niebuhr's  ^me  ^T  ' 
t  Nieb.  I.  p.  257,  &c.  &c.  '         ^• 

c  5 


34 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


the  characteristics  of  the  Eternal  City.  Etruria 
considered  Rome  in  the  light  of  a  thriving  border 
fort,  which  should  be  protected  as  common  to  her- 
self, the  Latins,  and  the  Sabines;  and  she  little 
dreamed  that  it  resembled  the  grain  of  mustard- 
seed,  and  would,  ere  long,  overshadow  with  its 
branches,  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  cause  the  sun  of 
every  other  state  to  withdraw  its  shining. 

Numa  came  into  the  world  the  year  that  Rome  was 
founded,  and  was  the  longest  liver  of  all  the  male 
patrician   children  born  in  that  year.     Such  being 
the  law  of  the  Tuscan  Saeculum,  that  its  first  dura- 
tion in  any  state  should  be  always  determined  by 
the  longest  liver  amongst  the  Patricians  who  were 
born  at  the  precise  time  of  its  establishment.     The 
Latin  and  Sabine  Senators  chose  Numa  Pompilius  to 
be  king,  and  the  united  Curiae  of  Romans,  Querites, 
and  Luceres,  confirmed  the  election.     His  name  of 
Pumpili  or  Pumpu  is  Etruscan,  and  was  Latinized 
afterwards  into  Pompilius  and  Pomponius.*  Accord- 
ing to  the  Tuscan  and  Sabine  customs  of  annexing 
the  mother's  name,  we  believe  Pumpu  to  have  been 
the  name  of  Numa's  mother.     He  was  a  prince  of 
extraordinary    piety,    and    Etruria    was    at    peace 
throughout  the  whole  period  of  his  reign ;  and  she  is 
supposed  now  to  have  reached  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  her  greatness  and  strength. 

Sardiniaf  was  at  this  time  added  to  her  empire,  and 
colonized,  but  from  which  particular  state,  whether 


Miiller.  Etriisker  Hypogeum. 


t  Paus,  X.  17. 


PERIOD   OP    NUMA. 


35 


Volterra,  Vulci,  or  Tarquinia,  we  are  ignorant.    The 
Greeks  founded  Gela,  in  Sicily,  and  being  allowed, 
for  the  first  time,  to  enter  the  Tyrrene  sea,  and  to 
have  commerce  with  Cuma  and  its  vicinity,  they 
made  their  settlement   at  Phistu,    which  in  time, 
they  called  Posidonia,nowP8estum.*     The  Phocians 
obtained  permission  to  trade  on  this  side  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, and  Miiller  believes f  that  they  came  in 
their  own  ships,  so   that  the  Tyrrene  sea  was  no 
longer  navigated  solely  by  the  Carthaginians,  but 
also  by  the  Greeks  of  Sicily,  Lucania,  Peloponnesus, 
and  Asia  Minor.     This  must,  however,  have  been 
within  very  strict  bounds,  and  only  by  the  Ispolitan 
ports,  and  with  a  very  small  number  of  vessels,  for 
Scylla  and  Charybdis  did  not  cease  for  two  centuries, 
to  terrify  the  Grecian  mariners:  and  the  constant  fear 
which  they  entertained  of  the  Tyrrene  corsairs  makes 
us  doubtful  whether  their  trade  and  privileges  were 
not  limited  to  certain  states  only  of  the  League,  such 
as  Cere,  Tarquinia,  Cosa,  and   Pisa;  and'^whether 
Volterra,  Populonia,  and   Vetulonia  may  not   have 
refused  to  admit  their  vessels,  and  allow  their  inter- 
course. 

Corcyra,  now  Corfu,  was  settled  about  this  time, 
by  a  colony  from  Corinth,  and  therefore,  must  have 
become  a  station  of  Etruscan  commerce.  The 
Greeks  had  some  great  impetus  given,  during  this 
period,  to  their  enterprises  by  sea;  and  they  came 
over  in  considerable  and  very  increased  numbers  to 


Videvol.i.  402— 412. 


t  Miiller,  Colonien. 


36 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  coast  of  Italy,  no  longer  fearing  the  one-eyed 
Anthropophagi  of  that  land,  as  they  had  done  in 
the  days  of  Homer.  Their  peace  and  alliance  with 
the  Tuscans  rendered  their  |)ath  easy,  and  gave 
them  the  security  they  required.  Accordingly,  Cro- 
tona*  was  colonized  from  Achaia,  and  became 
famous  for  its  walls  and  fortifications,  more  like  those 
of  Volterra,  or  the  fortresses  of  Egypt  and  Canaan, 
than  anything  which  in  these  days,  existed  in  Greece; 
and  a  seaport  and  small  territory,  somewhat  exceed- 
ing twelve  miles  in  circumference  was  assigned  to  it 
in  the  bay  of  Tarentum.  Here  Pythagoras  after- 
wards established  his  schools ;  and  in  the  vicinity 
at  Siris,  the  later  Greeks  said  that  the  Palladium,' 
brought  by  iEneas  from  Troy,  was  kept.  This  Pal- 
ladium was  a  statute  of  Pallas,  four  and  a  half  feet 
high,  the  eyes  and  head  of  which  moved.  She  held 
in  her  right  hand  a  pike,  and  in  her  left,  a  distaff 
and  spindle,  by  way  of  showing  that  firmness, 
energy  and  active  courage,  so  far  from  being  incon- 
sistent with  female  labours  and  employments,  should 
be  joined  to  them  in  every  perfect  female  character. 
The  safety  of  Troy  was  allegorized  to  depend  upon 
the  patient,  industrious,  homely  labour  of  the 
women, united  to  the  quiet  bravery  of  the  men;  and 
the  safety  of  every  city  and  every  state  may  be  alle- 
gorized in  the  same  manner.  They  go  together  in 
the  female  character,  more  frequently  than  is  sup- 
posed, and  affectation  and  false  principles  separate 
them  much  oftener  than  nature. 

*  Dion. 


PERIOD    OP    NUMA. 


37 


Silius    Italicus*  tells  us  that  Vetulonia  was,  at 
this  time,  the  chief  of  the  Etruscan  states,  the  rich- 
est,  the  finest,  and  the  most  illustrious  of  her  cities 
And  how  beautiful  and  civilized  she  must  have  been, 
we  may  judge   from  her  ruins  now;  from   the  mo- 
saic pavements,  the  baths,  the  broken  statues,  and 
the  enormous  amphitheatre,  ail  destroyed  in   less 
than    a    hundred     years    subsequent    to    Numa's 
reign,   and  the  remnants   of  which    have   endured 
through  three   and    twenty    centuries.      Vetulonia 
could   not  have  been  remembered  in  Silius's  days, 
had    she    not    once    been    a    leading   city   of   the 
League,   and    probably    the    theme    of    many     a 
poetical  lament  and  moral  reflection  on  her  sudden 
and  irrecoverable  fall.     Like  Tyre,  her  doom  was 
decreed,  at  the  time  when  the  sceptre  was  strongest 
in  her  hand,  and  when  she  believed  herself  to  sit  as 
a  queen  among  the  nations,  and   to  be  the  lady  of 
kingdoms  in  Italy. 

It  was  at  this  period,  and  during  the  days  of 
universal  peace  in  the  reign  of  Numa,  that  the  tern- 
pie  of  Eluthya,  at  Pyrgi,  accumulated  her  immense 
treasures,  the  offerings  of  rich  patricians  and  opu- 
lent merchants,  who  grew  wealthy  upon  her  trade, 
and  whose  prosperity  they  believed  to  arise  from' 
the  protection  of  the  Bona  Dea. 

Seasons  of  profound  tranquiliity  like  the  forty 
years  now  under  our  consideraton,  furnish  much 
food  for  national  gratitude,  butfew  materials  for 
national    history,   because    human    immortality   is 

*  Punicor.  viii. 


j 


38 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


rather  the  record  of  great  calamities  and  of  great 
crimes,  or  of  virtues  produced  and  called  forth  by 
calamity  and  crime,  than  of  private  happiness  and 
widely  extended  well-being.  Who  notes  down  the 
beams  of  sunshine  that  gladden  the  monarchs  of 
the  forest?  or  the  calm  seas  that  let  the  trading 
vessels  glide  smoothly  along  the  shores  ?  Who  does 
not  hear  of  the  uprooted  trees,  the  ruined  land- 
lords, and  the  shipwrecked  mariners?  Who  does  not 
join  the  shudder  of  sympathy,  and  the  cry  of  woe  to 
the  bowlings  of  the  hurricane,  and  the  ragings  of 
the  tempest?  "  History,"  says  Mliller,  "  takes  much 
account  of  the  wars  of  nations,  but  notes  nothing 
of  their  seasons  of  peace."  Public  splendour  and 
national  victories  are  constantly  counterbalanced. by 
private  misery  and  individual  ruin  ;  and  on  the 
other  hand,  public  tranquillity  and  national  repose 
—  we  might  almost  say  national  unimportance — are 
usually  compensated  for  by  individual  comfort  and 
general  safety. 

We  are  not  to  suppose,  however,  because  Etru- 
ria  was  formidable  by  land,  and,  as  Livy,  i.  23, 
says,  VERY  POWERFUL  by  sea,  that  therefore  all  was 
so  quiet  within  the  League,  as  outward  appearances 
indicated.  The  flame  of  human  passions  never 
bursts  forth  until  it  has  been  for  some  time,  and 
often  for  a  long  time,  smouldering  and  working 
under  the  compressive  agent.  As  a  few  years  after 
the  reign  of  Numa,  civil  war  swept  through  Turr- 
henia,  and  so  shook,  as  nearly  to  dismember  her, 
we  must  believe  that  the  cause  was  working  now. 

4 


PERIOD   OP   NUMA. 


39 


As    her   population    consisted    of    patricians    and 
plebeians,  equally  landholders  and  citizens,  but  with 
very  unequal  rights,  and  sometimes  very  unreason- 
able  distmctions;  and  as  it  was  evidently  a  struffgle 
for  equality  on  the  one  hand,  and  for  a  continued 
c^ste  predominance  on  the  other,  we  must  believe 
that  the  pride  and  arrogance  of  the  men  of  rank  and 
wealth  and  the  envy,  misrepresentation,  and  discon- 
tent  of  the  men  of  middle  station,  were  at  this  very 
time,  felt  in  all  the  trading   cities,  and  that  they 
threatened  a  violent  collision  upon  every  fresh  elec- 
tion  to  the  offices  of  power. 

We  do  not  believe  that  there  existed  in  Etruria 
any  developement  of  the  democratic  principle,  sJ 
decided  as  that  which  distracted  the  Greek  republics, 

forms  the  bane  of  modern  Europe.  The  govern. 
ment  of  all  the  Etruscan  Lucumonies  was  a  strict 
aristocracy      The  offices  of  power  and  of  trust  were 

them  the  Senate  was  composed,  and  from  the  midst 
of  them  the  sovereign  of  each  state  was  elected 
and  on  seasons  of  emergency,  the  Embratur  or  Em' 
peror  of  the  League  was  chosen  at  the  fane  of  Vo- 

which  the  principles  of  a  more  exclusive  aristocracy 
predominated  than  in  others;  while  in  the  less  ex^ 
elusive  governments,  it  must  not,  on  the  other  hand 
be  imagined  that  equality  of  ranks  was  vindicated' 
or  even  admission  of  the  Plebeians  to  high  command 
and  important  office  was  sought  for;  so  much  as  addi- 


40 


HJSTOnV    OF    ETRURIA. 


tional  facilities  for  Plebeians  to  be  gradually  raised  to 
the  rank  and  dignity  of  Patricians.  All  the  govern- 
ments were  strictly  patrician;  but  in  some,  the  Patri- 
cian  caste  was  less  jealously  guarded  than  in  others, 
from  the  approaches  of  Plebeian  merit  or  good  for- 
tune. Hence,  a  spirit  of  rivalry  and  hostility  sprang 
up  between  the  states ;  and  it  is  too  probable  that 
the  more  liberal  states,  though  at  home  aristocratic, 
may  have  fomented  popular  discontents  in  the  more 
exclusive  ones,  and  lent  themselves  not  only  to  faci- 
litate the  extension  of  the  patrician  caste,  but  even 
to  encourage  the  assaults  of  plebeians  against  the 
established  order  of  the  patrician  government. 

It  was  this  shortsighted  and   weak  policv   which 
begun  about  the  present  time,  to  sow  the  seeds  of 
those  disorders  which, as  we  shall  hereafter  see,  burst 
forth  in  the  flames  of  civil  war,and  weakened, and  at 
length  ruined,  the  great  Etruscan  commonwealth. 
We  will    not  anticipate  the  facts  of  this   history  ; 
but  we  may  remark,  that  Tarquinia  was,  from   the 
earliest  times  to  the  death  of  Porsenna,  when  her 
authority  over  Rome  was  destroyed,  the  predomi- 
nating  aristocratic  power,  while  Volsinia  and  Clu- 
sium  advocated,   what  we  should  call,  the  liberal 
side.    This  we  shall  find,  hereafter,  illustrated  in  the 
lives  and  acts  of  the  Roman  sovereigns  of  the  two 
Tarquinian    dynasties;    in    the    Volsinian    military 
chief,   Cale   Fipi,    and    his   Lieutenant    Mastarna, 
whose  long  and   powerful  reign   in   Rome  gave  a 
blow  to  the  aristocratic  interest  throughout  Etruria  ; 
and  finally,  in  Lars  Porsenna  himself,  who,  although 


7 


% 


PERIOU  OK   iVUMA.  41 

Emperor  i„  the  League,  was  nevertheless  a  chief  on 
the  ],OeraI  s.de,  and  as  little  friendly  to  .I.e  exci; 
s.ve  des,,ot.s„,  of  the  Tarquinian  sovereign    J 

tl'e  hou.e  and  asylum  alikl  TA  ^""'""  '"^'' 

Tities  fl.»-         •'^        ''''''^•''^^"«eres,Rauines,  and 
o  1;,         Er-'"t  ^^^"-^"-'--d  and  sacreJ  city 

as  .nclined    to  support   and    confirm    her  nower 
oecause,    throu<>- 1    tha  A.,  power, 

.""^eH.ero.n-:ri:ttr:d'L::;:l:;;r^ 

and  f        u-  ^r""'*'^'*'  ^^"-"a  was  himself  a  pri^; 
and  from  his  devotion  to  all  the    Ftr...-.  ^        ' 

ceremonies,  we  are  inclined  L  bt  "at  t  '*"' 
*tnctly  educated  by  the  Tuscans      xT  *"*' 

by  the  ,hree  tribes!  he  dli  rd"  be^ V";  /"r 
;;«ice  by  an  Augur,  (Livy  1,)  and  unti  ll ^  ^I  '^ 

;:'0«>-.  He  says,  that  Numa  consulted  the  tr"' 
J'ke  manner  as  Romulus  had  done  on  the  /^  '" 
of  the  city,  that  is,  in  the  Tuscan  L.!,      T^^? 

-twuh  the  Augur,  spuriusvettrs;:r::-j,td':: 

-^^^  their  „..e.    ^^^t^^Z^^'-^^ 


42 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


of  Saturnia,  and  sat  down  upon   a  stone,  with  his 
face  to  the  south.     The  Augur,  holding  the  Lituus 
or  divining  rod,  placed  himself  upon  his  left,  with 
his  head  covered,  and  in  this  position,  looked  over 
the  city,  and  marked  out  the   regions  of  the  sky 
north,  south,  east,  and  west,  fixing,  as  a  boundary, 
the   furthest   limit  that  his  eye  could  reach.     He 
then  moved  the  Lituus  with  his  left  hand,  and  laid 
the  right  upon  Numa  s  head.     He  next  offered  up 
this  prayer—"  Father   Jupiter,  or  Tina,  if  it  be  thy 
will,  that  this  Numa  Pompilius,  upon  whose  head  I 
have  laid  my  hand,  be  king  of  Rome,  show  us,  we 
beseech  thee,  clear  tokens  thereof,  within  the  limits 
which  I  have  marked  out."      Afterwards  he  named 
his  sign,  and  it  was  granted,  whereupon  Numa  put 
on  his  royal  garments,  and  was  received  by  an  ap- 
plauding multitude,  as  their  consecrated  king. 

One  of  Numa's  chief  cares  was  to  confirm,  in  a 
manner  more  solemn  and  binding  than  Romulus 
had  done,  his  union  with  the  Tuscans,  by  making  a 
special,  holy  and  Isopolitan  league  with  the  Jani- 
culum,  the  hill  and  fort  peculiarly  dedicated  to 
Tuscan  Janus.  We  have  already  stated  the  proba- 
bility, if  not  certainty,  that  the  Janiculese  joined 
every  year  with  the  Sabines  in  the  feasts  of  the  Sa- 
turnalia ;  and  now  Numa  bound  the  men  of  Satur- 
nia every  year  to  celebrate,  in  return,  the  feasts  of 
Janus.  He  induced  the  Tuscans  to  allow  a  wooden 
bridge,*  called  the    Pons  Sublicius,t  to  be  thrown 


♦  Plin.  xxxvi.  15. 


t  Dion.  Hal.  ii. 


PERIOD   OF    NUMA. 


43 


across  the  Tiber,  so  as  to  connect  the  Janicul urn  with 
the  Saturnian  and  the  Palatine,  and  he  appointed  a 
set  of  priests  to  take  charge  of  it,  called  Pontifices 
of  whom  he  was  the  first  and  chief.  Marcius,  the  no-' 
blest  of  the  Sabines,  is  named  as  one  of  the  body,  and 
to  him  he  gave  a  written  and  sealed  copy  of  all  his 
mstitutions.*    These  Pontifices,  Roman  and  Tuscan, 
were  bound  every  year  to  keep  a  feast  of  union  on 
this  bridge.  It  is  likely  that  Numa  appointed  the  feast 
to  be  observed  on  the  anniversary  of  Janus,  and  with 
his  priests,  because  Janus   presided  over  gates  and 
roads    both  of  which   this  bridge  would  represent ; 
and    because  he   is  said  to  have  built  a  temple  to 
Janus,  besides  the  one  built  by  Romulus  and  Tatius 
meaning,  doubtless,  a  shrine,  which  might  easily  be 
confused  in  later  times  and  after  its  disappearance, 
with  the  permanent  and   enduring  building  of  the 
kings.     This  bridge  is  one  of  the  most  famous  works 
otJ\uma,and  we  must  suppose  that  no  character 
less  venerable  than  his,  could  have  persuaded  the 
Janiculan  Tuscans  so  far  to  have  committed  them- 
se  ves  in  an  intimate  union  with  the  Sabines  and  the 
Albans.  But  with  him  they  not  only  felt  safe  in  the 
transaction,  but  believed  that  with  the  Tuscan  faith 
they  were  securely   extending  the  Tuscan   power! 
Ihey    were  like  the  Roman  Catholics  of  our  day 
when  they  zealously   plant   their  religion    and   its' 
rites,  m  some   new  region.     Though  they  elect  no 

de8*ce?d.!frf  ^'''''''^T''  ^^  Ancus  Marcius,  and  the  Valerii 
^mans  ^"^  ^°^^^  ^^^e  the  cognomen  of  Rex  among  the 


44 


HISTORY    or    ETUURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    NUMA. 


45 


king,  and  ap,-oint  no  general,  they  know  that  they 
are  producing  a  much  more  important  and  lasting 
effect.  They  are  carrying  forward  what  they 
consider  to  be  the  world  embracing  domination 
of  Rome.  The  Holy  City  of  Numa  rules  as  the 
Holy  City  still,  and  her  continued  existence  and  her 
lasting  pre-eminence  have  been  much  more  owing 
to  her  Lituus  and  her  Mitre,  than  to  her  bloody  lau- 
rels and  her  two-edged  sword. 

Such  was  the  marked  honour  which  Numa  paid 
to  Janus,  that  he  consecrated  to  this  demi-god  *  the 
first  month  of  the  year,  naming  it  Januarius.  Be- 
fore this  time,  the  Roman,t  like  the  Alban  year, 
had  begun  in  March.  Numa  dedicated  February 
also  to  the  Tuscans,  and  made  it  sacred  to  their 
evil  genius,  Typhon,  and  to  the  gods  of  the  shades, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  propitiated  in  favour  of 
the  infant  city,  and  be  induced  to  bless  the  triple 
union  which  lie  sought  to  establish.  Varro  says  of 
this  month,  "  Ab  Deis  Inferis,  Februarius  appellatus 
quod  tunc  his  parentetur."  These  two  months  were 
intercalary  with  the  Latins,  without  any  especial 
dedication. 

It  was  after  this  great  work  of  a  solemn  league 
with  the  Janiculum,  that  Numa  erected  his  famous 
temple  to  Fides,  or  public  faith,  with  a  number  of 
minute  allegorical  observances.  Fides  was  the  same 
as  Jupiter  Atistius,  or  Sancus,  in  whose  temple 
public  treaties  were  afterwards  hung.  The  treaty 
between  Tarquin  the  Second   and  Gabii  remained 

*  Plutarch  in  Numa.  f  Macrob.  ISatur.  i.  12. 


tliere  until  the  times  of  the  empire.     This  god  was 
Fides  to  the  Romans.  Sancus  to  the   Sabines,   and 
Atiste  to  the  Tuscans;  and  Poiybius  testifies  of  the 
triune  people,  and  of  the  three  nations   which  thev 
represented,  that  they  were  educated  to  respect  their 
word  once  given,  as  much  as  any  written  engage- 
ment;  and  that  it  bound  them,  without  bail  or  «it- 
ness,  more  than    twenty   promises   or   twenty  wit- 
nesses could  bind  the  Greeks.     The  Roman  expres- 
sion was,  "  Medius  Fidius,"  "  upon  my  honour  " 

Plutarch  informs  us,  that  Numa  also  erected  an 
altar  on  Satuinia  to  Jupiter  Elicius,  that  is,to  Tuscan 
Jupuer,  who  hurls  the  thunderbolt,  and  from  whom 
the  Tuscan  priests  drew   lightning  for  their  augu- 
ries.    Numa  seems    to    have   filled  this   hill    with 
altars  to  the  gods  of  the  Luceresand  the  Janiculese 
Auma  made  several  ordinances,  binding  upon  the' 
Ramnes  and  the  Tities,  which   Romulus  had  left  to 
their  discretion.     For  instance,  he  introduced  seve- 
ral colleges  or  brotherhoods  from  the  Tuscans      Ho 
appoimed    Flamens,   or  hereditary  priests  of  par- 
ticular gods,  such  as  the  Flamen  of  Quirinus  and 
RoniuIuMheFlamen  of  Jupiter,  and  the  Flamen  of 
J>laiK     Their  wives  were  priestesses.* 

Another  of  these  ordinances  of  Numa  was  a  col- 
lego  of  teciales,  twelve  f  in  number,  over  whom  as 
Festus  informs  us,  he  set  a  Pater  Patratus,  that' is 
a  commander  who  had  both  a  father  and  a  son  alive' 
*  Ancient  Hist.  xi.  297. 

slaL'"^' ""''"  "^  *"'■'"  '"  ^''""'  ^P'^^^^'^d  the  twelve 


1 


46 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


duriii"-  the  period  he  remained  in  office.  A  third 
was  a  collegeofArvales,  a  Tuscan  word  from  arvare, 
to  curve  or  surround.  These  were  also  twelve  in 
number,  and  it  was  their  duty  every  year,  to  go  round 
the  borders  of  the  patrician  Agger,  which  was  limited 
by  the  Fossa  Cluilia,  six  miles  on  the  road  to  Alba 
Longa.  Romulus  would  never  fix  the  patrician 
boundaries.  Numa  had  them  limited,  so  that  they 
never  afterwards  could  be  infringed  ;  and  from  the 
Fossa  Cluilia  to  the  Tiber  was  the  augury  ground 
of  the  Rumon  nation,  ceded  to  them,  and  guaranteed, 
by  all  the  Italian  people. 

Numa  doubled  the  numbers  of  the  vestal  virgins, 
making  two  for  each  body  of  senators.  The  names 
of  the  two  fresh  ones  were  Canuleia  and  Tarpeia, 
the  latter  was  a  Sabine,  and  the  former  a  Tuscan  ; 
and  he  created  all  of  them  priestesses  of  Vesta,* 
and  built  to  her  the  first  round  temple,  of 
which  we  read  in  Italian  history;  commanding 
that  the  sacred  fire  should  stand  in  the  midst 
of  it,  and  be  kept  ever  burning.  This  fire  was  kept 
in  some  other  temple  before  his  time,  for  had  it 
been  sacred  to  Vesta  alone,  neither  Romulus  nor  the 
Luceres  could  have  avoided  building  her  fane 
amongst  the  very  first  which  were  erected.f  He 
insisted  upon  the  feast  of  Terminus  being  observed 

*  The  holy  fire  in  Egypt  was  kept  by  the  Pharaoh's  daugh- 
ters in  the  temple  of  Ammon ;  at  Tyre,  in  that  of  Hercules  ;  at 
Athens,  in  the  temple  of  Minerva;  and  at  Delphi,  in  that  of 
Apollo ;  and  in  both  these  last  cities  the  keepers  were  old  widows. 

t  Plutarch  calls  her  Vesta,  or  Larunda  ;  and  Larunda  is  the 
Tuscan  name  for  this  goddess. 


PERIOD    OF    NUMA. 


47 


by  all  his  subjects,  at  the  end  of  the  Tuscan  month 
of  February;  and  the  man  who  should  moveaboun- 
dary  stone,  placed  and  numbered  after  the  Tuscan 
fashion,  was  guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  was  to  be  pun- 
ished by  death. 

During  the  time  of  Numa,  Plutarch  says  in  the 
eighth  year  of  his  reign,  there  was  a  pestilence  in 
Italy,  from  which  the  Holy  City  suffered  severely, 
and    was    in    danger    of    a    great    diminution   of 
the  number  of  her   inhabitants.      Numa,  to   turn 
the   thoughts   of  the   people  from  these   ills,  and 
to   cure  them   by  infusing   new  courage  and  hope 
into   their   dispirited    minds,    displayed    in    Rome 
a    beautiful    bronze    shield,    of   the    kind    called 
Ancylia  ;*  and  said  thai  it  had  fallen  to  him  from 
heaven,  and  that  he  was  commanded  to  make  eleven 
more  like  it,  and  to   institute  a  college  of  twelve 
priests,  the  handsomest  patrician  youths  he  could 
find,  to  take  care  of  the  twelve  shields,  which  were 
to  hang  in  the  temple  of  Mars.     The  use  of  the 
eleven  was  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  any  one 
knowing  and  stealing  the  sacred  one  sent  by  the 
gods.     Though  the  legend  tells  us  that  there  were 
many  artisans  in    Rome,  in  the  Vicus  Tuscus  and 
other  parts,  and  though  Latium  was  open  to  him 
for   he  acquirement  of  any  luxuries  or  weapons  he 
jnight  have  desired,  it  is  said  that  no  one  cou'ld  imi! 
tate   the  shield,  excepting  Veturius  Mamurius,   a 
Tuscan,  settled  m  Velitri,  from  whom  he  may  pos! 

•  The  Ancylia  was  a  shield  of  an  oval  form  fittini.  tn  th 
elbow,  so  called  from  the  cubit,  (A,.«.,)  theTlrVof  thl 
between  the  wrist  and  the  elbow!  ^  '^'  ^ 


48 


HISTORY    OF    ETRT  RIA. 


PERIOD    OF    NUMA. 


49 


sibly  have  bought  the  original.  This  man,  with 
his  workers,  he  established  in  Rome,  and  caused  to 
make  the  eleven  Ancylise.  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
Velitri  may  have  been  written  by  mistake  for  Veii, 
a  city,  in  every  way,  more  probable,  and  famous 
at  all  times,  for  its  bronze  manufactories. 

We    learn   from    Plutarch,   that   some   authors 
affirmed  the  name  of  Veturius  Mamurius  to  mean 
only,    "  Vetus    Memoria."      But  it  comes   to    the 
same  thing  for    history,   whether    by    this    name, 
we   indicate  some  particular  Tuscan,  of  whom  we 
know  no  other  fact,  than  that  he  settled  in  Rome 
by   the   king's  desire,  to   accomplish    some   labour 
of   delicate    skill ;    or   whether    we    preserve   the 
ancient  tradition,  that  in   the  year  700  b.  c,  there 
were  no  artists  in  Rome  or  Latium,  who  could  work 
ill  the  finest  bronze ;  and  that  all  these  productions 
were  obtained  from  the  Tuscans,  either  out  of  Etru- 
ria   Proper,  or  from  their  colonies  and  guilds  set- 
tled   in  other  places.      Velitri,   whether   Latin    or 
Volscian,  at  this  period,  is  intimated  as  being  under 
the  power   of  the  Turrheni,   and   as    containing    a 
flourishing   school  of   Turrhenian    art.       The   ac- 
count, moreover,  intimates  a  general  spirit  of  mo- 
nopoly   and   exclusiveness    amongst    the   Tuscans. 
Otherwise,  what  was  to  prevent  the  Latins  and  Vol- 
scians  from  learning  of  them,  and  becoming  as  emi- 
nent in  that  department  as  themselves  ?   The  extra- 
ordinary proficiency*  and  early  celebrity  of  Etruria 
in   the  manufactory  and  workmanship  of  metals,  is 
proved  by  the  price  set  upon  them  by  the  Greeks, 

♦  Miiller  on  Etruscan  art. 


i 


and  the  tradition  that  the  most  valuable  ornaments 
".  the  houses  of  the  great,  at  Corinth,  were  some 
gold  cups  of  Turrhenian  fabric. 

Numa,  though  despotic,  knew  mankind  well 
enough,  carefully  to  conceal  his  despotism ;  and  in 
every  new  ordinance,  he  professed  to  command  no 
more  than  he  had  been  bidden  to  do  by  a  superior 
power  and  one  to  which  he  bowed  as  reverently  as 
any  of  h.s  subjects.     He  retired  to  the  shrine  of  an 

nvmnhT  'i"  T'*^  ^^^'''  '^^  ««d.  that  the 
nymph  Egena*  met  him  there,  and  communicated 
to  hiin  the  will  of  the  gods. 

Among  the  many  beautiful  legends  by  which  the 
early  h.story  of  the  nations  of  antiquity  is  illustrate" 
there  is  none  n.ore  elegant  than  the  story  of  E<!^e ria 
and  even  we,  ,he  children  of  another  race.  anIX' 

timer;;" '  ''''"^"*  'f  ^'°"'  '-^'^^  »-•'"  -- 

timents  of  veneration,  which  the  ancient  lawgiver 

iT;  r^  Tn"^  ''  "^"  ^''^'''  ^^  ^•'^  ^"''^fion^of  a 
Ingher  .n.eihgence,  which  he  thus  claimed  for  his 

pure  and  lioly   institutions.     Egeria  was  the  saf  ! 

corrupt,  cruel,  or  tyrannical,  could  spring  from  an 
au,hor.ty  so  gentle  and  loving,  andfatVeTame 
time,  so  elevutPrl       Ar»^  ♦u       f-    ,  same 

tionsrefl^lt  And  thus  his  laws  and  institu- 

t  ons  .eflected  immortal  honour  upon  himself  while 
they  secured  the  happiness  of  his  subjects. 

occurs  ,n  Italian  history,  it  is  under  a  more  real  if 
'ess  elegant  and  lovely   shape.      It  is  ZZL' 

*  Dion.  Hal.  ii.  91. 


60 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUBIA. 


under  the  form  of  Egerius,  as  belonging  to  a  Tuscan 
of  Tarqainia,  the  brother's  son  of  Lucius  Tarquinius, 
who  removed  with  him  from  his  Etrurian  home, 
and  settled  in  Rome.     Hence,  we  are  justified  in 
believing,  that  Egere,  whether  in  the  feminine  form 
Egeria,  or  the  masculine  Egerius,  is  an  Etruscan 
n^me;  and  that  this  nymph  was  a  Tuscan  Larthia, 
perhaps  a  Bona  Dea  to  Numa  and  to  Quirium,  or 
perhaps  a  Genius  or  Penate  of  his  maternal  clan* 
The  mythology  of  Etruria  is  rich  in  such  demi-god- 
desses  or  patron  saints;    and   Egeria  calls  to  our 
minds  Carmenta,  Elythya,  and  Bygoc,  the  nurse  of 
Tages.    The  Tuscan  Mastarna,  in  after  times,  called 
the  goddess  Nortia,  his  Egeria,  who  communicated 
to  him  the  mind  of  the  gods,  and  led  him  to  wis- 
dom and  success. 

All  the  slaves  of  the  three  Tribes  and  the  rich 
iErarii  in  Rome  were  permitted  by  Numa  to  join  in 
the  Saturnalian  games,  and  to  have  days  of  liberty 
and  hilarity,  whilst  the  feast  lasted.    Plutarch  tells  us 
how  diligently   Numa  laboured,  during  his  whole 
rei.'n,  to  do  away  with  every  feeling  of  rivalry  and 
inequality,  and  of  jarring  interests  and  preferences 
between  these  three  tribes,  and  between  the  differ- 
ent classes  of  settlers  who  formed  the  population  of 
his  Holy  City.     He  wished  to  make  them  all  Ro- 
mans, and  to  annihilate  their  old  distinctions,  by  cre- 
ating new   ones.     Accordingly,  he  ordered  all  the 
iErarii  artisans  to  form  themselves  into  nine  guilds 

•  PumpB,  the  Etruscan  form  of  Pompilius. 


PERIOD   OF    NUMA. 


61 


or  companies,  which  will  give  us  some  idea  of  the 
state  of  the  arts  in  Rome  at  this  era;  and  of  the 
predominance  of  the  Tuscans,  or  at  least  of  their 
civilization. 

Numa's  nine  guilds  were,— 1,  musicians;  2,  gold- 
smiths ;  3,  masons ;    4,  dyers ;    5,  curriers ;  6,  tan- 
ners; 7,  braziers,  or  coppersmiths;  8,  potters;  the 
ninth  guild  comprehended  every  other  trade      We 
see  from  this  that  the  beautiful  Tuscan  manufactures 
of  the  flowered,  palmated  and  purple  dresses  were 
not  introduced  into  the  city;  and  that  the  flax  and 
woollen  were  spun  and  woven,  as  now,  by  women  in 
their  own  houses.     From  the  Tuscan  drawings  upon 
the  vases,  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  men 
during  peace,  wore  straw  hats,  which  were  doubt' 
less  also  the  labour  of  women. 

Plutarch  says  that  Numa  permitted  no  images  of 
any  Deity  m  Rome,  which  seems  to  imply  the  exist- 
ence of  such  images  in  her  immediate  vicinity  ner- 
iiaps  in  all  the  other  settlements  of  the  Turrheni    He 
IS  also  said  to  have  permitted  no  bloody  sacrifices. 
But  this  is  evidently  a  mistake ;    and  we  should 
either  read  that  he  permitted   no  new  bloody  sacri- 
fices, or  none  besides  the  three  always  observed  by 
the  luscans,  of  a  bull,  a  sheep,  and  a  pig.     The 
latter  was  the  sacrifice  of  the  Feciales,  and  of  the 
feasts  of  Terminus.*     Numa  sacrificed  a  sheep  upon 
the  Aventine,  and  appointed  the  slaughter  of  a  cow 
with  calf,  when  an  elderly  widow  married  again 


•  Varro. 


D  2 


/ 


62 


HISTORY    OF    ETBUUIA. 


PERIOD  OP  NCMA. 


53 


ti'l 


The  laws  of  Numa  were  written  down  like  those 
of  Tages,  and  the  priests  of  the  Holy  City  were  re- 
quired to  get  them  by  heart;  and  Numa  had  so 
many  proverbs  and  wise  sayings,  that  they  never 
perished  from  the  memories  of  a  grateful  people, 
and  were  considered  by  later  sages,  as  the  sayings 
of  Pythagoras,  and  as  his  teaching;    whereas,  m 
fact,  they  should  have  been  stated  as  the  sayings 
of  ancient  Italian   wisdom,    which    were    equally 
learned,  by    Pythagoras   and    Numa.      One   was, 
"  Never  to  give  to  the  gods  wine  from  a  vine  un- 
pruned  ;"  i.  e.,  never  to  give  them  the  worst  of  our 
substance ;   or,  in  scripture  language    "  Never  to 
offer  to  heaven  that  which  costs  us  nothing.        r>iot 
to  sacrifice  without  meal :"  i.  e.,  never  to  come 
empty-handed.     "  To  turn  round  v^hilst  we  wor- 
ship, but,  having  worshipped,  to  sit  down  :    i.  e..  to 
exert  ourselves  to  the  utmost,  whilst  we  pray  for 
anything  which   we   earnestly   desire,  but,  having 
done  all,  then  to  submit  quietly  to  the  Divine  will. 
All  this  was  the  Etruscan  method  of  teaching  in 
parables,  derived  frou,  the  East.      Again,   Numa 
commanded  the  heralds,  when  they  announced    he 
new  moons,  and  ceremonies,  and  holidays  to  the 
people  at  the  market-times,  always  to  make  them 
clear,  so  that  the  most  unlearned  might   under- 
stand. „  .  . 
Plutarch  mentions  a  tradition  of  an  enemy  at  his 

eates  of  which  when  he  was  informed,  he  smiled  and 
answered,  "I  am  sacrificing;"  as  much  as  to  say, 
"  The  gods  will  protect  me."     We  have  no  hint  as 


to  whence  this  enemy  came,  and  we  presume  that  it 
was  some  trifling  city  broil,  before  his  authority  was 
quite  established.  In  his  days,  Italy  was  at  peace, 
and  her  various  nations  were  friendly  and  hospi- 
table, occupied  with  games  and  festivals,  sacrifices 
and  entertainments.  Plutarch  tells  us  this  ;  and  he 
might  have  added,  for  Etruria  at  least,  that  she  was 
occupied  also  with  commerce  and  legal  reforms. 

When  Numa  died,  he  desired  to  be  buried  after 
the  manner  of  the  Tuscans,  in  a  stone  coffin,  and 
not  burnt.  Copies  of  his  twenty-four  books  upon 
religion,  law,  and  government,  were  also  buried  with 
him.  They  were  written  upon  Egyptian  jjapyrus, 
which  the  commerce  of  the  Etruscans  would  natu- 
rally bring  into  the  Tiber.* 

Plutarch  informs  us  that  the  kings  of  the  neigh- 
bouring people— Latins,  Sabines,  and  Etruscans- 
attended  this  great  benefactor  to  Italy,  and  peace- 
maker among  the  nations,  to  his  grave.     Most  sin- 
gularly, he  desired  his  sepulchre  to  be  under  the 
Janiculum  ;  and  neither  with  his  own  people  on  the 
Quirium,  nor  among  his  many  shrines  on  the  Satur- 
nian,  nor  with  Tatius  on  the  Aventine,  nor  in  any 
portion  of  the  Ramnes,-but  with  the  people  whom 
he  had  joined  to  Rome,  and  whose  priest  and  patron 
he  seems  principally  to  have  considered  himself. 
The  body  of  Senators  carried  him  to  the  grave,  and  the 
priests  walked  in  procession,  whilst  a  train  of  women 
and  children  closed  the  pageant,  and  lamented  him 
as  a  common  father  and  a  heaven-sent  prince. 

*  Hin  xiu.  13;  xvi.  37. 


I 


54 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Plutarch  says  that  he  drew  down  lightning  on 
the  Aventine,  a  science  known  only  to  the  Etruscan 
sages,  and  that  he  divided  the  Roman  territories 
into  Pagi,  each  having  its  own  priest  and  govern- 
ment ;  an  idea  which  he  took  from  the  Lucumony  of 
Veii,  whose  seven  Pagi  lay  in  the  immediate  vicinity 

of  Rome. 

In  this  reign,  or  in  that  of  Romulus,  the  four 
latest  of  the  Eugubian  tables  were  written,  contain- 
ing  a  liturgy  to  be  used  in  the  feasts  of  Jupiter,  by 
the  Tuscans,  the  Latins,  and  the  Umbrians.  And 
we  may  be  sure  that  the  ])ious  monarch  regularly 
attended  these  feasts,  as  the  representative  of  the 
sacred  Roman  colony,  and  the  friend  of  all  de- 
votion.* 

*  Sir  William  Betham  believes  that  these  tables  record  the 
invention  of  the  compass  by  the  Turrhenes,  and  the  discovery 
and  colonization  of  Ireland.  But  this  is  not  the  view  which  has 
been  taken  by  Italian  antiquarians ;  although  such  events  and 
discoveries  were  certainly  most  worthy  of  being  celebrated  and 
kept  in  remembrance  in  all  the  Etruscan  temi)le8. 


55 


CHAPTER  III. 


PEKIOD    OP    TULLUS    HOSTILIUS    IN    ROME. 

Reign  of  TuUus  Hostilius  in  Rome-Comparative  authenticity 
of  the  first  three  Roman  reigns— War  with  Alba  Longa— 
Various  accounts  of  this  war,  and  explanations  of  its  origin- 
Destruction  of  Alba  Longa-Revolution  in  Corinth— Arrival 
and  settlement  of  Demaratus  at  Tarquinia-Greek  artists  es- 
tabhshed  in  Etruria-State  of  the  arts  in  Greece  and  in 
Etruria— Death  of  TuUus  Hostilius. 

B.    C.    072.       YEAR    OF    TARQUINIA    515.* 

We  now  commence  the  second  Saeculum  of  Rome, 
and  review  the  transactions  of  the  Etruscans  during 
the  first  thirty-three  years,  which  are  comprised  in 
the  reign  of  Tullus  Hostilius,  the  Latin  king  of  the 
Eternal  City.  Veii  and  Fidene  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  at  peace  with  Rome  for  any  length  of 
time  throughout  this  reign.  The  aspect  of  things 
on  the  eastern  side  of  Etruria  was  quite  changed, 
and  Etruscan  troops  either  helped  to  destroy  Alba 
Longa, or  did  not  prevent  her  destruction.  Towards 
the  north-west,  as  far  as  we  know,  the  internal  ad- 

•  Authorities .    Livy,   i.    22,  23.      Dion.  Hdicar.   iii.     An- 
cient Hist.  xi. 


I 


56 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA, 


ministration  of  Etrnria  was  quiet,  and  her  commerce 
prospered,  being  carried  on  actively  with  the  Graeco- 
Italian  ports  and  colonies.     The  political   position 
of  Veii  and  Fidene,  and  their  relations  with  Rome 
and  Alba,  are  involved  by  Livy  and  Dionysius  in 
inextricable  confusion   and   absurd    contradictions. 
But  this  arises  from  the  law  which  all  the  Roman 
historians  thought  themselves  obliged  to  follow,  of 
always   making   their   mother    city    right    in     her 
actions,  and  triumphant  in  her  wars.     We  shall  at- 
tempt to  disperse   the  mist  as  far   as  lies  in   our 
power,  and  give  those  strong  outlines  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  people  of  ancient  Italy  which  may 
still    be   discerned   through    the   gloom    of  distant 


ages. 


After  the  death    of    the   priestly   king    Numa 
Pumpile,  the  disciple  of  Janus,  and  the  friend  and 
follower  of  the  Tuscans,  Tullus  Hostilius,  a  prince 
of  the  Ramnes,  ascended  the  Roman  throne,  accord- 
ing  to  the  treaty  with  Tatius,  that  a  Latin  and  a 
Salbine  should  always  succeed  each  other  alternately. 
His  grandfather  was  a  patrician  of  Medulia,  who 
emio-rated  thence  with  Romulus,  as  one  of  the  sa- 
crecT colonizers.     Niebuhr,  who  esteems  all  the  pre- 
ceding period  of  Roman  history  to  be  mythic,  in  so 
far,  at  least,  as  regards    names,  dates,   and    order 
of  events,  looks  upon  Tullus  as  a  real   personage, 
and  believes  in  the  main  facts  which  are  related  of 

his  day. 

We  cannot    however,  avoid  thinking  that   this 

distinction   is  somewhat   arbitrary.      Why   should 


PERIOD   OF   TULLUS    HOSTILIUS. 


57 


TuIJus   be   regarded  as   a  man,  while  Numa  and 
Romulus  are  to    be  considered  merely  as  mythic 
personages  ?     There  seems  no  solid  reason  for  this. 
Whereas,  if  we  allow  history  and   legend  to  run  on 
together  in  a  parallel  line,  we  shall  probably  arrive 
at  something  nearer  to  the  truth.     Let  not  Romulus 
and  Numa  be  looked  upon  as  wholly  mythic,  nei- 
ther let  us  pin  our  faith  to  the  exact  historical  order 
of  names,  dates,  and   events,  during  the  reign    of 
Tu  lus,     A  considerable  latitude  must  be  allowed  to 
fab  e  during  the  whole   of  the  earliest   period    of 
Itahan  history;  and  we  can  give  only  a  measured 
belief  to  the  annals  of  times  even  considerably  later 
than  the  reign  of  which  we  are  now  treating. 

It  will  be  seen,  as  we  advance,  that  we  do  not 
strictly  follow  the  usual  course  of  Roman  historians 
concerning  the  later  reigns.     For  instance,  we  do 
not  consider  it  necessary  to  regard  either  the  first  or 
the  second  domination  of  the  Tarquinian  dynasty  over 
the  sacred  city,  as  merely  comprised  in  the  lives  of 
two  men.     And  we  are  disposed  to  ascribe  many  of 
the   popular   measures   of  Ancus   Marcius   to   the 
liberal   Etruscan  monarch,    Mastarna.     But   while 
we  allow  a  considerable  latitude  to  our  faith,  we 
must,  in  like  manner,  set  bounds  to  our  incredulity 
And  we  will    not  follow  even  the  most  profound 
authorities,  where  they  would  perplex  their  readers 
with  unfounded  distinctions. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  colony  was  led  from 
Alba  Longa  to  the  seven  hills  where  Rome  now 
stands;  and  that  it  was  joined  to  two  other  commu- 

D  5 


I 


58 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


nities   belonging   to  different  nations,  Sabine  and 
Tuscan,  already  settled   there.     And  we  have  no 
reason  to  question  the  probability  that  the  name  of 
the  leader  of  this  colony  may  have  been  Romulus. 
We  are  certain  also,  that  many  religious  rites  were 
given  to  the  rising  commonwealth,  borrowed  indeed, 
for  the  most  part,  from  the  neighbouring  nations, 
and  principally  from  Etruria,   and  thus  in  them- 
selves, being  a  portion  of  ancient  and  firmly-esta- 
blished forms  of  worship,  although  new  in  their  juxta- 
position,  as  now  forming  the  sacred  code  of  one  and 
the  same  state.     It  is  plain  that  all  these  sacred  laws 
must  have  been  collected  and  enacted  by  some  pow- 
erful chief,  who  reverenced  the  Deity,  and  who  was 
anxious   to   promote  the  moral  well-being  of    his 
people.     And  there  seems   no  sufficient  reason  to 
question  the  probability  that  the  name  of  this  pious 
prince  was  Numa.     The  same  reasons  which  would 
make  nonentities  of  Romulus  and  Xuma  would  also 
expunge  from  the  list  of  those  that  have  been,  their 
successor,    Tullus ;    with    this   difference,   however, 
that  he  could  be  more  easily  spared  than  either  of 
them.     If  we  are  to  annihilate,  let  us  rather  re- 
duce  to  nothing  the  hot-headed  disturber   of  the 
world's   tranquillity,    than    the   wise  and   vigorous 
founder  of  states,  and  the  pure  and  holy  minister  of 
the  gods  and  benefactor  of  men. 

Alba  had  now  recovered  her  strength  during  the 
first  Sieculum  of  Rome,  and  especially  during  the 
profound  peace  which  Italy  enjoyed  in  the  time  of 
Numa.     But,  like  other  rich   states,  in   the  enjoy- 


PERIOD    OF    TULLUS    HOSTILIUS. 


59 


ment  of  uninterrupted  prosperity,  she  had  become 
arrogant  and  domineering,  until,  by  some  one  out- 
rageous act,  claim,  or  demand,  she  inflamed  against 
her  al     the   Latins.      Niebuhr  conceives  that  she 
especially  irritated  the  Turrhene  Latins,  in  front  of 
whom  stood  Rome.*     We  dare  not  invent,  where 
history  ,s  wholly  silent,  and  we  may  not  fill  up  such 
gaps  by  imagmation  ;  but  it  plainly  appears  that  the 
Latms  and  their  allies,  before  this  time,  always  met 
every  year  to  sacrifice  at  Alba  Longa   under   the 
Alban  prince;  and  after  this  time,  for  many  years 
these  sacrifices  ceased,  and  in  their  stead,  new  meet-' 
mgs  were  appointed  at  Feronia  and  at  Rome,  and 
tlie  old  ones  continued  as  before,  at  Lavinium  only 
The  cause  of  the  war,  therefore,  we  think  must  have 
been  some  dissension  that  took  place  at  the  Alban 
solemn  assemblies;  some  insult  offered  to  the  Tur- 
rheni,  or  some  irritating  assumption  of  superiority 
which  the  other   Latins  would   not   brook.     Very 
likely,  a  demand  was  made  by  them  to  offer  up  the 
sacrifices  at  Rome  alternately  with  Alba,  as  they 
did  at  Lavinium,  and  it  was  haughtily  and  con 
temptuously    rejected.       The    only    parties    which 
Livy  names  in  this  quarrel  are  Tuscan  Veii,  and 
Fidene,  Turrhene  Rome,  and  the  Latins  in  their 
immediate  vicinity. 

The  war  began  by  mutual  inroads  between  the 
Latm  and  Alban  peasants,  which  the  Feciales  of 
the  two  people  failed  to  prevent  or  atone  for  •  and 
when  they  took  the  field  against  each  other,'  Veii 
and  Fidene  armed,  in  order  to  profit  by  whichever 

•  Nieb.  ii. 


60 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


should  prove  the  weaker  in  the  contest.     We  may 
well  ask  what  particular  interest  Veii  and  Fidene 
had   in  this  matter,  and  why  they  could  not  leave 
two  Latin  states  to  settle  their  own  disputes,  or  why 
they  were  brought  in  as  umpires  rather  than  any  of 
the  Sabine  cities  equally  near  ?   The  reason  we  pre- 
sume to  be,  because  Tullus  excited  their  jealousy  ; 
for  he  strove  to  destroy  the  Tuscan  inttuence  by  its 
very  root.     He  was  not  a  religious  prince,  according 
to  their  estimation,  and  he  did  away  with  all  the 
institutions  of  Numa  as  far  as  he  could.     Tullus 
was  reckoned   by  tbe  Tuscans  as  impious,  though 
he   showed    the    strongest  general    regard   to   the 
gods.      We   may   therefore  be   sure  that  he    was 
opposed  to  their  peculiar  religion ;  and  in  proof  of 
it,  he  is  said  to  have  been  killed  by  drawing  down 
lightning  from  heaven  which  he  did  not  know  how 
to  manage.     Therefore  either  they  refused  to  teach 
him,  or   he  refused  to   learn,  they   being   his    in- 
structors.*' 

Tullus  was  bound  to  the  Janiculum  by  treaty,  and 
to  peaceful,  commercial  Ca3re  in  some  league  of 
such  mutual  advantage,  that  he  had  no  inducement 
to  break  it.  But  every  Tuscan  tie  which  did  not 
bear  daily  profit  upon  its  front,  seemed  to  him  a 
thrall.  He  wished  the  sacred  colony  to  be  Latin 
and  not  Turrhene,  Alban  altogether,  rather  than 
Tuscan.  This  it  was  which  roused  Veii  and  Fidene 
to  curb  his  ambition,  and  to  weaken  his  power. 
Niebuhr*  believes  that  Tullus  at  first  joined  the 
Turrhene  Latins  in  a  general  war  against   Alba,  as 

♦  Nieb.  i.  362. 


PERIOD  OP   TULLUS    H0STILIU8. 


61 


one  only  of  the  allies  ;  and  that  his  forces  advanced 
no  further  than  the  Fossa  Cluilia,  his  own  boundary. 
There  Mettius  Fuifetius,*  or  Sufi*etius,  the  Alban 
Dictator,  entreated  of  him  to  withdraw  from  the 
Turrheni,t  who  were  so  powerful  that  they  would 
overwhelm  him  and  his  dominions,  after  having 
crushed  Alba  and  her  offenders.  Tullus  yielded  to 
the  argument,  and  was  willing  to  withdraw,  agree- 
ing that  the  difference  between  Rome  and  Alba 
should  be  decided  by  single  combat,  between  cham- 
pions for  each  Tribe  of  the  two  cities.  Upon  this,  a 
solemn  covenant  was  entered  into,  and  the  three 
champions  were  called  Horatii  and  Curiatii ;  but  the 
Roman  historians  did  not  know  which  was  which. 

Livy  (i.  24)  gives  us  a  most  interesting  account 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  treaty  was  concluded 
between  the  Albans  and  the  Romans,  and  it  is  so 
thoroughly  Etruscan  in  all  its  parts,  that  as  our  chief 
aim,  in  the  absence  of  native  Turrhenian  details,  is 
to  show  the  Etruscan  influence  over  the  manners 
of  Rome,  and  Italy,  we  cannot  resist  extracting 
it  entire.  The  patrician  Fecial  or  herald  said  to 
the  king,  "  Dost  thou,  oh  king,  command  me  to  form 
a  treaty  with  the  Pater  Patratus  of  the  Alban 
nation  ?'  On  the  king  replying  in  the  affirmative, 
he  continued,  "Then,  oh  king,  I  demand  Vervain 
from  thee."     The  king  answered,  "  Take  it  pure." 

•  This  name  sounds  singularly  like  Suffetes,  the  supreme 
rulers  in  Carthage,  and  make  us  suspect  that  it  is  derived  from 
an  Etruscan  or  Phoenician  word,  meaning  Praetor  or  Prince. 

t  Livy  1. 


1 

1 

I 


62 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD  OP   TULLU8    HOSTILIUS. 


63 


if 


(We  have  already  remarked  that  this  Vervain  was 
sacred    to   the   Phoenician   god   of  citadels.)     The 
herald  then  brought  clean  stalks  of  that  herb  from 
the  citadel,  and  asked,  "  Dost  thou,  oh  king,  consti- 
tute me  the  royal  delegate  of  the  Romans  to  the 
Quirites,  including  in  my  privileges,  my  attendants 
and  equipage  V*    The  king  answered,  "  I  do  so  con- 
stitute thee,  but  without  prejudice  to  myself,  the 
Romans,  and  the  Quirites."     The  Fecial  then  pro- 
ceeded to  make  SpuriusFurius  (who,  from  his  name, 
was  probably  a  Tuscan)  Fater  Fatratus,  or  head  of 
the  Fecials,  by  touching  his  head  and  hair  with  Ver- 
vain.      This    Pater    Fatratus   then    took    into   his 
hand  the  tablets  upon  which  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty  were  written,  and  read  them  all  out  loud. 
He   then   said,   "Hear,    oh   Jupiter;    hear,    thou 
Pater    Fatratus   of   the    Alban    nation;     hear,   ye 
people  of  Alba.     All  these  conditions,  from   begin- 
ning to  end,  have  been  publicly  read,  without  fraud 
or  deceit,  as  they  are  written  in  these  waxen  tablets, 
and    according  to  the  sense    in   which  we   clearly 
understand    them.       From    these    conditions    the 
Romans  will  not  first  depart ;   and  should   they  do 
so,  do  thou,  oh  Jupiter,  in  that  day,  strike  them  as 
I  now  strike  this  swine ;  and  do  thou  smite  them 
with  so  much   more  severity,  in  proportion  as  thy 
strength  and  power  are  greater." 

The  three  Curiatii  strike  us  as  representing  the 
thirty  Roman  Curiae ;  but  Livy  elects  the  Horatii 
for  that   office,  because   many  Patricians  of    that 


name  appear  in  Roman  history.  The  earliest 
Roman  historians  related,  that  in  the  nicely  balanced 
contest  of  these  champions,  victory  at  length  de- 
clared in  favour  of  their  own  country,  and  that  Alba 
being  defeated,  her  prince  agreed  to  make  Tullus 
Dictator  in  his  room,  and  to  serve  under  him  against 
the  Tuscans. 

In  the  tale  of  the  Horatii  and  Curiatii,  we  can- 
not help  remarking  that  the  victorious  Horatii  had 
to  pass  under  the  yoke,  a  punishment  probably  in- 
troduced into  Italy  from  Syria,  by  the  Tuscans,  and 
that  the  Augurs  erected  expiatory  altars  to  the  Tus- 
can deities  Juno  and  Janus. 

Mettius  strove  to  save  Alba  and  himself  by 
uniting  with  the  Tuscans,  and  with  Veii  and  Fidene, 
in  order  to  destroy  the  Romans.  His  design  was 
defeated  by  the  Roman  and  Latin  bravery;  and 
Tullus  vowed  to  establish  a  third  college  of  the 
Salii,  if  he  should  prove  victorious.  Thus  making 
three  colleges,  one  for  each  tribe. 

Mettius  was  taken,  and,  as  a  traitor,  was  condemn- 
ed by  the  royal  Dictator  to  be  torn  in  pieces,  being 
attached  to  two  chariots  driven  different  ways.  This 
is  an  eastern  punishment  for  a  double-minded  man. 
The  Latins  then  sent  an  overwhelming  force  of 
cavalry  to  Alba,  took  captive  its  inhabitants,  and 
rased  its  walls  and  military  defences  to  the  sound  of 
the  trumpet,*  desecrating  it  so  that  it  never  could 


be  built  again. 


L  I, 


*  Serv.  ^n.  ii.  313. 


rli' 

liv 


64 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


i 


tl 


The  Dictator,  in  deference  to  his  allies,  ordered 
the  temples  to  be  spared,  and  these  are  enumerated 
by  Strabo  as  being  dedicated  to  Janus,  Minerva, 
Mars,  Vesta,  and  Carna,  besides  the  great  temple  of 
the  triune  Jupiter,*  the  sacrifices  of  which  were  for 
many  years  suppressed.  The  population  of  the 
city,  judging  of  her  by  the  cities  of  Canaanf  at  this 
hour,  may  have  been  40,000  souls. 

The  power  of  Alba  was  destroyed  four  hundred 
years  after  her  foundation,  and  her  territories  were 
divided    amongst   the  conquerors.       Many  of    the 
towns  which  had  belonged  to  her,  became,  in  time, 
sovereign  Latin  cities,  whilst  others  rose  into  some 
consequence,  though    we    do    not  know   to    what 
governments  they  owned  allegiance.  Plmy  (n.)  tells 
us  the  names  of  the  thirty  Alban  townships,  and  Dio- 
nysius  (v.)  enumerates  the  free  and  sovereign  Latm 
towns   that  in   a.r.  226,  or  B.C.  487,  concluded  a 
treaty  of  alliance,  with  Sp.  Cassius.     In  this  man- 
ner, we  find  that  Bubenta,  Corioli,  Peda,  Querque- 
tulanus,  and   Toleria,  which   in  653  b.c.  had  been 
dependencies  of  Alba,  were  now  become  leading 
cities;  and  that  Apiola,  Bovilla,  Polluscum,  Velia, 
and  Vitella,  had  a  separate  existence,  under  some  of 
of  the  Latin  states,  but  not  under  Rome.     We  do 


*  This  may  perhaps  with  greater  propriety  be  termed  the 
Great  Triune  Temple  of  Jupiter.  It  was  not  property  the 
Temple  of  Jupiter  or  Tina  only,  but  it  was  dedicated  to  the 
Triad,  (in  which  he  stands  first,)  of  Tina,  Talna,  and  Menerfa. 

t  Robinson's  Palestine,  ii.  525. 


PERIOD  OP  TULLUS   HOSTILIUS. 


65 


not  know  that  either  Rome  or  any  of  the  Turrhene 
colonies  gained  an  accession  of  territory  in  this  war. 

Tullus  is  said  to  have  taken  a  number  of  Albans 
with  him  to  Rome,  and  to  have  settled  them  on  the 
Coelian  Mount.*  But  Niebuhr  has  very  ably 
proved  that  what  he  did,  was  to  form  an  Isopolitan 
league  between  the  Coelian  and  some  of  the  Alban 
townships,  giving  to  them  a  home  there,  and  secur- 
ing to  the  Luceres  and  the  two  other  Tribes  their 
share  of  the  Alban  territory  or  spoil ;  thus  endea- 
vouring to  force  a  more  intimate  union  of  the  Lu- 
ceres with  the  Latins,  from  whom  they  had,  probably, 
kept  too  distinct  until  this  time,  regarding  them  as 
a  race  less  pure  and  less  civilized  than  themselves. 

Amongst  the  townships  of  Alba,  we  find  one  called 
Fidene,  and  without  doubt,  some  transactions  of  Al- 
ban Fidene  have  been  transferred  to  Tuscan  Fidene ; 
and  thus,  and  in  similar  ways,  many  of  the  perplexi- 
ties and  inconsistencies  of  early  history  have  been  oc- 
casioned. Tullus  was  so  resolved  to  destroy  the  ex- 
clusiveness  of  the  Luceres,  that  he  lived  himself, 
upon  the  Coelian,  and  there  protected  the  five  or  six 
Alban  families  whom  he  had  introduced  into  the 
Curiae,  and  made  equal  in  privileges  and  condition 
with  the  original  proprietors  and  dwellers  upon 
that  hill. 

The  destruction  of  Alba  by  the  Latins  is  so  cer- 
tain a  fact,  and  the  account  of  it  in  Livy  is  so  incre- 

•  Livy  names  six  families,  the  TuUii,  Servilii,  Geganii, 
Cloelii,  Quintii,  and  Curiatii.  These  two  last  Miiller  ^ves  as 
Etruscan  names. 


66 


HISTORY   OP    ETRURIA. 


I| 


dible,  seeing  that  the  Romans  do  not  appear  to  have 
gained  any  advantage  by  their   victories,  that  the 
Ancient  History  (xvi.  77)  endeavours  to  explain  it  by 
imagining  Veii  and  Fidene  to  have  been,  in  Romu- 
lus'sdays,  subdued  by  Rome,  and  to  have  struggled, 
after  the  death  of  IX  uma,  to  set  themselves  free.  That, 
for  this  purpose  they  fomented  the  quarrel  with  Alba, 
which  Livy  represents  to  be  of  Tullus's  own  seek- 
ing ;  and  that  they  hoped  during  the  strife,  to  regain 
their  independence,  and   perhaps  subdue  both  the 

disputants. 

Tullus,   Livy    says,    after    a    year,    commanded 
Fidene*  to  answer  before  the  Roman  Senate  for 
treachery,  and  on  its  refusing  to  do  so,  declared  war, 
and  Fuffetius,  jealous  of  him  as  Dictator,  promised  to 
desert  the  Romans  in  fight,  and  to  join  the  Tuscans 
The  armies  met  near  the  confluence  of  the  Anio  and 
Tiber:    Fuffetius   being  opposed   to   Fidene,   and 
Tullus  to  Veii.     At  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  the 
Albans  retired,  and  the  day  would  have  been  lost  and 
Rome  conquered,  had  not  Tullus  with  ready  wit, 
spread  through  the  host  an  assurance  that  the  move- 
ment of  the  Albans  was  a  manoeuvre  of  his  own,  to 
draw  the  enemy  into  a  snare.  The  Tuscans  heard  and 
believed   the  invention,  suspected   treachery  in  the 
Alban  general,  were  seized  with  a  panic  and  fled. 
Tullus  then  gained  the  day,  and  as  the  crown  of  his 
victory,  judged  and  condemned  Fuffetius. 


♦  If   there  is  any   truth  in  this  tale,   it  must  have  been 
Alban  Fidene. 


PERIOD    OP    TULLUS    HOSTILIUS. 


67 


All  this  is  nonsense,*  Veii  was  never  at  any  pe- 
riod dependant  upon  Rome,  but  often  threatened 
Rome  with  dependance  upon  her.  She  could  not 
even  have  been  in  danger  of  such  a  situation,  with- 
out rousing  the  rest  of  the  Etruscan  league  to  her 
relief;  and  Niebuhr  does  not  allow  that  Fidene 
had  any  quarrel  with  Rome  until  after  the  fall  of 
Alba,  when  it  is  very  likely  that  she  may  have  dis- 
puted a  share  of  the  spoil,  or  some  other  points,  with 
the  violent  and  excited  Roman  leader. 

Let  us  pause  here  one  moment,  to  think  upon  the 
lovely  spot  which  so  many  of  our  countrymen  now 
visit,  and  where  Alba  Longa  once  stood.  Can  any- 
thing be  more  awful  than  to  gaze  upon  the  ruins  of 
a  desolated  city,  and  to  view  the  green  grass  and  the 
upturned  stone,  where,  for  ages,  the  busy  streets, 
and  the  crowded  Forum,  the  holy  temples,  and  the 
lordly  palaces,  teemed  with  their  eager  multitudes? 
It  is  awful  even  in  imagination,  to  picture  the  smok- 
ing roofs  and  the  wasted  property,  the  wild  cries  of 
unpitied  woe,  the  groans,  the  wounds,  the  unheeded 
poor,  the  helpless  orphans,  the  wretched  widows, 
whose  hearts  were  breaking  amid  the  songs  of  tri- 


*  When  Livy  calls  Fidene  a  rebellious  Roman  colony,  Nie- 
buhr has  shown  that  he  can  only  mean  that  the  Fidenates  drove 
out  the  Roman  garrison.  And  we  may  well  ask,  why  Rome 
waited  a  year  before  she  called  them  to  account  for  such  an  act, 
supposing  she  had  the  power  to  call  them  to  account  at  all  ? 
The  war  of  Rome  with  Fidene  and  Veii  was  one  caused  entirely 
by  the  disUke  of  Tullus  to  the  discipline  and  influence  of  the 
Etruscans. 


68 


HISTORY  OP   ETHUHIA. 


m 


u„,ph  and  the  shouts  of  victory  !     To  ^^'^-^fj^l 
ties  that  were  severed,  and  the  straggles  that  were 
made  in  vain  ;    the  domestic  hearths,  where  never 
more  a  family  will  assemble,  nor  a  meal  be  taken ; 
the  altars  where  never   more   a  «^<^.7^^^^,;;^^  \?" 
offered,  nor  a  prayer  be  said.     Beautiful  Alba !  the 
holy    and   the   powerful!       In   the    morning   she 
swarmed   with  inhabitants,  whose  faces  were  pale 
with  fear,  but  whose  bosoms  yet  beat  with  hope. 
She  had  within  her,  the  delicate  virgin  and  the  gal- 
lant youth,  the  feeble  old  man    and  the  sucking 
child.     In  the  morning  she  was  full  of  life;  m  the 
evening  she  was  gone,  and  all  that  remained  of  her 
was  black  and  smoking  desolation.     She  had  been 
a  queen  among  the  nations,  therefore  she  continued  to 
be  renowned  and  remembered,  when  fifty  other  cities 
as  Pliny  tells  us,  when  all  her  dependencies,  and 
when  more  than  all  that  ever  owned  her  sway,  were 

annihilated  and  forgotten.  ,  ,     t   .• 

She  must  have  terribly  excited  the  fury  of  the  Latins, 
to  have  undergone  such  a  doom.     Did  the  Turrheni 
lay  their  hands  upon  her  ?-or  was  she  overthrown  by 
a  Latin  confederation  only  ?     Did  Veii  and  Fidene 
blow  their  trumpets  beneath  her  walls,  and  charge 
with  all  their  cavalry,  aiding  the  Latins  by  the  supe- 
rior  skill  and  discipline  of  Etruria?-or  did  they, 
when  they  had  drawn  out  their  armies  against  her,ac- 
cept  the  submission  of  Fuffetius,  and  intend  to  join 
him,  and  overpower  the  very  inferior  forces  of  the 
Romans?     Why  did  they  not  attack  Rome  whilst 
Tullus  was  in  the  field,  and  the  city  unprovided  tor 


PERIOD    OF    TULLUS    HOSTILIUS. 


69 


defence  ?  And  why  did  they  appear  so  incomprehen- 
sibly and  without  purpose,  upcm  the  ground,  connect- 
ed with  the  fall  of  Alba,  but  not  knowing  which  side 
to  choose?  We  believe  that  they  came,  and  were 
welcomed  at  the  call  of  the  Latins,  and  that  La- 
tiura  and  Turrhenia  were  united,  in  order  to  effect 
that  singular  destruction,  which,  whilst  it  spared  the 
temples  of  the  Tuscan  faith,  blotted  out  proud  Alba 
from  the  map  of  Italy  for  ever. 

After    this    dreadful    deed,   the    Tuscans   quar- 
relled with  the  Latins,  and  their  forces  retired   to 
Fidene,   where  Tullus  and  his  allies  besieged  and 
blockaded  them.*     But  they  found  some  effectual 
means  of  delivering  themselves  from  this  situation, 
for  they  made  an   honourable  peace.     Tullus  was 
very  anxious,  after  the  fall  of  the  sacred  Alba  Longa, 
that  the  "  Sacred  Rome"  should  take  its  place,  and 
he  strove  to  persuade  his  allies  that  the  Latia  or 
Feria,the  peculiar  feast  of  the  thirty  Latine  nations, 
would  be  most  conveniently  kept  there.      But  not- 
withstanding his  natiouality  and  his  great  wish  to 
unite  Rome  more  closely  to  the  Latins,  and  to  dissever 
her  as  far  as  possible  from  the    Turrhenians,  the 
other  Latins  would  not  agree  to  this  proposition. 
They   formed  a  new   league  of  thirty  towns,  into 
which   they  adopted   the  Sabine  Crustumeria  and 
Pometia,t  and  they  consecrated  the  grove  of  Aricia 
or  Feronia,  near  San  Marino,  to  be  their  new  place 
of  council,  and  of  sacrifice.      It  is  not  to  be  over- 

•  Dionys.  Hal.  iii. ;  Livy  i.  27. 
t  Cato  Origines,  Nieb.  ii.,  note  31. 


PjQ  HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 

„.ked  U...  Feroni.  i.  .W  Tuscan  S'^'^^^^ 

seized  and  led  capuve  imprisoned  some 

The  Romans  in  revenge  seized  and  imp 

Sabines,  who   had  sought  refuge  m  the  asylu 

Saturnia.  ,    ,     "Rmnan  annals 

War  ^^as  the  consequence, and  the  Uoinan  an 

,  ;t  as  one  of  general  importance.     Veu 
represent  it  as  one  o     ^  ^.^^^^ 

joined  t>'«  Sab.nes  a  ^^  ^^^^^  Lavinmm, 

by  a  great  body  ^f  ^^^.^^'^  ^j.j^Ha,  the  native  town 
Tusculuni  and  Anagma  .^  ^^^.^  ^^^^ 

f  TuUus's  gran      U^^^^^  -ff- ^  ^^  ,  ,,e,. 

rrd^^/sirg^fou'r  years- siege  under  Ancus, 

''Xr  the"  fall  of  Alba,  TuUus  had  made  a  league 
■^1    T  JL  md   Hernicians,  and  their  troops, 
" -Ih  tho'se^  X       er  allies,  advanced  to  help  Rome 
"  de  the  D  eta  or  Ancus  PuUicius,t  of  Cora,  andh.s 
Z  r  Fnuitumt  Sp-rius  Vecilius,  Prince  of  La- 

"*'•"?  The  t  oops  of  Tusculum  and  Anagnia.  under 
V"  TJsIs  the  Marsian,  encamped  upon  the 
^"\'^liSXre  Santa  Maria  Maggiore  now  stands 
!::  in;:l;^n  within  the  Roman  walls  t  ou|h  a 

to  support  and  pe'""''?  •     „.i,ich  both 

This  war  was  concluded  by  a  peace, 

, .      .   ,-  +  Dion.  ui. 

»  lavy  1.  SO- 


PERIOD  OP  TULLUS   HOSTILIUS. 


71 


parties  seem  to  have  remained  as  they  were  at  the 
beginning,  neither  having  gained  any  decided  ad- 
vantage. Tullus  defeated  the  Sabines  at  Eretura 
upon  which  they  agreed  to  a  long  truce.  The  Sa-' 
bines  binding  themselves  to  deliver  up  the  Roman 
deserters,  to  give  back  the  prisoners  of  Feronia 
without  ransom,  and  to  pay  for  the  ravages  they 
had  committed  during  the  war.  We  believe  this 
battle,  and  the  conditions  of  peace  which  ensued,  to 
have  been  real,  because  they  were  inscribed  upon 
the  pillars  of  a  temple  in  Rome,  probably  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  Fides.* 

About  the  twelfth  year  of  this  reign  a  great  revo- 
lution took  place  in  Corinth,  a  city  which  its  own 
legends  represent  as  being  Isopolitan  with  Tar- 
quinia.  Miiller  says  that  the  tradition  which  we 
are  about  to  relate  is  Corinthian,  and  not  Tuscan ; 
nevertheless,  it  is  interwoven  too  closely  with 
Etruscan  history,  not  to  form  an  important  part  of 
the  annals  of  this  period.  About  667  b.  c  and  in 
tlie  year  of  Tarquinia  520,  Cypselus  overturned  the 
ascendancy  of  the  Bacchiadae,  at  Corinth,  and  drove 
them  from  the  state.f 

•  The  wooden  bridge  over  the  Anio.  mentioned  by  Livy  i 
37,  was  built  to  celebrate  this  peace. 

+  Niebuhr  says  that  the  name  of  Demaratus  is  added  by  later 
writers,  and  that  all  the  Grecian  element  of  the  etory  arises 
from  a  wish  on  the  part  of  the  Greeks  to  provide  some  suitable 
home  for  the  Bacchiadae ;  and  from  the  old  tradition,  that  the 
hucheir  and  Eugrammus  of  the  Tuscans  proceeded  from  Greece 
Little  did  the  Greeks  dream  that  a  race  of  scholars  would  in 
time  anse,  who  would  declare  that  the  Eucbeir  and  Eugrammus 


^2  HISTORY    OP    lilUURIA. 

^  r.f  tViP  chiefs  of  the  Bacchiadae, 
T>emaratus,  one  ot  tne  ciiiei»  ui  ... 

.„   which  he  was  entitled,  when   he.  a  rich  anrt 
L:Sle  citizen,  abandoned  bis  own  courUry  an 
took  up  the  franchise  of  Tarquinia.     He  had  every 
privilege  which  a  native  of  rank  could  cla.m,  but  he 
had  not  the  rights  either  of  a  Patrician  or  of  a  Tr.be  - 
^an       He   was  an   equal   match   for   a   Lucuraos 
Cghter,  and  he  accordingly  married  one  of  the 
Salladies,  a  woman  of  high  rank  and  amb.t.on 
Thougb  a  Greek,  the  legend  does  not  connec 
him  with  Curoa.  Parthenope,  nor  with  any  of  the 
OrJoJtaHan  cities.  He  preferred  the  manners,  the 
A  ZL  and  the  -rovernment  of  the  Tuscans;  and 
t Cght  up  t  sons,  whom  the  Tuscan  historians 
name  after  their  fashion,  Lucun.o  and  Aruns  m  the 
chools  of  Tarquinia.    Tl.e  artists  that    e  broug 
;„  hi,  train    "  Eucheir  and  Eugrammus.       clever 
han'aTd"  cunning  pencil,"  are  adjectives    ex- 
pressing the  qualities  of  men.  and  not  substantives, 
deno  ing  their  persons.      It  strikes  us   that    he 
Greeks  300  years  later  than  thi.,  when  pra.smg  the 
JhUotecbnoi!  or  lovers   of  art,  as  they  called  the 

f  A.  Creeks  themselves  came  from  Hindustan,  and  that  Greece 
Id  no^'^et  whatever,  and  no  literal  characters.  untU  two 

g  ner^tions  after  this  period,  when  ^^'•"'^^'^^0    orient^ 
B^me.    This  is  now  the  creed  of  a  learned  school  of  onental 

ists. 


PERIOD   OF   TULLU8    H0STILIU8.  73 

Tuscans  may  yet  have  given  vent  to  theirnational' 
vanity  by  maintaining,  that  the  finest  subieero 
heir  clay  and  bro.ues,  the  finishing  strokes  and  if! 
bke    touc  es.    "the    Eucheir    and    Eug  ammu  " 
amongst  them,  came  from  Greece.     AnfalZul 
■n  t  e  first  part  of  this  work  we  have  sited   and  f„ 
the  last  we  trust  we  shall  prove  that  iZr 
did  not  derive  their  letters  an'd  arS  tl  t  SX 
we  w,l hngly  admit   that  they  owed   to  t hem   "  tt 
Eucheir  and  Eugrammus,"  even   as  we    d  "'t  c 

ZZifoTLT  "TT"  ^"'  -''  *"«'  -  fine  t 

ment  in  taste  and  subject,  i„  grouping  or    Xrm' 

t:u  Mun  Jieiseit.      I  he  famous  Dodwell  va^P 
winch  came  from  Corinth,  and   which  has  ZnTe' 
ower  part  of  it  the  fignros  of  mystic  animals  i^    he 
early  fashion  of  Etruria,  and  upon  the  upper  pan 
tl.e  rude  yet  spirited  figures  of  the  Iliad  heroes  C 
w.thout  any  great  marvel,  i.ave  an  antiquity  as  hith 
as  the  date  of  Cypselus.     For  what  lajie  S^ 

ltr:?thr"''"''^'"V  "^'^ '''''''  i- Wsa 
^  vvnicn  It  Jies.     But  we  have  no  evidence  tU^t 
«  can   boast  of  so  long  a  duration ;  and  the  olTy 


i„   — TJ 


I  I 


^4  HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 

.  r  .  \^  the  intimate  commerce 
probability  in  ^'%'^ZZsoVien..r.i.s-^r.v^^^^' 
which  the  story  of  the  artists  o  ^„,o„izing 

between    f""  ^^.i^^vSCn  Egypt ;  that  is. 
Greece.     A  vase  of  this  pe  j^  ^^  almost  too 

a  vase  of  the  25th  '^y-^l'/J''^,^  fe„  reflect 
modern  to  ^^"Y^lJ^j:^;^-  uuth,  that  Egypt, 
on  the  «o"'lff"."""^,!";'i„  i,er  dotage,  and  that 
"  ^^^  *'^*  *'?  wing     y  reason  of  V.  before 
her  arts  ^^^^^j^^Ve/ding  strings,  or  had  n.ade  a 
rgre^r;fot::d\a^dvaneeoftherestof 

^"St  Btrur.,  V..e  --^^^^^^  -- ti  Ught; 
brated  nations,  had  one  long  day  ^       -^^^ 

Greece  shone  forth  with  on^.g"-^";  ^"7*  ..^ry  other 

splendour,  not  only  -■•?--"» '^nTlry  upon  all 
.        1    ♦  r*»flpotinff  a  warmth  ana  giu>j     i 

nation,  but  '«"^J*'"g     ,^^  ,„a    uding  beam.     But 
withm  reach  of  that  br.  .^^^^^  Egypt,  waxed 

the  sun  of  .C'^^^f  J    ^^^^  f/on,  Etruria,  and  when 
brighter  as  U  was  "'fl^';*^^  ,„^  a„d  kindle, 

its  burning  power  ^'^.'^/^f  ^  *^^  J^   ,„d  finally  set 
it  paled  before  the  m.sts  of  the  west, 

in  Saracenic  ^^^^^l'^'         ^„,,„  ;„  Sicily  that  the 
Himera  was  the  o"  J  ^  colony  from 

n"  ^;t  t!ndTT""- «  reign,  some  volcanic 
Toward*,  the  ena  o  ^^  ^jj,. 


PEniOD  OF  TULLU3    noSTILIUS.  75 

They  commanded  a  nine  days'  feast  to  h»  .1, 
giving  a  day  to  ea^h  «f  ♦),      •      ^  ^  observed, 

'•ad  power  ov  r  thondl        "'-Etruscan  gods. who 

former  worship  IttiZ    t^'  '"''^'  ^'"^^  ^''^ 

piously  in  ab  •  n:::'dt::"'';"  "t  "'''^''  '■"■ 

ceremonies  which  h'e  had   f"!,''''":^  '^'  "'''  «"•* 
when  he  came  to  H      1  "''  ^^''P^^'^ '"  Ro^^e. 

'he  books  of  N.;,:;:  Tr;  ""'^  '^^^"  ^^  ^^'^^ 
''.ought  might  bT'obrei  ^itrs^tr '' 

design,  of  making  the  Tatin        ,  ^       •"*  """"^ 

eieu.e„t.  paramouVtt^r 'S/?,;;^  ^^f- 
"»nd  could  not  bend  to  the  point  wlT^  ^'' 

«ary.     He  was  no  nries  If  T  T^  "'^'  "^*=^«- 

firmed  thetreatvof  N  •  ^""''  *''""°''  ''^  eon- 

had  not  s  ud  eTthe  E^ir  ""'  ""  -^-'-J"--*  He 
would  hims^ff  act  af  irr  ™'''"'"'  ^""^  ^^^  ^^ 
'ightning  from  leav  „  Thf ""■'  T'  '""  ''^^» 
at  his  command  bulh.  I  '"'^  '"""'  '°*^^^''' 
«•  His  palace  was  b  r  ed  a"n7  h"'  '"T  ^-^  '"-'''' 
«an.es  which  his  ignoreVad'k.'dr''^''  ^"  ''' 
TuIIus,  at  his  dt^-^th   i^c*.  *u    .      , 

-smu^h  as  iSi^^^TSi::^'  ^'■ 

the  crown,  in  pointof  extent     Th"  T  '""  *° 

'ar  as  the  Fossa  ri.,n;       \.    .    '"^^^^''^^^'''as 

reached  the  se       Bu      '  .v    Z,'''''"  ^""'P  "^  ''^''^ 

Ihis  we  know,  because  the  new  kin^    th 
TuUus,  ,s  said  to  have  broken  this  trZy     ^'  ''''''''''  ^^ 

E  2 


g  HISTORV    OF   ETBUBIA. 

,    .      i,er  patrician  tribes- 
^hich  were  represented    oy  ^^^  destroyed 

She  was  in  the  front  oii^^l^         ,^  she  showed 
Alha.  notwithstanding  the  favou  ^^ 

to  the  Albans ;  and  ^^^ ^^  ^  Fidene,  which 

irritation  and  jealousy  **>  ;^'       ,  „„til  it  became 
continued  with  htUe  -  -  "^  -.„„  ^.^ties  should 
necessary  that  one  "^ /^'^  ^"^^^^^ed  not,  when  she 
utterly  fall.    R**";^.  ^^otla,  that  she  should  one 
.as  destroying  A  ^'^  ^^"/;j„  ^he  lordly  Veii,  the 


PERIOD    OP    ANCU8    RfARTIUS. 


77 


I 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PERIOD    OP   ANCUS    MARTIUS  IN    ROME. 

at  Home  from  Tarquima-PoHtical  parties  in  Etruria-Po 

paX  1m  rf''^.™-C^«  Fipi,  the  leader  of  the  liberal 
party- Zeal  of  Lucms   for  the    aristocratic   cause-Di^an 

rur'i"^re"T  "'  '-'  '--''  "-  '»  Rome-Powrrt 
the  c  ne  otth!^  7°"?  °^  '''*  Feciales-Rome  becomes 
tne  scene  of  the  struggles  of  political  parties  in  Etruria. 

B.   C.   639.      YEAR   OF   TAHQOINIA,    548.» 

Our  next  period  of  the  Etruscan  history  extends 

.us,t  a  Sabine,  ruled  ,„  Rome.  His  mother  was  of 
be  tT  ^"""P":*"-  Po-^Pilms.  and  her  influence  may 
be  traced   m   the   religious    bent   of  this   prince 

Diont  H^t::  i^ '"'  "''°'^'^'-  ^^-    ""^  '■  ^^  -35. 
+  His  descendants  in  Rome  were  caUed  the  Rex  Marcii. 


78 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    ANGUS    MARTIUS. 


79 


He  imineaiately  restored  all  the  institutions  of  the 
venerated  Nuuia.  He  had  his  laws  written  out,  and 
hung  up  in  the  Forum,*  in  order  that  all  might 
read\nd  know  them,  and  that  the  knowledge  of  them 
might  not  be  confined  to  the  patrician  priests  alone. 
He  restored  the  ceremonies  of  the  Pons  Sublicius, 
and  perhaps  added  some  ornaments  to  this  bridge  ; 
for  he  is  said  to  have  finished  it,  which,  as  Numa 
year  after  year,  continued  to  sacrifice  upon  it,  cannot 
be  understood  in  a  literal  sense. 

Perhaps  he  accomplished  the  intentions  of  Numa, 
which  were  to  make  the  Janiculum,  like  the  Coe- 
lian,  a  part  of  Rome,  by  including  it  within  the 
Augury  ground,  and  placing  its  patrician  families 
in  the  thirty  Curiae.     He  is  said   to  have  included 
the  Janiculum  within  the  walls  or  sacred  bounds  of 
the  city,  because  the  Tuscans,t  unless  in  union  with 
him,  were  dangerous  neighbours,  and  rendered  the 
navigation  of  the  Tiber  unsafe.     Dionysius  says  that 
he  seized   upon  the  Janiculum,  contrary  to  former 
treaties.     But  it  is  evident  that  his  seizure  of  them 
might  as  well  be  called  their  seizure  of  him,  for  they 
became  Roman  citizens,  with  a  right  to  all  the  pri- 
vileges enjoyed  by  the  Luceres. 

In  the  eighth  year  of  this  reign,  (631,  b.  c.)  a 
grandee  of  Tarquinia,  appeared  at  the  gates  of  Ja- 
niculum He  was  seated  in  a  chariot,  with  his  wife 
by  his  side,  a  long  train  of  attendants  following  him, 
and  an  eagle,  the  sign  of  empire,  fluttering  over  his 
head.  He,  a  Tuscan,  left  his  native  city,  and  came 
•  Dionys.  iii.  t  lb.  iii. 


to  his  own  people  living  by  the  Tiber,  in  order  to 
take  up  his  franchise  along  with  them.  He  might 
have  fixed  his  dwelling  with  the  Ramnes,  or  Priscan 
Romans,*  but  Livy  says  he  joine^l  the  Tuscans  be- 
come Romans,  and  cast  in  his  lot  with  theirs.  This 
man  was  the  renowned  Lucumo,  afterwards  known 
asTarquinius  Priscus,"  or  "  Lucius  Tarquinius  the 
ancient,"  his  title  of  Lucumo  gradually  losing  itself 
in  the  Latin  form  of  Lucius.  Livy  makes  him  the 
son  of  Demaratus,  the  Corinthian  chief,  whom  Cyp- 
selus  overthrew  and  banished,  and  of  the  Tarqui- 
nian  noble  lady  whom  he  married,  Niebuhr  thinks, 
from  his  cognomen  of  "  Priscus,"  that  he  was  one 
of  the  Priscan  Latins ;  but  we  might  as  well  say 
that  King  Edward  the  elder  belonged  to  the  family 
of  the  Elders,  and  King  Henry  Beauclerc  to  that  of 
the  Beauclercs.  Niebuhr's  idea  is  quite  contrary 
to  express  and  united  historical  testimony,  and  to 
the  monumental  evidence  of  Tuscan  rule  which  re- 
mains in  Rome  to  the  present  hour ;  and  it  must 
rank  among  those  strange,  paradoxical  opinions 
sometimes  put  forth  by  great  men,  and  which  they 
alone  dare  to  advance,  or  know  how  to  maintain. 
We  should  have  been  constrained  to  attribute  to 
Niebuhr  an  inspiration  more  than  mortal,  had  he 
not  sometimes  advanced  opinions  such  as  these. 

Livy  (i.  34)  tells  us  that  this  Lucumo  was  a  man 
of  great  wealth  and  soaring  ambition,  and  that  he 
emigrated  to  Rome  because  he  failed  to  obtain  at 
Tarquinia  tliose  high  honours  to  which  he  aspired. 

*  Nieb.  1,  n.  829. 


80 


HISTOUY    OP    ETRLRIA. 


PKRIOO    OP    ANGUS    MARTIUS. 


81 


His  wife,  Tanaquil,*  was  a  woman  of  elevated  rank, 
of  distinguished  talent,  energy,  and  courage,  and  was 
tormented  by  an  ambition  as  insatiable  as  his  own. 
She  accordingly  fomented  all  the  desires  of  her 
husband,  and  would  not  let  him  rest. 

It  is  likely  that  he  could  not  gain  admission  into 
the  Senate,  and  therefore  was  shut  out  for  himself 
and  his  descendants,  from  all  hopes  of  the  Tarqui- 
nian  throne :  and  feeling  himself  equal  in  all  other 
points,  in  rank,  in  wealth,  and  in  talents,  to  the 
highest  of  those  nobles,  amongst  whom  he  was  edu- 
cated, his  pride  could  not  brook  the  exclusion.  Tan- 
chufirs  feeliniis  were  similar  to  those  of  the  Homan 
matron  in  after  ages,  when  she  saw  her  sister's  hus- 
band Consul,  and  her  own  plebeian  spouse  ineligible. 
Tarquin's  feelings,  on  the  other  hand,  were  those  of 
the  "  Gentes  minores,"  when  they  turned  against 
the  leading  houses  from  jealousy  of  their  prece- 
dency, and  of  the  chief  offices  which  were  confined 
to  their  class.  To  judge  from  his  title  and  follow- 
ing, he  must  have  been  admitted  into  the  Pa- 
triciate at  Tarquinia,  and  yet  may  have  been 
excluded  from  the  Senate.  We  think  it  very 
likely  that  so  decided,  though  large  and  high- 
minded,  an  aristocrat,  with  great  military  talent,  a 
courage  not  to  be  daunted,  and  an  energy  not  to  be 
repressed,  may  have  felt  himself  better  qualified 
than  any  one  else,  to  be  the  general  of  the  Tarqui- 
nian  armies  against  Celes  Vibenna  and  the  demo- 

♦  In  Etruscan,  Tanchiifil. 


cratic  party,  who  were  now  threatening  their  oppo- 
nents with  a  great  revolution. 

We  gather,  though  with  pain  and  out  of  dark- 
ness, that  about  this  period  there  was  a  general 
strife  throughout  Etruria,  in  which  Clusium,  Vol- 
terra,  Arezzo,  Vetulonia,  and  Volsinia  espoused  the 
liberal  side,  and  were  inclined  to  favour  popular 
privileges;*  while  the  haughty  and  exclusively  aris- 
tocratic states  of  the  south  obstinately  refused  all 
concession  to  the  democratic  party.  We  have  al- 
ready stated,  in  a  former  cliapter,  that  the  northern 
and  more  liberal  governments  were  not  in  them- 
selves democratic,  and  that,  on  the  contrary,  they 
ruled  by  means  of  a  strict  aristocracy.  But  they 
were  inclined  to  open  the  door  of  admission  into 
this  body,  to  the  struggles  of  plebeian  merit  or  am- 
bition,  which  in  Tarquinia,  Veii,  and  many  of  the 
southern  states,  w^re  jealously  repressed. 

Thus  two  violently  opposed  political  factions  arose 
within  the  league,  and  party  strife  was  kindled  with 
a  vehemence  which  sowed  the  seeds  of  dissolution, 
and  which,  in  the  end,  though  not  indeed  for  a  long 
period,  proved  fatal  to  the  Etruscan  commonwealth. 
The  matter  in  debate  was  not  the  overthrow  of  the 
patrician  party  in  any  of  the  states,  but  the  exten- 
sion of  important  privileges  to  the  plebeians  and 
the  minor  houses;  so  that  each  class  should  be 
placed  more  upon  a  level  with  that  which  was  im- 
mediately  above  it,  and  the  general  tone  of  govern- 
ment should  be  altered  in  a  degree  that  would  en- 

*  Mailer's  Etrusker. 


£   5 


82 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


able  men  of  eminence  to  find  their  own  level.  This 
is  a  rijjht  which  the  strict  institutions  of  caste  forbade, 
but  which  yet,  by  the  irrevocable  law  of  nature,  must 
ever  remain  the  privilege  of  merit,  the  inheritance 
of  the  princes  of  the  people,  whatever  be  their  birth. 

No  Imman  institutions  ought  to  oppose  this 
law;  and  in  proportion  as  they  do  so,  in  that 
proportion  are  they  radically  vicious  and  near  to 
decay.  The  towering,  boasting  demagogue  may  be 
buoyed  up  by  vanity,  and  may  soar,  like  the  balloon 
inflated  with  gas,  without  any  real  weight.  But 
the  mighty  spirit  is  created  to  command,  and, 
for  good  or  evil,  will  make  his  influence  to  be  felt. 
Such  a  one  will  either  be  the  fertilizing  river  or  the 
desolating  flood,  and  blessed  are  they  who  know  in 
time,  how  to  make  channels  for  its  waters.  It  is 
the  preservation  of  eastern  governments,  that  the 
slave,  though  a  slave,  may  and  will,  if  a  man  of 
talent,  take  his  place  upon  the  steps  of  the  throne. 

Notwithstanding  these  remarks,  it  is  the  common 
order  of  Providence  in  this  world,  and  one  of  those 
crooked  things  which  no  man  can  make  straight, 
that  the  superior  spirit,  low  in  station,  should  sub- 
mit to  the  inferior,  born  to  rank  and  riches.  And 
when  masses  of  men  can  see  that  this  is  the  will  of 
the  unerring  Father  of  all  spirits,  and  not  the  effect 
of  caprice  or  arrogance  in  their  fellow-men,  they 
will  not  only  submit,  but  feel  a  sacred  pleasure  in 
submitting  from  a  sense  of  duty.  "  A  lofty  mind," 
to  borrow  the  words  of  a  beautiful  writer,  "  will  be 
kept  in  its  subordinate  position  when  it  bows  itself 


PERIOD   OF   ANGUS    MARTIUS. 


83 


to  still  loftier  convictions  ;"  and  this  it  is  which  gives 
moral  splendour  to  loyalty,  to  filial  obedience,  and 
to  all  the  reflective  virtues. 

Cale  Fipi,  or  Celes  Vibenna,  one  of  the  nobles  of 
V^olsinia,  gradually  became  the  chief  of  this  strug- 
gling liberal  party,  headed  its  troops,  carried 
through  its  battles,  and  remained  true  to  the  cause, 
when  all  the  rest  of  Etruria  had  either  become 
lukewarm,  or  had  acquiesced  in  the  permanence  of 
the  old  order  of  things.  Nevertheless  we  cannot 
but  believe  that  different  states  at  this  very  time, 
underwent  and  submitted  to  different  changes  and 
compacts  with  their  own  people.  Clusium  was 
always  more  liberal  than  Tarquinia ;  and  Lars 
Porsenna  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  party 
which  was  now  led  by  Cale  Fipi,  when,  some  gene- 
rations later,  he  conquered  Rome.  Allied  with 
Clusium,  we  constantly  find  Perugia,  Volterra,  and 
Arezzo ;  and  the  spirit  developed  in  this  civil  war 
never  died  at  Volsinia,  which,  two  centuries  later, 
underwent  a  dreadful  revolution  in  consequence, 
when  the  slaves,  (by  whom  Niebuhr  understands 
the  Plebs,)  were  said  to  have  assumed  the  govern- 
ment, and  to  have  murdered  or  enthralled  their 
masters.  Veii*  was  continually  changing  her  go- 
vernment, owing  to  popular  or  patrician  discon- 
tents ;  and  Vetulonia,  the  richest  city  of  the  league 
at  this  period,  was  soon  made  as  desolate,  and  laid 
as  low,  as  Alba  Longa. 
Lucius  Tarquinius,  however, this  lofty  Lucumo,  and 

•  Livy. 


84 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURTA. 


PERIOD   OF   ANGUS   MARTIU9. 


85 


his  oTeat-uiiiided,  but  ambitious  wife,  in  their  sense  of 
the  injustice  of  their  exclusion  from  office  and  poli- 
tical power,  and  in  their  perfect  consciousness  of 
ability  to  fill  high  office  and  wield  extensive  power, 
with  honour  to  themselves  and  advantage  to  the 
state,  were  restrained  by  no  bonds  of  self-denial. 
Their  high  and  confident  convictions  of  merit  and 
ability  only  urged  them  the  more  irresistibly  forward, 
to  snatch  what  their  evil  fortune  had  denied  them. 

Of  what  use  were  high  birth,  extensive  posses- 
sions, and  numerous  retainers,  to  one  whom  these  ad- 
vantages could  not  raise  to  those  political  privileges 
which  were  possessed  by  nuuibers  whom  his  pride  re- 
garded as  his  intellectual  inferiors  ?  Of  what  use  was 
pre-eminent  talent,  or  zeal  which  would  lead  him 
to  employ  that  talent  in  the  service  of  the  state,  (that 
is,  of  the  aristocratic  party,)  if  the  door  of  admission 
was  closed  against  him,  into  that   privileged   circle, 
where  alone  his  zeal  and  his  talents  could  find  a  fit- 
ting exercise?      We  may  believe  that  the  son  of 
Demaratus  inherited  from  that  aristocratic  exile,  a 
hatred   of   the  popular  party,  more  deeply  rooted 
because  more  just,  than  that  which   existed  in  any, 
even  of  the  proudest  chiefs   of  Tanjuinia,  of   the 
ancient  Etruscan  blood.     The  ruin  of  his  house  in 
its  original  native  home  had  been  eff'ected  by  popular 
violence,  and  by  that  which  generally  succeeds  it,  a 
despotic  usurpation.     And  he  probably  transferred 
with  interest,  to  Cale  Fipi,  and  the  heads  of  the 
liberal  faction  in  Etruria,  the  just  aversion  which  he 
had   inherited    from   his   father    towards    Cypselus 
and  Periander. 


^ 


To  such  a  man,  hating  a  party,  whom  he  felt  he 
had  ability,  not  only  to  injure,  but  to  curb,  and  being 
forbidden  to  do  it  by  the  very  aristocratic  laws  which 
he  himself  fondly  cherished  ;  loving  and  venerating 
those  institutions,  which  he  had  vowed  to  defend, 
but  which  very  institutions  excluded  him  from  the 
power  to  do  so ;  to  such  a  spirit,  the  home  of  his  fa- 
ther's adoption  and  of  his  own  birth,  must  natu- 
rally have  become  intolerable.  He  felt,  that  by 
law,  he  was  placed  in  a  state  of  political  insignifi- 
cance which  he  could  not  endure;  and  he  felt, 
moreover,  that  the  only  chance  he  could  ever  have 
of  being  raised  to  eminence,  was  the  triumph  of 
those  very  principles,  to  which  his  father  owed 
his  ruin,  and  which,  from  his  cradle  he  had  been 
taught  to  abominate.  For  these  strong  reasons, 
he  resolved  to  quit  Tarquinia  for  ever,  and  to 
seek  a  new  field,  whereon,  with  honour  and  profit 
to  himself,  he  might  maintain  the  cause  of  aristo- 
cratic ascendancy,  to  which  he  was  heart  and  soul 
attached ! 

We  certainly  cannot  deny  to  this  illustrious  Tar- 
quinian  the  praise  due  to  the  most  thorough-going 
political  consistency.  How  often  do  we  not  see 
among  our  ambitious,  restless,  and  pushing  country- 
men, the  strangest  apostacies  from  a  political  creed, 
which  has  been  professed  by  themselves,  and  inhe- 
rited from  their  fathers,  on  account  of  some  disap- 
pointed ambition,  or  even  some  more  frivolous  ebul- 
lition of  wounded  vanity  ! 

Such  was  not  the  line   of  conduct  adopted   by 


86 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OP   ANGUS    MARTIU8. 


87 


\\ 


Lucius.  He  was  true  to  his  principles  amid  good 
report  and  evil  report.  When  refused  the  place  to 
which  he  aspired  in  Tarquinia,  he  did  not  turn 
against  his  excluders,  but  went  elsewhere  to  fight 
his  battle  and  theirs  with  dauntless  fortitude. 

Lucius  Tarquiniub  came  to  Rome,  and  when  in 
the  precincts  of  the  Janiculum,  an   eagle  fluttered 
over   his  head,  stooped  gently,  took  off  his   cap, 
hovered  over  him,  and  then  replaced  it  on  his  head. 
His    wife,  Tanaquil,  who  was  well  skilled  in  the 
science  of  Etruscan  augury,  and   who,  most  likely, 
was  a  priestess,  immediately  embraced  him,  and  told 
him  that  the  bird   had   been  sent  by  the  gods,  to 
predict  to  him  a  crown  by  divine  right,  and  an  eagle- 
headed  sceptre,  which  he  should  wield  in  that  very 
place.     Tarquin  was  joyfully  welcomed  by  Ancus, 
and  the  Romans,  who  were  then  at  war  with  the 
Tuscans.     Lands  were  given  to  him  and  his  Clan,* 
he  was  elected  into  the  Senate,  and  placed  above 
the  Luceres  and   Albans  of  the  Coelian,  and  his 
great  riches  increased  the  wealth   of  the  patrician 
treasury.     His  nephew  Egerius,t  and  all   bis  kin- 
dred, were  received  wiUi  honour  also,  and  he  became 

*  iniese  lands  were  situated  near  Cmstumeria,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Anio,  and  on  the  banishment  of  the  Tarquinian  Clan, 
were  j^ven  to  the  Sabine  Claudii. — Livy,  ii. 

t  Egerius  was  the  orphan  son  of  Aruns,  the  brother  of 
Lucius°Tarquinius,  whom  he  adopted  as  his  own,  Aruns  having 
died  at  Tarquinia.  These  two  names  of  Lucumo  and  Aruns 
constantly  go  together  in  Etruscan  houses,  to  express  superior 
and  inferior  rank  among  the  nobles.  Niebuhr  even  suspects 
that  they  sometimes  indicate  the  Patricians  and  the  Plebs. 


i\ 


the  chief  adviser  of  King  Ancus,  in  peace,  and  his 
most  distinguished  leader  in  the  front  of  battle. 
Livy  says  that  he  was  courteous,  hospitable,  and 
generous,  and  that  he  conciliated  the  favour  of  both 
high  and  low. 

Lucius  joined  heartily  in  the  war  against  Veii  and 
Fidene ;    first  serving  on  foot,  and  then   becoming 
master  of  the  horse  and  head  of  the  cavalry.     To 
him  and  his  men,  we  must  attribute  the  device  by 
means  of  which  Fidene  was  taken,*  and  became 
subject  to  Rome.     It  was  blockaded,  but  being  well 
victualled,  it  was  likely  to  hold  out  long,  and  the 
Tuscan    prince   conceived   the   idea   of   taking   it 
by  undermining.     The  soldiers,  accordingly,  diTg  a 
mine  from  the  camp,  under  the  walls,  into  the  city. 
This  was  a   work  with   which    every  Tuscan    was 
familiar.     It  succeeded,  and    Fidene  fell.     Ancus 
placed  in  it  a  garrison,  and  called  it  a  Roman  town, 
giving  to  it  the  franchise  of  his  own  subjects.  In  this' 
war,  Veii  was  implicated,  but  we  know  not  where- 
fore, and  the  warfare  continued,  until,  owing  to  the 
hravery  and  discipline  of  Tarquin,  she  was  at  length 
obliged  to  purchase  peace,  five  years  after  the  taking 
of  Fidene,  by  the  cession  of  the  seven  Pagi  near  the 
Janiculum,   which    henceforward    became    Roman 
territory ;  and  by  giving  up  the  M^sian  forest,  and 
"le  bait  Marshes   near   the   mouth    of  the  Tiber 
Ancus  built  Ostia  on  this  spot.     It  was  the  oldest 
colony  and  first  port  of  the   Roman   people.     He 
also  established  the  salt  works  of  the  Lacus  Osti^, 

*  Dion.  iii. 


88 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


PERIOD   OF   ANGUS   MARTIUS. 


89 


most  probably  on  tbe  ground  where  they  now  exist. 
The  port  of  a  city  like  Rome  soon  became  opulent, 
and  Ostia  flourished  greatly.  In  the  time  of  Aure- 
lian,  it  had  already  declined,  and  its  site,  which  is  a 
little  elevated  above  the  surrounding  sand  and 
marshes,  is  now  only  distinguished  by  heaps  of 
ruined  buildings,  which  cover  a  considerable  space. 
Ostia  received  the  Cerite  franchise ;  that  is  to  say, 
its  citizens  were  considered  Romans,  but  were  with- 
out a  vote  in  the  government.  Tarquin  imme- 
diately built  ships  in  this  port ;  and  thus  may  be 
said  to  have  originated  the  commerce  of  Rome. 

Lucius  Tarquinius  being  so  very  powerful   and 
prominent  a  person,  seems  to  have  introduced  more 
of  Tuscan  architecture  into  Rome  than  had  hitherto 
developed  itself  there.     Under  his  influence,  Ancus 
made  a  deep  ditch,  called  the   Fossa  Quiritum,*  to 
complete  the  defences  of  the  city  ;   he  built  also  the 
Marcian  or  Mamertine  prisons,  in  the  Forum  under 
the  hill  Saturnia,  near  the  Plebeian  Comitium,  in 
order  to  preserve  internal  discipline.     Lucius  ruled 
under  the  name  of  Ancus  for  sixteen  years,  when 
the  violent  death  of  this  king  opened  his  way  to 
the    vacant   throne,   and    Rome   passed   from    the 
Latins  and  Sabines  entirely  to  the  Tuscans.     Thus, 
according  to  tradition,  each  of  the  three  Tribes  bore 
rule  in  turn,  within  the  Holy  City. 

•  Niebuhr  (i.n.  937,)  believes  this  fossa  to  have  been  the  Mar- 
rana,  an  imitation  of  the  Fossa  Cluilia,  which  drained  the  valley 
of  Murcia,  and  extended  as  part  of  its  course  from  the  Aventine 
to  the  Porta  Capena. 


The  Greek  and  Etruscan  commerce*  in  Campa- 
nia was,  during  this  period,  very  lively,  and  Tarqui- 
nia  and  Cuma  stood  in  so  intimate  a  relation  with 
each  other,  that  when  Lucius  retired  into  banish- 
ment, we  wonder  why  he  did  not  rather  emigrate  to 
Cuma   than    to    Rome.     At   first   sight,  this  won- 
der IS  increased,  if  we  receive  the  story  of  Livy 
that  he  was  the  son  of  Demaratus,  the  exiled  Corin-' 
thiau  chief.     Why  did  he  not  rather  join  himself  to 
his  father's  countrymen,  in  one  of  the  most  flourish- 
ing of  their  colonies  in  the  south  of  Italy,  in  a  city, 
which,  as  we  shall  afterwards  see,  became  the  ulti- 
raate  place  of  refuge  of  his  ill-fated  descendant  ? 
The  fact  of  his  having  selected  Rome  as  his  resi- 
dence, and  the  conspicuous  part  which  he  acted  there 
serve  to  bear  us  out  in  the  view   which   we  have 
taken    of    him,    as    the    devoted    Etruscan,    and 
uncompromising    champion    of    aristocratic    prin- 
ciple and  rule.     Though  sprung  from  Greece,  and 
from  one  of  its  most  eminent  houses,  he  had  become 
entirely  Etruscan  and  Tarquinian.     And  here  we 
may  remark  the  well  known  peculiarity  in  Etrus- 
can institutions,  which  attached  singular  importance 
o  maternal  descent,  in  affixing  a  name  and  station 
to  individuals.     The  family  name  of  the  mother  was 
always  added  to  the  patronymic,-and  this  we  may 
take  as  a  fair  specimen  of  the  maternal,  influence 
which  was  exercised  over  the  mind  of  an  Etruscan. 

nea'D^^^an?^  'IT.'  "■.\P'"'"^°»  began  to  cross  the  Mediterra- 

^^  ^^^  "'"«'  if  any,  influence  in  Etruria. 


90 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    ANCUS    MARTI  US, 


91 


Demaratus  wedded  a  noble  Tarquinian  lady,  and 
his  children,  brought  up  amid  all  the   memorials  of 
the  grandeur  of  their  maternal  ancestry,  may  well 
be  imacrined  to  have  imbibed  the  tastes,  feelings,  and 
prejudfces  which  distinguished   the   only  relatives 
whom  they  had  an  opportunity  of  knowing.     They 
were  not  Greeks,  but  Tarquinians.     Hence   Lu- 
cius with  his  brilliant  talents,  daring  courage,  and 
prosperous    fortune,   stimulated    by   consciousness 
of  high  birth,  and  retaining  only  enough  of  Greece 
in  his  constitution  to  remind  him  of  the  unpardon- 
able injuries  which  his  family  had  sustained  from 
the  popular  party,  stood  forth  the  willing  and  zea- 
lous  defender  of  the  rights  of  his   caste,   m   the 
country  of  his  birth   and  affection.     And  when  he 
found  that  this  very  caste,  to  which  he  was  conscious 
that  he  belonged,  and  of  which  he  was  resolved  to  de- 
fend the  prerogatives,  was,  nevertheless,  constrained, 
by  its  exclusive  rules,  to  reject  his  further  advance- 
ment, he  did  not,  on  that  account,  abandon  its  inte- 
rests and  turn  his  powerful  talents  against  it,  to  eflFect 
ite  overthrow.     He  did  not  even  renounce  his  coun- 
try, abandoning,  in  disgust,   Etruria,  her  politics, 
and  her  social  distinctions,  and  seek  to  regain  that 
footing    among  Greeks,    either    in  Greece  or   in 
Southern  Italy,  which   his  father  had   renounced. 
He  continued  a  loyal  Etruscan,  and  an  uncompro- 
mising aristocrat.     If  debarred  from  serving  Tar- 
quinia  at  home,  and  advancing  the  interests  of  her 
ruling  caste,  by  holding  high  offices  in  the  state,  he 
sought  out  a  theatre  of  active  and  honourable  exer- 


I 


tion  elsewhere,  and  joined  himself  to  the  already 
powerful  Etruscan  element,  in  the  new  city  of 
Rome,  where,  by  the  addition  of  his  influence,  he 
made  that  element  to  preponderate. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Tarquinian  rulers 
saw  the  immense  advantage  to  be  derived  from  the 
presence  of  this  active  and  devoted  partisan  in  the 
border   fortress  and    sacred    city  of   Romulus  and 
Numa.     They  probably  counselled  him  to  show  his 
zeal  in  their  cause,  in  that  new  field,  which  was,  in 
fact,  under  existing  circumstances,  a  more  impor- 
tant one  than  their  native  city.     They  pointed  out 
to  him  the  advantage  to  be  derived  to  the  good 
cause,  by  turning  the  Etruscan  interest  in  the  sacred 
city  into  a  Tarquinian  and  exclusively  aristocratic 
channel.     They  flattered   him   with  the  hope  of  ob- 
taining higher  honours  there,  than  even  his  ambi- 
tion could  have  looked  for  at  home,  had  he  been 
admHted  to  all  their  privileges.     They  assigned  to 
him  the  diflScult  and  honourable  task  of  counteract- 
ing the  spreading  and  dangerous  influence  of  the 
popular  party,  in  a  most  important  stronghold,  and 
converting  that  stronghold  into  the  bulwark  of  the 
Tarquinian  Patriciate.     That  Lucius  received  such 
encouragement,   and  was  actuated  by  such   views, 
when  he  emigrated  from  Tarquinia,  is  borne  out  by 
his  subsequent  conduct,  as  well  as  by  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.      His  whole  life  was  a  struggle 
against  the  liberal  and  democratic  influence,  until,  as 
we  shall  see.  at  its  close,  he,  or  the  king  who  repre- 


92 


HISTORY   OF   ETRUniA. 


sented  him,  was  finally  compelled  to  succumb  under  it. 
Is  it  not  evident  that  his  departure  from  his  native 
city,  and  his  arrival  at  Rome,  was  one  of  honour  and 
peace  ?  There  was  no  hurried  flight,  no  disorder,  no 
confusion,  there  were  no  martial  preparations.  He 
came  in  his  chariot,  in  a  sort  of  peaceful  triumph,  with 
his  noble  lady  by  his  side,  and  attended  by  crowds  of 
clients  and  servants ;  and  were  we  not  unwilling  to 
throw  a  shade  of  ridicule  upon  the  acts  of  so  truly 
great  a  person,  we  should  almost  be  inclined  to  find 
marks  of  collusion,  and  of  a  way  made  ready  for  him, 
in  the  story  of  the  eagle.  It  seems  not  improbable 
that  Lucius  was  beforehand  destined  by  Tarquinian 
Lucumoes  and  priests,  to  wield  the  Roman  sceptre. 
And  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  bird  of  victory 
and  of  royalty  had  been  previously  trained  to  ac- 
complish adroitly  the  augury ! 

If  we  suppose  the  states  assembled  at  Voltumna, 
about  this  time,  to  have  reviewed  their  position  with 
regard  to  the  sacred  colony  upon  their  borders, 
during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century,  they  had  every 
reason  to  be  satisfied  with  it.  Their  religion  was 
re-established  there  in  all  its  integrity  and  power, 
and  Ancus  had  not  endeavoured  to  press  upon  the 
Luceres  such  a  mixture  with  the  Latins,  as  was 
attempted,  and  indeed  forced  upon  them  by  TuUus. 
He  granted  to  many  Latin  cities  the  privilege  of 
belonging  to  the  Plebs  of  Rome.  They  submitted 
to  her  dominion,  and  became  partakers  in  her 
government ;  and  to  these  cities,  which  are  named 


PERIOD    OF   ANCUS    MARTIUS. 


93 


by  Livy,  he  gave  assignments,  not  on  the  Coelian, 
but  on  the  Aventine,  which  henceforward  was 
regarded  as  sacred,  in  a  peculiar  manner,  to  the 
Plebeians  and  to  the  Latin  Romans. 

Livy  says  that  Ancus  took  Ficana,  Tellene,  Poli- 
torium,  and  Medullia,  the  latter  after  a  four  years' 
siege,  and  Politorium  twice  by  storm,  which  is  not 
possible.   Tellene  could  not  have  joined  the  Plebs  of 
Rome,  for  we  find  it  as  one  of  the  free  Latin  cities, 
making  a  league  with  Sp.  Cassius,  after  the  expul^ 
sion  of  the  kings.     Medullia  is  again  free  and  again 
taken  by  Tarquin,  when  king.*     But  it  does  not 
hinder   Ancus  from   being  the  father  of  the    Ro- 
man  Plebs,  that  Livy's  names  are  incorrect.     Be- 
fore attacking  the  Latins,  Ancus  sent  to  them  the 
Feciales,  and  Livy  again  gives  us  a  very  interesting 
account  of  the  ceremonies  of  Etruria,  used  by  these 
Ltruscan   ofticers.     He   says,  Ancus   copied    them 
troin  the  Equi ;  meaning,  we  presume,  that  it  was 
to  the  Equi  they  were  first  sent,  for  why   should 
Ancus  take  this  institution  from  the  Equi  rather 
than  from  the  Sabines,  the  Albans,  or  their  origina- 
tors   the  Turrhenians?      And  how  could   he  first 
establish  those  ceremonies,  which  had  been  used 
before  with  Alba,  in  the   most  solemn  form,  and 
which   were   the   law   and  custom  of  all   Central 

According  to  Livy,  (i.  32,)  the  herald  or  Fecial, 
when  he  came  to  the  frontiers  of  the  state  from 
whence  satisfaction  was  demanded,  covered  his  head 

*  Livy,  i.  38. 


1)4 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


with  a  fillet  of  wool,  such  as  we  see  on  many  of  the 
Etruscan  statues,   and  cried    out,  "  Hear   me,  oh 
Jupiter ;  hear  me,  ye  frontiers :  let  Justice  hear.     I 
am  the  authorised  herald  of  the  Populus,  (i.  e.  Patri- 
cians only).     I  come  with  the  forms  of  justice  and 
piety.      Let   faith   be  given  to  my  words."      He 
then  stated  his  demands,  and  called  Jove  to  witness ; 
saying,  "  If  I,  the  herald  of  the  Populus,  require 
unjustly  or  impiously,  that  those  men,  or   that  pro- 
perty should  be  given  up  to  me,  then  let  me  not 
again  enjoy  my  native  country."   These  words  he  re- 
peated when  he  passed  the  boundaries,  then  to  the 
first  man  he  met  beyond  the  frontiers,  then  as  he 
entered  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  again  as  he  entered 
the  Forum,  changing  a  few  words  when  necessary. 
If  what  he  demanded  was  not  complied  with,  he  gave 
a  delay  of  three-and-thirty  days,  and  then  declared 
war,  in  this  form  :— "  Hear,  oh  Jupiter,  and   thou 
Juno,  and  thou  Quirinus,  (i.  e.  Mars  of  the  Romans,) 
and  all  ye  gods  of  heaven,  and  earth,  and  under  the 
earth,  hear ;  I  call  you  to  witness  that  this  Populus 
is  unjust,  and  will  not  do  right.     Therefore,  con- 
cerning these  things,  we  will  take  counsel  in  our 
own  country  of  the  major  houses,  by  what  means 
we  may  obtain  satisfaction."  The  Fecial  immediately 
returned  home  to  consult  his  nation,  and  the   king 
took  counsel  with  the  fathers  of  the   Senate,  thus 
addressing    them— "  Concerning     the     strife    and 
debate     between     our    Pater    Patratus    and    the 
Pater  Patratus  and  men  of  our  opponents,  what 
they    should     have    given,    or     done,   or    atoned 


c 


PERIOD    OF    ANCUS    MARTIUS.  95 

for;  say,  what  thinkest  thou?"     This  he  addressed 
to  the  hrst  whose  opinion  he  asked,  (and  if  Tarquin 
was  then  Tribune  of  the  Celeres,-«i.  e..  Master  of 
the  Cavalry,   he   would   be  the  man).      The   other 
Senators  were  singly  asked  in  order,  and  each  an- 
swered  "I  think  that  justice  should   be  sought  by 
needful  vyar,  and  therefore  I  consent  and  vote  for  it." 
1  he  Fecal  then  took  an  iron  spear,  burnt  at  the 
point,  and  dipped  in  blood,  to  the  frontiers,  and  said 
in   he  presence  of  three  grown-up  persons,  "Because' 
this  Populus  and  nation  have  behaved  ill  to  us  and 
our  nation,  therefore  we  conceive  war  to  be  just 
against  them ;    and  our  Senate  and  Populus   have 
accordingly  voted  that  war  should  be  made  against 
hem      For  this  reason,  and  by  this  token  therefore, 
I  and  my  Populus  declare    war   against  the    Plebs 
and  the     opulus  which  refuse  us  justice."     sfyitg 
thisj^  threw  the  spear  into  their  territories  and 

Ancus  the  fourth  traditional  king  of  Rome  is 
ccnninonly  regarded  as  the  father  of  the  Plebeians. 
And  Rome  now  represented  four  different  nations- 

tion  of  a  Lucumomy  and  Turrhene  colony;  and  4 
La  lum.  The  three  first  dwelt  within  [he  walls 
and  were  patrician  and  ruling,  comprising  the' 
Senate  and  Populus,  without  whom  no  king  could 
act;  and  the  last  was  an  inferior  and  supplemen- 
tary  adjunct  settled  without  the  walls,  possessing 
certain  privileges,    and  forming  an    integral    part 

pItr?r?'K '  ^"'  "^""^  '^  ''''^^'  ^"^^  -h^"   the 
patrician  tribes  disagreed. 


96 


HISTOKY    OF   ETRURIA. 


Niebuhr  fully  explains  the  conditions  of  the  new 
Latins,  when   they  became   Roman   Plebs.    They 
were  not  conveyed  to  the  Aventine,  for  they  were 
too  numerous,  and  the  removal  of  so  large  a  popu- 
lation would  have  left  the  remote  lands  waste.    But 
those  who  chose  to  remove  had   the  privilege  of 
doing  so,  and  were  permitted  to  live  upon  the  Aven- 
tine under  their  own  laws.    Most  of  them  remamed 
at  home,  but  thev  were  no  longer  independent,  and 
their   lands  were  divided   into  three  parts.     One 
part  was  returned  to  themselves  as  Roman  subjects 
and   plebeian   tribesmen.      Another  was   common 
to  all  the  Patricians  of  the  Roman  state,  and  the 
third  belonged  to  the  crown,  and  was  in  the  power 
of  the  king,  to  use  for  his  government,  or  to  portion 

"'^Veii  is  represented  as  having  yielded  part  of  her 

territory  to  Ancus  and  Tarquin :  and  Fidene  was 

taken  by   mining.     But  they   only   submitted   to 

Rome  when  she  was  governed  by  Etruscan  art,  and 

led  on  by  Etruscan  valour:  and  that  only  at  a  time 

when  the   states  of  the  Central  League  were  all 

distracted   by  civil   war,  and   when,  as  we  have 

already  hinted,  it  is  a  matter  of  great  probability, 

that  Tarquinia  sent  forth  her  Lucumo  to  become 

that    which  he  certainly  succeeded   in   becoming, 

viz  '  Ruling  Resident  in  Rome.    Such  a  resident  as 

a  Briton  frequently  now  is  in  the  native  courts  of 

"Livy  says  that  Ancus  always  followed  Tarquin's  ad- 
vice.and  placed  hischildren  under  his  protection.  He 


PERIOD    OF   AKCUS    MARTIl  S.  97 

n,ay  Imve  been  Prince  of  the  Janicuhm.,  and  may 
have  joined  the  Raan.es  in  their  struggles  with 
Veil  and  the  Latins,  upon  condition  of  succeedinir 
.»  his  own  person,  or  in  that  of  his  house,  to  the 
next  vacancy  of  the  Roman  throne. 

Our   knowledge  of  Etruscan    history  is    mainly 
derived  from  the   light   which  is  reflected  upon  it 
from  the  annals   of  early  Rome,  confirmed  or  cor- 
rected by  deductions  and  collateral  evidence:  and 
.  IS  possible  that  from  our  lack  of  historical  materials 
elsewhere    we  attach   an    unmeasured    importance 
to    he  paruvhich  Rome  acted  in  the  great  events  of 
thisperiod.  Yetthereseems  to  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
that  at  this  t.me.theCity  of  the  Seven  Hillswasasort 
of  common  ground,  whereon  the  different  political 
parties  in  Etruria  struggled   for  the  mastery;  a„ 
arena  m  which  the  great  battle  between  aristoc  aey 
and  democracy  «as  fought.     And  according  to  the 
success    of   either    party    there,   was   its    i^fJueJee 
throughout  the  states  of  the  E.ruscan  League  mate 
rially  determined.  ^         ^^^' 

whTehr^ '*■'•'''  ''""  ''•""'"'■'"*  -   Etruria.  of 
which  TarqniniH   may  be  accounted  the  head  C 

obliged,  m  the  first  place,  to  have  a  Resident  an  J 

hene,t,aGover„or.beyondtheTiber;b:e      'eRot 
« as  becoming  a  dangerous  support  and  refuge  Sr 

he  discontented  and  struggling   Etruscan   llZ 
It  .»  probable  that  in  this  sense,  as  head  of  the  nt 
Jeian  party,  and  fomenter  of  their  divisions   4  ^ 
Martins  obtained  the  title  of  Kin.,  of  tl  e  i   "'"' 
which,  on  every  real  and  valid  g^ol^  he  rer' 

F 


98 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


have  merited  so  much  less  than  his  successor,  Ser- 

vius  Mastarna.  ^ 

Tacitus  (Annals,  iii.  26.)  tells  us  that  the  four  first 
Roman  kings  were  all  authors  of  a  portion  of  the 
Roman  laws ;  though  the  great  legislator  wasServius. 
who  even  caused  the  king  himself  to  submit  to 
a  power  more  sacred  than  his  own.  The  laws 
of  Romulus  were  Tuscan  and  Quiritary;  those 
of  Numa  were  religious;  and  those  of  Tul- 
lus    related   to  the    introduction  of   international 

"  We  are  told  by  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  that 
in   Rome,  there  were  Plebs  from  the  beginning : 
and  therefore  the  assertion  which  has  been  made 
that  Ancus  Martins  was  founder  or  father  of  the 
Plebs  must  have  some  other  signification ;  and  one 
probably  in  reference  to  his  making  common  cause 
with  the  party  favourable  to  the  Plebs  m  Etruna. 
The  belief  that  about  this  time,  Rome  had  become, 
in  a  considerable  measure,  the  theatre  whereon  was 
displayed  the  great  struggle  of  political  parties  for 
prominence  in  Etruria  is  confirmed  by  the  observ- 
ations of  Livy.  (ii.  1).     He  says  that  Rome  was 
forced   to  submit  to  monarchical   rule,  during   a 
lengthened   period;    and   could   not  have  existed 
without  it,because  she  was  an  inviolable  asylum  for 
the  fugitives  and  discontented  of  Italy,  and  a  place 
wherJn  all  strangers  might  find  a  home.  Of  this  we 
have  just  had  one  notable  instance,  in  the  aristocratic 
emigration  of  Lucius  and  his  retainers  from  Tar- 
quinia;  and  we  shall  have  another  in  the  following 


PERIOD   OP  ANCUS   MARTIUS.  QQ 

chapter,  treating  of  the  settlement  of  Mastarna,  with 
the  remains  of  the  partisans  of  the  Volsinian  Cale 
Fipi,  the  great  leader  of  the  democratical,  or  rather 
ot  the  liberal,  party. 


P  2 


100 


CHAPTER  V. 

FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 

PERIOD     OF     THIRTY-SEVEN      YEARS;      FROM      615      TO      578 
BEFORE    CHRIST.       YEAR    OF    TARQUINIA    572. 

Accession  of  Lucius  to  the  Roman  Tlirone— Changes  in  the 
Senate— Circus  Maximus— Arbitrary  Changes  of  Lucius 
opposed  by  Attius  Nsvius-Royal  Pomp  of  Lucius-Cloaca 
Maxima-Explanation  of  the  expression  "Tarqmnian  Dy- 
nasty"— More  than  one  reign  comprehended  under  that  of 
Lucius- Inconsistency  in  the  commonly  received  Account  of 
the  Succession  to  the  Throne  after  the  Death  of  Lucms- 
Latins  and  Sabines,  aided  by  the  Etruscan  Liberal  army, 
conspire  against  Lucius  and  are  defeated-Triumph  of  Lucms 
^Account  of  Mastama— Great  power  and  extensive  domi- 
nions of  Lucius-Followers  of  Cale  Fipi  settled  ontheCoeUan 
Mount. 

We  have  two  versions  of  this  period  *  by  no  means 
similar,  and  we  shall  give  them  both.  First,  the 
account  of  Livy  ;  and  secondly,  the  account  of  Dio- 
nysius  of  Haliearnassus  ;  and  then  we  shall  deduce 

♦  Authorities— Liv7  i. ;  Dionysius  of  Haliearnassus,  iii. 
Ancient  History,  xi.  317,  xvi.  82  ;  Arnold  and  Niebuhr,in  locis; 
Muller's  Etriisker. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN  ROME.  101 

from  them  such  inferences  as  appear  to  us  the  most 
consistent  with  preceding  and  subsequent  facts,  and 
with  existing  monumental  testimony. 

According  to  the  Roman  legend,  as  transmitted 
to  us  by  Livy,Tarquin  the  First  was,  in  all  his  dispo- 
sitions and  in  all  his  acts,  Tuscan  and  Tuscan  only. 
In  his  love  of  pomp,  of  art,  and  of  amusement;  in  his 
strict  and  active  government ;  in  his  moderation  in 
war;  and  in  his  ideas  of  absolute  power  within  the 
definite  limits  of  established  custom,  senatorial  ap- 
probation, and  popular  concurrence.     Livy  makes 
him  at  peace  with  Etruria  all  his  days,  drawing  out 
of  her  his  best  workmen,   his  men  of  science,  his 
models  for  all  the  great  public  works,  and  his  enter- 
tainers and  actors  in  the  public  games.  According  to 
this  author,  Lucius  Tarquini us  waged  wars  with  only 
two  Italian  nations,  the  Latins  and  the  Sabines,  and 
conquered  them  both.     One  struggle  was  with  the 
kinsmen  of  the  Ramnes,  and  the  other  with  that  of 
theTities;  but  he  had  no  strife  with  that  country 
which  was  the  original  cradle  of  the  Luceres  and 
of  himself. 

Livy  again  informs  us  that  after  the  death  of  Ancus, 
Lucius  set  aside  the  opinion  of  the  Senate,  and  the 
compact  by  which  that  body  was  bound  to  award 
the  throne  to  one  of  its  own  members,  Latin  or 
Sabme,  alternately  ;  and  that,  in  order  to  succeed, 
he  availed  himself  of  his  great  personal  influence 
with  the  Curiae,  in  which  the  Luceres  were  a  nume- 
ncal  third ;  and,  in  consequence  of  the  recent  addi- 
tion,  both   of   the   Tarquinian    house,  and   of  the 


1 


f! 


J  02 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Janiculese,  they  may  have  had  a  real  preponderance. 
Tl»e  Curiae  found  it  to  be  their  clear  interest  to  elect 
him;  they  therefore  overawed  the  Senate  to  confirm 
the   election,   and   Tarquinius   rewarded    them    by 
raising  immediately,  and  in  virtue  of  his  own  will,  a 
hundred   of   the   Luceres   to  become   part   of   the 
Senate,  and  to  take  their  place  ever  after,  in  that 
body,  by  the  side  of  the  Ramnes  and  Tities.     They 
now    stood    upon    the    footing  of  conquerors,  and 
knew  no  other  inferiority,  excepting  that  of  being 
called  upon  to  vote  last  in   order.     But  we  think, 
even    in    this   respect,  that    there    may  have  been 
more    equality    than  is  usually  believed,  and    that 
the  second  ten  of  the  Ramnes  may  have  voted  after 
the  first  ten  of  the  Luceres.     We  know  that  of  the 
two  great  ofticers,  the  Gustos  Urbis,  or  Governor  of 
the  City,*    and   the  Tribune  of  the   Celeres,  the 
first  was  always    Prince   of  the   Senate,  and   the 
second  would   necessarily  and  officially  always  be 
one  of    the  Decemprimi.       Now,   in  the  reign  of 
Tullus,     Numa    Marciusf    a    Sabine    was  Custos 
Urbis.      Therefore,  at  that  time,  a  Tities,  and  not  a 
Ramnes   was    Prince   of    the   Senate,   and    under 
Ancus,  Tarquin  himself  appears  to  have  been  Tri- 
bune of  the   Celeres,  and   consequently  a  Tuscan 
must  then  have  voted  with  the  Decemprimi,  and  as 
one  of  their  privileged  number. 

The  Senate  now,  for  the  first  time,  consisted  of 

•  On  these  officers,  see  Niebuhr. 

t  Nama  Marcius  is  said  to  have  been  father  of  King  Ancus 
Marcius.— Tacit.  Ann.  vi.  U. 


I 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN  ROME. 


103 


three  hundred  members ;  each  tribe  furnishing  an 
equal  proportion :  and  Tarquin  felt  that  the  stabi- 
lity of  his  power  depended  mainly  upon  the  sup- 
port of  the  Luceres.  Livy  makes  him  engage 
twice  in  war  with  the  Latins,  and  twice  with  the 
Sabines,  without  giving  any  reason  for  either.  In 
his  Latin  war,  Apiola,  one  of  the  freed  town- 
ships of  Alba,  was  taken  and  destroyed,  and  its 
spoils  were  dedicated  to  aid  in  building  the  most 
stupendous  fabrics  which  have  ever  been  raised  in 
Europe.  His  first  work  was  the  common  sewers, 
and  his  second  the  Circus  Maxim  us,  down  in  the 
Murcian  valley,  for  horse  races  and  wrestling, 
and  for  worship,  like  the  other  circusses,  all  over 
Etruria. 

According  to  Niebuhr,  the  ground  for  the  Circus 
had  to  be  drained  by  the  Cloaca  Maxima,  before  its 
foundations  could  be  laid ;  and  the  pleasure  which  his 
Circensian  games  afforded  to  the  people,  made  them 
forgive  the  tremendous  labour  by  which  they  were 
attained.  The  actors  in  these  games,  were,  like  our 
actors  for  public  entertainment, and  (contrary  to  the 
thespirit  of  the  Greeks,  all  hirelings,)  when  not  slaves. 
The  Turrheni,  like  the  Easterns  of  the  present  day, 
had  no  respect  for  those  who  spend  their  lives  in  mere 
amusement,  and  had  a  freeman  throughout  Etruria, 
or  any  of  her  colonies,  joined  in  these  games,  he 
would  directly  have  forfeited  his  honour  and  fran- 
chise. The  charioteer,  the  public  performer,  and 
the  gladiator,  were  held  in  no  esteem,  and  the  races 
were    usually  competed  for   by  slaves.     The   only 


104 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


exhibitions  permitted  to  citizens  without  disgrace, 
were  the  war  dances,  whicli  were  often  composed  of 
noble  boys,  and  the  Attellanae,  moral  plays,  which 
were  probably  of  a  later  date.     The  great  games  in 
this  Circus    of   Lucius,  Pliny  tells   us,  were  held 
only  in    honour  of   the  great  gods,  especially  the 
Triad,  Jnpiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva  ;  and  these  were 
celebrated  every  year  in  September,  at   the  begin- 
ning  of  the  sacred  year.     These  games  were  also 
held  in  honour  of  Vertumnus,  Neptune,  and  the  Dii 
Penates  of  Rome  ;  each  one  of  these  deities  being  on- 
finally  Etruscan.     Votive  games  to  the  other  deities 
had  no  fixed  season,  and  might  be  observed  here  as  m 
the  other  Circuses  of  the  Rasena,  at  any  tune       The 
CircusMaximuswasthreeEnglishfurlongsin  length, 

and  one  and  a-half  in  width,  and  was  made  to  con- 
tain  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  spectators. 

Tarquin  s  dynasty  not  only   be^an   but  finished 
this  enormous  edifice,   and  to  celebrate   his  great 
games,  he  brought  his  horses,  his  riders,  and  his 
wrestlers  from  Etruria.    He  appropriated  particular 
seats  for  the  Senators  and  Vestal  Virgins ;  and  be- 
hind   them    he    placed    the   knights,   that   is   the 
Celeres   and    Decuriones,  giving   them  seats  sup- 
ported  by  timber,  and  raised  twelve  feet  from  the 
^rround.     He   had  ranges  of  shops  in  arcades  built 
round  the  Forum,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he 
portioned  them  out  to  the  different  guilds  after  the 
fashion  of  the  regular  Etruscan  cities.     He  had  a 
vast  quantity    of  stone   squared    and    prepared,   to 
build  a  waif  round  the  Septimontium,  and  all    the 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN  ROME.  105 

inhabited  hill  and  valley  besides,  that  then  consti- 
tuted the  sacred  and  united  city  of  Rome.  The 
Aventine  was  appropriated  to  the  Latin  Plebs,  and 
was  never  walled  in  ;  neither  was  the  Capitol,  which 
was  sacred  to  the  Patricians ;  neither,  according  to 
Niebuhr,  was  the  Janiculum,  which  continued  an 
independent  fort. 

Lucius  was  interrupted  in  his  works  by  the  Sabine 
war,  and  as  he  was  resolved  to  increase  the  power 
of  his  own  tribe  and  nation,  he  made  that  a  pretext 
for  creating  nine  hundred   knights,  all  to  be  taken 
from  the  Luceres,  and  each  Century  of  whom  would 
have  a  separate  vote  among  the  Populus,  so  as,  in 
fact,  to  overpower  all  the  other  votes,  and  throw  the 
elections  to  oflSce  completely  into  the  power  of  this 
one  tribe.     The  Ramnes  offered  no  resistance  ;  they 
seem  to  have  been  crushed  and   nullified.     But  the 
Sabines,  whose  influence  had  not  been  set  aside,  (for 
Tarquin    protected    the    Marcii,   the    house   of  the 
late  king,)  stoutly  resisted  the  innovation.     One  of 
the   Roman    Augurs    must    always    have   been    a 
Sabine,  that  is  a  Tities ;   and  Attius   N^evius,  the 
Titles,  who  now  filled  the  office,  was  a  man  of  a  bold, 
determined  character,  and  resolved  to  maintain  the 
privileges  of  the  Quirites.     He  firmly  told  the  king 
that  he  was  going  beyond   his  power,  and   was  in- 
fringing  on  the  sacred   laws  of  the  sacred  city,  in 
that  thing  which  he  was  then  attempting.     In  fine, 
he  proclaimed  that  Lucius  was  acting  not  only  arbi- 
trarily but   impiously,  inasmuch  as  the  Tribes,  the 
Knights,  and  the  Celeres,  had  all  been   establi.lied 

F  5 


•■«   .      »li»« 


lOG 


HISTORY    OF    ETUURIA. 


by  augury,  and  therefore  no  man  could  change 
them.  Their  fundamental  number  was  the  Etrus- 
can Three,  and  it  could  neither  be  increased  nor 
diminished  by  any  after  fancies,  whether  of  royalty 

or  priesthood. 

Tarquin,   not   accustomed    to   contradiction,  and 
having  carried   so  much  with  a  high  hand  already, 
mocked    at    the    Sabine    augur's    plea,    and    told 
him  that,   with    all    his    pretensions    to    interpret 
the    divine    will,   he   could    not    even    guess   the 
thoughts  of  a  man   like  himself,  nor  say,  whether 
the  thing  which    he,  Lucius,  was  at  that  moment 
meditating,  was  possible  or  not?     The  augur  said, 
unhesitatingly,  that  it  was  possible;  and  on  Tarquin 
answering  with  a  laugh   of  triumph,  that  he  was 
thinking  if  he  could  cut  the  whetstone  beside  him 
through  with  a  razor ;    the  augur  immediately  took 
a  razor,  or  sharp  broad  knife,  and  in  an  instant  cut 
it  through.      Whatever  may  be  the  truth  of  this 
tale,  he,  at  all  events,  amazed  and  frightened  Tar- 
quin, who  saw  that  he  must  push  matters  no  fur- 
ther,  and   who,  with  the  tact  of    wisdom,  bowed 
reverently  to   the   minister  of  the  gods,  and  said 
that  he  would  not  increase  the  centuries,  nor  oppose 
himself  to  the  divine  law. 

But  neither  did  he  abandon  that  plan  on  which  he 
had  set  his  heart,  and  on  the  success  of  which 
he  probably  rested  the  final  stability  of  his  rule. 
He  distributed  his  nine  hundred  new  knights 
amongst  the  old  ones,  making  three  double  centu- 
ries, so  that  one  half  of  all  the  votes  were  not  only 


I 


FfRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY  IN   HOME.  107 

those  of  his  own  countrymen,  but  of  his  own  crea- 
tures; and  out  of  the  six  half  centuries,  four  were 
Luceres.     Each  of  those  double  centuries  now  con- 
sisted  of  six    hundred  men.     Arnold  *  conceives 
that  he  Wished  to  create  three  new  tribes,  to  be  named 
after  h.mself  and   his  supporters,  and  that  these 
hree  tr.bes  would  have  furnished  three  new  eques- 
nan  centuries.     When  he  added   to  the  original 
tribes,  those  houses  which  he  was  resolved  to  exalt 
he  made  them  the  second  class,  or  the  class  "  Mino- 
rum  Gentium"   i„  the  old  centuries  and  Curi«,  the 
numbers  of  which  were  never  altered.     Niebuhr 
conceivest  that  such  was  the  irritation  produced  by 
th.s  violent  act.  that  the  third  tribe   in  the  Senate, 
until  their  members  had  filled  some  Curule  office 
were  only  Senatores  Pedarii,+  and  were  not  suffered 
0  speak  but  only  to  reject  in  silence,  or  to  walk  over 
to  the  side  which  they  supported.     They  afterwards 
gave  Consuls  to  the  Republic  as  well  as  the  other 
two  tribes.    Cicero  tells  us  §  that  Tarquin  the  First 
assigned   to  the  poor  knights,   horses  and   pensions 
from  the  state. 

According  to  Livy  the  noble  stand  of  Attius  Navius 
increased  greatly  the  respect  of  the  Romans  for  au<.u- 
nes;  so  that  henceforth  nothing  was  done  witliout 
liem,  no  officer  was  elected,  no  public  assembly  was 
Held,  and  no  peace  or  war  was  declared,  unless  the 
gods  had  been  first  consulted.  We  doubt  not  that  the 
outward  reverence  of  the  prince,  and  the  inward 


*  In  loco, 
t  ii-  n.  243. 


I  Nieb.  i.n.  1014-15. 
§  Dion.  vii.  4. 


108 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY   IN    ROME. 


109 


1 


reverence  of  the  nation  were  both  increased ;  but 
as  to  the  causes  for  which  augury  was  consulted, 
and  the  times  at  which  it  was  used,  they  remained 
exactly  the  same  as  before.  No  Italian  of  these 
ages  would  have  acknowledged  the  authority  ot  any 
council,  or  have  followed  to  war  any  leader  with- 

out  its  sanction. 

Tarquin  defeated  the  Sabines,and  enjoyed  an  Etrus- 
can triumph,  going  up  to  the  chief  temple  of  Saturnia 
in  a  chariot,  with  a  crown  of  gold  upon  his  head,  com- 
posed of  oak  leaves  and  carbuncles,  a  purple  mantle 
worked  with  a  border  of  golden  palm  leaves  over 
his  shoulders,  an  ivory  sceptre  in  his  hand,  and  his 
prisoners  of  rank  and  spoils  of  war  following.     In 
the  second  Sabine  war,  Tarquin  vowed,  that  if  vie- 
torious,  he  would  dedicate  part  of  his  spoils  to  the 
Etruscan  Sethlans,  (the  Roman  Vulcan,)  or  god  of 
fire,   whom   we  might    almost   imagine,    from    the 
marked  manner  in  which  he  comes  forward  in  early 
Roman  history,  even  from  the  day  that  Romulus  and 
Tatius  built  his  temple,  near  the  Comitiiim,  down  to 
this  period,  to  have  been  the  chief  of  the  Roman  and 
Sabine  deities;  while  we  might  suppose  that  Jupi- 
ter  had  been  more  entirely  Turrhene.      Probably 
Vulcan  was  only  one  of  the  forms  of  Jupiter,  which 
is  implied  by  his  being  his  son,  an  emanation  from 
him,  an  attribute  of  him,  and  not  his  power  in  full. 
The  rest  of  the  spoil,  including  the  revenues  of  the 
conquered   territory,  Tarquin  dedicated  to  build  a 
temple  to  the  great  threefold  Jupiter  of  the  Tus- 
cans;   to  the  three  deities,  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  ^Nli- 
nerva  under  one  roof,  typifying  the  three  sacred  at- 


tributes   and    powers  of  wealth,  strength,  and  wis- 
dom. 

Tarquin  was  successful  by  means  of  his  well-ap- 
pointed and  devoted  cavalry,  and  he  signalized  the 
war  by  burning  down  the  wooden  bridge  over  the 
Anio,  which,  during  the  peace  of  the  two  nations, 
had    been    built  in  the  time  of  Tullus.     Collatia,  a 
beautiful  and  powerful  town  of  Sabina,  he  took  by 
storm ;  and  Livy  gives  us  the  form  of  Deditio,  which 
is  interesting,  because  it  is  the  form  which  Rome 
herself  was  afterwards  obliged  to  subscribe  to  Por- 
senna;  and  we  therefore  find  that  it  was  common  to 
the  Tuscans  with  the  rest  of  the  Italians,  and  we  have 
no  doubt  that  it  was  introduced  by  them  into  Italy. 
The  king  asked  the  heralds,  "  Are  you  ambassadors 
on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Collatia,  to  surrender 
yourselves  and  your  city  V     They  answered,  "  We 
are."     "Are  the  people  of  Collatia  at  their  own  dis- 
posal T      "They   are."     "Do   you   then  surrender 
yourselves  and  the  people  of  Collatia  ;  your  city, 
lands,  waters,  boundaries,  temples,  utensils,  all  pro- 
perty, both  sacred  and  common ;  and  do  you  yield 
them    to  my  dominion,,  and  that   of  my  nation?" 
The  heralds  answered,  "We  do  surrender   them." 
The  king  replied  solemnly  and  publicly,  "I  do  ac- 
cept them;"  and   then,  all,  of  whatever  nature  that 
had  once  been  possessed  by  the  vanquished,  hence- 
forth belonged  to  the  conqueror.     Lucius  appointed 
his  nepliew  Egerius,  the  Tarquinian,  to  be  the  gover- 
nor of  Collatia,  and  this  town  was  incorporated  in  Lu- 
eius's  dominions,  and  admitted  to  communion  and 
connexion    with    Rome,    as  is  proved    by  ihe  de- 


110 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


I 


i 


scendant  of  Egerius,  under  Tarqu.nms  Superbus, 
marrying  Lucretia,  a  Roman  princess.  Eger.us 
henceforth  took  the  name  of  Collatmus.  After 
this,  Lucius  warred  with  the  Priscan  Latins, 
and  took  seven  of  their  principal  towns,  extend- 
ing the  dominions  of  Rome  considerably  towards 
the  north;  and  indeed  every  one  of  the  cities  enu- 
merated by  Livy,  excepting  the  Phoenix-like  Me- 
dulia,  are  usually  located  in  Sabina,  but  Camer.a 
and  Crustumerium  bad  joined  the  new  Latin  con- 
federation after  the  fall  of  Alba.* 

The  spoils  and  captives  of  these  conquests  were  all 
dedicated  by  Tarqnin,like  theothers.to  further  public 
works.  He  commenced  the  great  wall,  portions  of 
whichstill  surround  Rome;  and  he  continued  the  stu- 
pendous common  sewers,  which  have  been  the  won^ 
derandadmirationofeverysucceedingageaudwhich 

will  continue  to  command  the  homage  ot  mankind 
for  their  magnitude,  utility,  and  skill  so  long  as  the 
eternal  city  shall  lift  herself  above  the  Tiber.  The 
purpose  of  these  vast  canals,  which  ran  m  right 
lines  under  the  streets,  was  to  drain  the  many 
marshes  which  lay,  with  their  stagnant  waters,  be- 
tween the  seven  hills.  We  may  say  of  Lucius,  the 
Tarquinian,  that  no  king  in  Rome  before  lum  could 
do  such  works,  neither  did  any  after  him  equal  him 

in  fifrandeur.  « 

The  great  Cloaca  which  carried  off  the  waters  of 

the  Velabrum,  was  built  at  a  depth  of  forty  feet, 

*  Livy  names  Ameriola,  Comiculum,  Cameria,   Crustume- 
rium,  Ficvdnea,  Medulia,  and  Nomentum. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  HI 

in    three    vaults,    thus,     the    innermosl    forming 


a  circle  of  eighteen  Roman   palmi   in   width   and 
height.    The  mouth  into  the  Tiber  is  the  same.   All 
theCloacae  are  formed  of  hew  n  blocks  of  stone,  tun- 
nelled out  of  the  seven   hills,  seven  and  a  quarter 
palmi  long,  and  four  and  one-sixth  high.    The  stones 
are  fixed  without  cement,  and  the  greater  part  of 
them  have  never  required  repair.     Pliny  ^  examined 
this  gigantic  work  seven  hundred  years  after  the 
time  of  its  construction,  and  he  gives  us  an  account 
of  it  which  exceeds  all  that  we  could  have  imagined  of 
its  vastness  and  substantiality.     The  Cloacee  were  in 
many  different  branches,  which  emptied  themselves  by 
one  main  trunk,into  the  Tiber  west  of  the  Palatine. 
The  arches  of  those  which  drained  the  Palatine,  and 

theSaturnian,theQuirinal  and  theCoelian,  where  the 
waters  in  winter  used  to  run  like  rivers, were  so  high, 
that  a  cart  of  hay  could  pass  through  them ;  so  wide 
that  a  navigable  stream  could  run  freely  under  them; 
and  so  strong,  as  to  support  above  them  the  weight 
of  many  storied  houses.  They  were  cut  through 
the  hills  and  masses  of  rock, and  when  they  had  to  be 
repaired,  the  Censors  gave  one  thousand  talents  to  the 
person  who  undertook  to  cleanse  them.  In  a. d.  1742, 
one  of  these  sewers  was  found  passing  under  the 
Comitium  and  Forum,  and  up  to  the  Saturnian,  and 
It  was  one  of  the  few  which  had  undergone  con- 
siderable  repair,  as  Niebuhr  thinks,  about  the  end  of 


XXXlll. 


i 


112 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


the  first  Punic  war.  The  largest  of  all  the  sewers  was 
the  work  of  the  second  Tarquinian  dynasty,  and 
Superbus  was  execrated  for  the  cruelty  and  disre- 
gard of  life  with  which  he  carried  it  on.  Though 
these  sewers,  begun  by  the  first  Lucumo,  were  not 
completed  as  a  whole,  for  seventy  or  eighty  years* 
afterwards,  we  yet  know  that  those  of  the  Velabrum, 
the  Murcian  Valley,  and  the  Valley  of  the  Forum, 
were  devised  and  finished  by  the  first  projector,  be- 
cause  the  Circus  Maximus  and  the  Forum  could  not 
have  been  built,  far  lessf  used,  until  after  their  con- 
struction. The  great  Roman  Forum  was  beautified 
by  Lucius,  at  the  foot  of  the  Saturnian,  after  the  drain 
beneath  it  was  completed.  The  Forum  of  Romulus 
and  Tatius  must  have  been  upon  the  hill,  and  not 

below  it.  . 

Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  such  an  idea 
and    such'' a   performance,   for   a   scientific,   large- 
minded   and  rich  Etruscan  Lucumo,  because  drain- 
ing,  mining  and  tunnelling  were  the   very  spirit  of 
his  nation,  and  characterized  its    works  from    the 
valley  of  the   Po  and  the  Ticino,  throughout  the 
lakes,  marshes  and   valleys  of  Italy,  wherever  the 
Tuscans  had  settled.  ItLivy  had  been  in  his  heart,  as 
he  was  by  birth,  a  Tuscan  ;  and  if  he  had  composed 
a  Romance  of  a  Tarquinian  dynasty  once  ruling  in 
Rome,  the  common  sewers  is  certainly  the  first  work 
that  he  would  have  attributed  to  the  first  Lucumo. 
As  it  is,  the  coincidence  did   not  even   strike   him, 
and  he 'relates  it  from  the  legend  with  all  the  cool- 
•  Livy  i.  56.  t  Niebuhr  i.  n.  930. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  113 

ness  of  one  to  whom  the  early  Etruscan  greatness 
was  alike  a  thing  of  course,  and  a  matter  of  the  most 
profound  indifference. 

We   sui)pose    branches    of    these   colossal    sew- 
ers,  and  the    Circus   Maximus,  to  have    been    the 
only  two  great  works  commenced  and  finished  under 
the   first  Tarquinian    dynasty,  because  Lucius  cer- 
tainly only  chose  the  ground,  and  collected  the  mate- 
rials for  the  great  temple,  which  was  built  by  Tar- 
quinius  Superbus,  and  because  the  dynasty  which 
succeeded  his,  carried  on  and  completed  the  wall.  It 
may  be,  that  the   people  continued  to  labour  in  the 
sewers  as  well  as  at  the  wall,  under  the  Volsinian 
chiefs.     But  Livy  and  Pliny  speak  of  them  as  the 
works  of  the  Tarquinii  only.    They  say  that  because 
of  the  disagreeable   nature  of  the  employment,  its 
comparative  novelty  to  the  Latins,  the  rigour  with 
which  it  was  enforced,  and  because  the  free  men  were 
compelled  to  labour  along  with   Latin   slaves  un- 
der Etruscan  taskmasters,  they  groaned  with   their 
toil  and  travail,  and   loathed  it,  and   remembered 
it  with  horror.* 

Tarquinius  was,  notwithstanding,  a  very  popular 
and  glorious  sovereign,  and  the  Romans  remembered 
with  just  pride,  how  he  had  enlarged  their  dominions, 
beautified  their  city,  and  made  Rome  a  great  power 
in  Italy,  though  he  had  set  at  nought  theii-  Senate, 
extinguished  the  infiuence  of  the  Ramnes  and  the 
Titles,  and  forced  all  his  own  subjects,  as  well  as 
strangers,  to  contribute  to  his  public  works.     We 

•  Plin.xxxvi. 


114 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


1 
I 


need  not  stop  to  prove  that  Etruscan  men  of  science 
superintended  all  these  vast  constructions,  vast  even 
in  mere  idea,  when  it  is  from  Rome's  own  early  his- 
torians that  we  learn  how,  during  the  first  ages,  all 
her  noble  youth  were  sent  for  education  into  Etru- 
ria  and  how  she  had  no  native  artists  until  after  the 
building  of  the  temple  of  Ceres.* 

We  should,  perhaps,  explain  what  we  mean,  when 
we  say  that  the  "  Tarquinian  dynasty"  executed  so 
many  of  these  gigantic  works,  and  that  the  "  Volsi- 
nian  dynasty  '*  executed  others,  instead  of  the  usual 
phraseology,  that  Lucius  was  the  author  of  the 
former,  and  Servius  Mastarnaof  the  latter. 

Niebuhr  has  unquestionably  proved  that  the  early 
Roman  history  was  kept  in  memory,  not  so  much 
by  yearly  annals  as  by  popular  songs  and  legend- 
ary tales.  Hence  we  know  only  of  seven  kings  of 
Rome  during  a  space  of  two  hundred  and  forty- 
four  years,  each  one  of  these  being  an  elective  so- 
vereign, and  come  to  man's  estate  before  he 
mounted  the  throne,  and  all  but  two  of  them  quit- 
ting the  world  by  a  violent  death.  It  is  certain 
that  during  this  period,  there  were  many  more 
sovereigns,  not  only  in  every  state  of  Italy,  but  in 
every  kingdom  of  the  world.  It  is  probable  that 
Rome  had  at  least  twenty  monarchs  during  this 
period  ;  but,  as  in  the  monuments  of  Egypt — the 
stone  of  Abydos,  for  instance — we  frequently  find 
only  the  head  of  a  dynasty  put  for  the  whole;  so,  in 
Rome,  the  less  prominent  and  famous  kings  died 

*  Cicero. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


115 


without  any  enduring  record  ;  and  those  only  were 
remembered  who  were  the  authors  of  great  changes, 
the  others,  as  it  were,  merging  into  their  shadows. 

Thus  we  have  Romulus,  the  sacred  founder  of  the 
new  sacred  colony ;  Numa,  the  lawgiver ;  Tullus, 
the  father  of  the  conquered  Albans;  Ancus,  the 
patron  of  the  Italian  plebeian  party,  to  which  Rome 
was  a  refuge  and  support ;  Tarquin,  the  establisher 
of  Tuscan  rule  ;  and  so  forth.  Each  of  these  names 
including  within  it,  the  less  noted  followers  of  the 
paths  which  these  princes  marked  out.  Lucius  de- 
notes the  Tarquinian  rule  ;  and  probably  not  less 
than  four  Lucumoes  in  succession,  governed  in 
that  interest,  during  the  thirty-seven  years  given  to 
their  actual  sovereignty,  and  the  sixteen  years  at- 
tributed to  the  Resident  Lucumo  before  that  actual 
sovereignty  commenced.* 

Livy  makes  the  last  acts  of  sovereighty  in  Lucius 

*  It  may  throw  a  gleam  of  light  upon  this  subject  to  observe 
the  inconsistency  in  the  ages  of  the  so-called  father  and  son, 
Lucius  Tarquinius  the  ancient,  and  Tarquinius  Superbus, 
the  eldest  son  of  the  murdered  monarch  ;  who,  when  Mastarna 
succeeded,  was  only  nine  years  old.  Tarquinius  Priscus, 
according  to  the  legend,  was  upwards  of  five-and-twenty  when 
he  took  up  his  franchise  on  the  Janiculum,  or  he  could  not 
have  contended  for  a  place  in  his  own  Senate ;  and  he  must  have 
been  in  Rome  forty-three  years  before  this  child  was  born.  It 
is  certain  that  the  ages  of  the  princes  usually  styled  first  and 
second  Tarquin  do  not  harmonize  in  such  a  way  as  to  admit  of 
their  having  been  father  and  son.  They  doubtless  belonged 
to  the  same  family,  and  the  one  was  probably  a  more  remote 
descendant  of  the  other. 


i 


f 


116 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


to  have  been  marking  out  the  ground  for  the  great 
Triune  Temple  of  Saturnia,  and  yielding  up  his  power 
by  treaty  to  the  Volsinian  prince,  Mastarna,  the  cap- 
tain of  the  Etruscan  malcontents,  and  best  known  to 
us  as  Servius  Tullius.     According  to  the  legend,  the 
great  Tanaquil  herself  superintended  the  education  of 
thisyouth,who,like  all  the  Italian  princes  in  the  early 
ages,  was  carefully  brought  up  to  fill  stations  of  the 
highest  power  and  trust.     And  when  Tarquin  and 
Tanaquil  found  (which  they  could  only  do  by  trial) 
that  he  was  worthy  of  a  crown,  they  set  aside,   in 
his  favour,  their  own  children,  Lucius  and  Aruns, 
and    helped    him    to   ascend    the    throne    in   their 
place. 

Human  romance,  affectation,  and  folly,  could  go 
no  further.     Let  us  note  the  inconsistencies  of  the 
story.     The  young  Tarquinii,  though  fierce  and  un- 
scrupulous, arbitrary  and  haughty,  meekly  submit  to 
TanaquiFs  superior  judgment.  On  the  other  hand, the 
house  of  the  ISIarcii,  the  race  of  Numa  and  Ancus, 
weary  of  the  Tuscan    rule,  are    made    to    conspire 
against  the  Lucumo  and  slay  him,  deriving  therefrom 
no  benefit  to  themselves  or  to  the  Latin  and  Sabine 
element  in  the  state,  but  quietly  retiring,  after  hav- 
ing done    the  deed,    not  even   leaving  the  way  of 
succession  to  the  ambitious  family  of  their  victim, 
but  to  a  stranger  and  foreigner,  a  man  of  a  different 
political  party,  whom  that  family  put  forward,  and 
to  whom   they  yielded  all  their  claims.     Such  was 
the  turn  of  the   Roman   song,  and  it  was  pleasing 
and  familiar  to  the  ears  of  the  people. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DY^ASTY    IN    ROME.  117 

From  Livy*s  account  we  may  gather  that  in  the 
early  lay,  Servius  Mastarna  was   represented   as  a 
fiery.headed  youth,  who  came  upon  the  Tarquinian 
royal  family  as  by  miracle  ;  that  Tarquin  hesitated  as 
to  what  part  he  should  act  in  o])posing  him,  and  how 
far  he  could  do  so  with  effect;  and  that  Tanaquil,* 
or   the  queen   who  filled  her   place,  insisted  upon 
propitiating  him,  and  bound   him   to  them  by  mar- 
riage,  by  allowing  his  followers  equal   rights   and 
privileges  with    the   Romans,  and   by   securing    to 
him,  on  their  decease,  his  own  accession  to  supreme 
dominion.     His  mother  was  Ocrisia,  a  captive  lady, 
wife  to  the  chief  of  Corniculum,  or  more  probably,' 
according  to  the  Etruscan   tale,  wife  of  the  chief  of 
Cortinessa,  close  to  Tarquinia,  who,  in  the  civil  wars 
which   then   raged  throughout  Etruria,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Celes  Vibenna  of  Voisinia  ;    and   thus 
the  child  was   brought  up  by  him,   and   became  his 
disci[)le  and  companion. 

Midler  believes  that  during  the  first  Tarquinian 
dynasty,  Rome  was  the  great  border  fort  of  Etruria, 
maintaining  her  supremacy  over  the  Sabines  and 
Latins,  and  that  Celes  Vibenna  and  Mastarna  con- 
quered  the  state,  and  thus  introduced  a  hostile  and 
independent  dynasty,  in  which  they  endeavoured  to 
workout  iheir  own  beau  ideal  of  a  perfect  Italian 
constitution. 

*  There  is  another  queen,  Gaia  Cecilia,  named  by  Roman 
»>istonans  instead  of  Tanaquil ;  and  she  must  have  been  the 
second  wife  of  Lucius,  or,  much  more  probably,  the  wife  of  one  of 
the  successors  of  Lucius,  as  head  of  the  first  Tarquinian  dynasty 


I 


118 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Almost  all  this  account  which  we  have  hitherto 
related,  is  fron.  Livy.     Uionysius  ♦  varies  from  h.m 
consiJerably,  and  adds  .nuch  to  our  knowledge  of 
what  more  the  legends  relate  of  the  first  Tarquin.an 
rule      He  says  that  after  the  Latin  forces  had  been 
defeated  at  Pidene,  an  assembly  of  that  nation  was 
held  at  Feronia,in  which  they  decreed  to  ally  them- 
selves with  the   Sabincs  and  Tuscans  against  the 
arrogant  and  dangerous  Tarquin.     These  Tuscans, 
with  who,.,   the  Latins  and  Sabines   allied    them- 
selves  against  the  Tarquinian  power  in  Rome,  must 
have  been  the  discontented  or  liberal  faction  headed 
by  Cale  Fipi.     It  is  a  question  more  easily  asked 
than  answered,  whether  Mastarna  was  actually  en- 
gaged in  this  contest,  or  whether  it  took  place  before 
theEtruscans  of  his  party  had  gained  their  settlement 
on  the  CoBlian  Mount.  It  must  suffice  us  to  know  that 
the  army  of  the  liberal  faction,  after  an  unsuccessful 
strucr-'le  in  many  states  of  the  league,  invaded  the 
terrUory  of  Itome-then  the  stronghold  of  aristo- 
cracy-under  their  warlike  leader,  Cale  F.pi,  and 
his  lieutenant,  Mastarna.      After  several    defeats 
their  ambitious  attempts  were,  ultimately  crowned 
with  success ;    they   first  gained  a  footing   on   the 
CoBlian,  and   in  time,   obtained    a    predominatmg 
influence  in  the  Holy  City. 

The  united  Latin,  Sabine  and  Tuscan  array  was 
twice  defeated  in  pitched  battles,  and  then  sued  for 
peace,  which  Tarquin  granted,  as  regarded  the 
Latins,  on  condition  of  tribute,  and  that  he  should 

♦  L.  iii. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.         119 

be  admitted  to  share  the  command  of  their  armies 
along  witli  the  chief  princes  of  Latium.     This  we 
learn,  because  it  is  a  claim  advanced  by  Tarquinius 
Superbus,  and  not  denied   by  the  Latins.     Lucius 
also  at  this  time,  doubled  his  six  equestrian  centuries- 
that  is,  he  added  to  them  an  equal  number  of  Latin 
cavalry,*  and   they  served   together  in  Maniples; 
for  as  the  army  was  Lucius's  army,  he  gave  to  it  his 
own  discipline.     The  Romans  were  at  this  time,  in 
command    of   the    Latin    armies;    for    Tarquinian 
Rome,   under  the  dynasty  of  the  Lucumoes,  was 
queen  of  the  Priscan   Latins.     If  Priscus  has  any 
other   meaning    than   "  ancient,"  or    «  elder,"   or 
first,"— if  it  is  a  substantive,  and   not  an  adjective 
Lucius  Tarquinius   Priscus  must  now  have  taken 
this  cognomen,  and  must  have  won  it  as  a  title  of 
honour,  after  his  triumphant  treaty  with  the  Priscan 
Latins.     Livy  gives  the  name  of  "  Prisci  Latini," 
not  to  any  particular  tribe,  but  to  all  the  Alba'n 
Latins,  as  well  as  to  those  whom  Niebuhr  wishes  to 
distinguisii  from  them  ;  and  we  do  not  believe  that 
this  word  in  general  is  capable  of  any  other  transla- 
tion  than  that  of"  ancient,"~a  mere  adjective,  con- 
stantly repeated  before  certain  substantives,  in  the 
old   ballad   form,   like  the  "  wicked  Tarquin,"  the 
"  false  Sextus,"  or  the  "  brave  Herdonius." 

Dionysius  does  not  detail  the  terms  of  this  treaty 
with  the  Latins,  but  says  that  their  Tuscan  allies  sent 
themselves  to  the  king  to  demand  the  release  of  their 
men  who  were  prisoners;  upon  which  Tarquin  detain- 

•  Nieb.  1.  n.  892 ;  ii.  n.  35. 


120 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA 


ed  the  au.bassadors,  and  the  twelve  states  were  so  an- 
gry at  this  breach  of  national  law  that  they  declared  a 
general   war  against    him,   and    decreed    that   any 
Lucumouv   which  stood   neuter  should   be  cut  oft* 
from  the  alliance.     The  Tuscans  then  ravaged  the 
Roman  lands,  and  mastered  Fidene  by  treachery  ; 
but,  upon  Lucius  coming  against  them  with   Colla- 
tinus  and  his  new  Latin  and  Sabine  allies,  they  were 
defeated,  first  near  Veii,  and  then  near  Cere.     Fi- 
dene was  re-taken,  the  traitors  in  it  being  wliipped 
to  death,  and   their  lands  forfeited.     The  Tuscan, 
were  a  second  time   defeated,  near  Eretun,  by  the 
united  army   of  Romans,  Latins,  and  Sabines,  and 
the  war  lasted,  altogether,  nine  years.     The  Tuscan 
Lucumoes    then    concluded    a  peace  with  the  Tar- 
quinian  Lueumo  of  Rome,  and   admitted   him   into 
their  own  alliance,  giving  him  all   the  honours  of  a 
Tuscan  king.     They  sent  hi.i.  a  crown  of  gold,  a 
throne  of  ivory,  a  sceptre  surmounted  by  an  eagle, 
a  tunic  embroidered   with   gold  and   adorned  with 
figures  of  palm  branches,  and   a  purple  robe  em- 
broidered in  flowers  of  various  colours ;  and  these 
he  wore  at  his  triumph,  and  never  afterwards  laid 

aside. 

^Vhen   Lucius  was  admitted    into  the    Etruscan 

league,— when  he  also  could  appear  at  the  meeting 
of  Voltumna,  and  i)Ut  in  his  claim  to  lead  the  armies 
of  Turrhenia,  and  to  be  saluted  as  Embratur,  or 
Emperor,  by  her  troops,  he  seems  to  have  attained 
the  summit  of  his  ambition  ;  and  he  used  hence- 
forth to  appear  in  public  in  a  gilt  chariot,  drawn 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  121 

by  four  horses,  and  clothed,  like  the  monarchs  of 
the  East,  in  purple  and  gold,  with  the  crown  upon 
his  head,  the  sceptre  in  his  hand,  and  attended 
by  the  twelve  Lictors  with  the  axes  and  fasces. 

The  great  Tarquinian  Lueumo,  who,  from  a  Resi- 
dent,  became  a  Sovereign  in  Rome,  in  order  to  check 
the  rising  spirit  of  the  Plebeians,  was   lord    para- 
mount, not  only  of  the  Priscan   Latins,  but  of  Tyr- 
rhenian Latium  also.    He  governed  Ardea,  Antium, 
Circeii  and  Terracina;  lands  of  the  Rutuli  and  the 
Volsci,  but  which  belonged    to   Tarquinian  Rome 
when  the  second  Tarquin  was  deposed,  and  which, 
not  Imving   been   conquered  either  by  him  or  by 
Mastarna,  their    acquisition    must    necessarily    fall 
within  this  period.     Their  subjection  is  monumental 
as  well  as  historical ;  for  their  names  were  engraved 
upon    the    brazen  tables  seen   by   Polybius,  ^vliich 
contained  the   Roman  treaty  witii   Carthage    made 
in  the  flr^t  year  after  Superbns's   deposition      The 
wholo  western  coast  of  Italy  from    Luna  to  Phistu, 
with  the  exception  of  Curaa  and    Parthenope,  was' 
at  this  time  in  the  possession   of  the  Tyrrhenians ; 
and  Lucius  Tarquinius,  under  whose  auspices  Ostia 
was  built,  first  introduced  Rome  into  the  Tyrrhe- 
nian   maritime    and     commercial    world.       It   was 
under  his  protection*  that  L'Aricia  f  and  Laurentum 
sent  forth  their  ships  to  sail  in  company  with   the 
justice-loving  Cerites  and  the  enterprising  Populo- 
nians.     Niebuhr  (vol.  i.)^  in  his  critique   upon  the 

•  Nieb.i.  11.1131-1183.  t  Dion.vii. 

X  vol.  i.  n.  929. 

G 


19.2 


HISTORY    OF    KTRUUIA. 


Tarquins  and  Serviiis,  says  that  the  union  of 
Rome  at  one  time  with  Etruria,  is  one  of  the  few 
facts  of  the  historic  age,-that  she  received  from 
that  country  her  lasting  institutions,  and  was  the 
.rreat  and  splendid  capital  of  an  Etruscan  state, 
probably  of  an  Etruscan  king,  who  executed  the 
Lij^antic  works  which  still  attest  his  power  and 
macrnificence,  and  who  was  identified  with  Tarqui- 
nius.  Strabo  (v.  220)  speaks  of  Tarquin  as  a  bene- 
factor  to  Etruria ;  but  it  is  not  impossible  that  he 
luay  have  confounded  him  with  Tarchun,  the  on- 
ffinal  hero  and  leader  of  the  Rasena. 

What  parts  of  the  inconsistent  story  of  Tarqui- 
nius  Priscus  and  ^lastarna  are  garbled  and  meta- 
morphosed,and  what  are  the  true  features  of  the 
case,  it  is  difficult  for  us  now  to  discover.     But  this 
is  certain,— that  when  the  Tarquinian  dynasty  in 
Rome  opposed  or  yielded  to  Celes  and  Mastarna,  it 
acted  singly,  and  without  compromising  any  state 
of   the    Etruscan    league,   unless,    perhaps,    Cere. 
Celes  and   Mastarna,  both   celebrated  warriors   of 
Volsinia,  and  patrons  of  the  plebeian  cause,  were 
driven  out  of  Etruria,  at  the  time  when  they  ap- 
peared before  Tarquinian   Rome,  and  by  force  or 
treaty,  established  themselves  upon  the    Lucerum, 
This  part  of  the  city  in   consequence,  changed  its 
name,  being  given  up  to  Celes  Vibenna.    It  was  his 
burial  place,   and   thenceforth    called    the    Ccelian 
Mount.    The  Tuscan  troops  who  joined  the  Latms 
andSabines,and  helped  them  against  Lucius,  were  the 
soldiers  of  these  liberal  chiefs;  and  the  twelve  states 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  123 

of  Etruria  seem  to  have  conferred  great  honour 
ui)on  the  Tarquinian  and  Roman  prince  who  ef- 
fected, though  but  temporarily,  their  discomfiture. 

Miiller   draws  from   this  story,  that  the    twelve 
states  of  Etruria  Proper  at  this  period,  owned  Tar- 
((uinia  as  their  head,  and   that  Rome  belonged  to 
rhc  league,  whilst  part  of  Latium,    weakeired  by 
tlie  destruction  of  Alba,  was  taken  into  the  Tuscan 
Isopolity  and  alliance.     The  Tarquinian  nobles  were 
all  Isopolite  in   Rome,  and   it   became   the   great 
boundary  city  of  Etruria  beyond  the  Tiber,  and  was 
for  this  cause,  strengthened   beyond  every  city  of 
Latium  or  Sabina.     We  have  again  and  again,  the 
Latin    testimony  that  the  glory  of  Rome   at    this 
period,  was  not  the  work  of  native  artists,  and  also 
that  under  the  kings,  Rome  was  a  far  more  regu- 
larly  built  and  beautiful  city  than  it  was  after  its 
restoration,   which    followed    the    burning    by   the 
Gauls.*     It  was  then  meanly  and   irregularly  re- 
constructed according  to  each  man's  fancy,  for  want 
of  public  funds  and  a  compelling  public  authority. 

♦  Livy  V.  52, 


G  2 


I 


124 


CHAPTER  VI. 

FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    BOME. 

PERIOD    THIRTY-SEVEN    YEARS. 

B.    C.    615    TO    578.      YEAR    OF    TARQUINIA    572. 

Celes  Vibenna  and  the  army  of  the  hberal  faction  gain  an  es- 
tablishment in  Rome— Tarquin  prepares  to  build  a  temple  to 
Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva-Opposition  and  fate  of  Attms 
Nffvius-Flight  of  the   Mareii  from  Rome— larqum  and 
Mastarna  reign  together-Death  of  Tarquin-Gaia  Ceciha- 
Memory  of  Tarquin  revered-Office  of  Quaestor- Idols  mtro- 
duced  into  Rome  by  Tarquin-Troubles  in  Etruria- Frag- 
ment of  Etruscan  history  by  Claudius,  preserved  m  an  m- 
scription-Birth   and  early  history  of  Mastarna-Northern 
states  of  Etruria  poUtically  opposed  to  the  southern-Ruin  of 
Vetulonia— The  admission  of  Mastarna  and  the  party  of  Celes 
Vibenna  into  the  Roman  state  gives  tranquillity  to  Etruria- 
The  Etruscan  league  on  the  banks  of  the  Po-Invasions  of 
the  Gauls-Settlement  of  the  Gauls  at  Milan-Intercourse  of 
the  Etruscans  with  foreign  states. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  a  most  important  period 
of  Etruscan  history,  when  the  struggles  of  political 
faction  reached  their  height,  and  by  their  violence 
shook  the  League  to  its  very  centre.   Discord,  which 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  125 

had  for  some  generations  existed  between  the  dif- 
ferent states,  had  now  broken  out  in  open  war 
The  party  who  were  discontented  with  the  existing 
state  of  things  formed  themselves  into  hostile  array, 
and  sent  forth  bands,  to  compel  the  extension  of 
those  privileges  which  were  denied  to  their  demands. 
The  army  of  the  insurgents  found  an  able  leader 
in  Cale  Fipi,or  Celes  Vibenna,  a  noble  of  Volsinia; 
but  we  are  unable  to  follow  its  progress,  or  to  trace 
its  martial  achievements  in  any  detail.  We  only 
know  that  war  was  carried  on  throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  Etruria,  and  that  the  efforts  of  the 
insurgents  were,  on  the  whole,  unsuccessful.  The 
system  of  government  in  the  different  states  does 
not  appear  to  have  undergone  any  material  chano-e; 
and  the  power  of  the  aristocracy,  though  siiaken, 
still  continued  generally  to  predominate. 

Having  traversed  Etruria,  Celes  Vibenna  and  his 
army  appeared  before  Rome,  where,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  aristocratic  principle  had  established  itself, 
as  in  a  sure  fastness,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Tar- 
quinian  Resident,  now  King,  by  the  name  of  Lucius. 
Here,  although  with  varied  fortune,  the  liberal 
cause  had  ultimately  better  success  than  elsewhere. 
The  Etruscan  army,  with  their  Latin  and  Sabine 
allies,  had  indeed  sustained  defeat  from  the  able 
and  powerful  Tarquinian  prince  ;  but,  notwithstand- 
ing temporary  discomfiture,  Celes  Vibenna  and  his 
host  obtained,  either  by  force  of  arms  or  by  treaty, 
a  settlement  in  Rome,  on  the  Coelian  Mount,  and  a 


126 


HISTORY  OF   ETRURIA. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  127 


recognized    status    and   position    in   the  common- 
wealth. 

When  masters  of  the  Coelian,  Cale  Fipi,  Mastarna, 
and  their  followers,  were  at  first  mere  Plebeians, 
as  concerned  the  Roman  government,  having  Roman 
lands  and  rights,  but  not  belonging  to  the  Popu- 
lus.  The  Curiae,  however,  presently  found  that  it 
concerned  their  own  safety  to  elect  them  members, 
and  to  pronounce  them  eligible  for  the  Senate,  and 
possessors  of  all  the  rights  and  privileges  which  had 
formerly  been  conquered  by  the  Sabines  from  the 
original  Albans,  and  which  never  were  yielded  but 
to  conquest  alone.  Mastarna,  the  fiery-headed, 
seems  to  have  exacted  the  same  terms  from  Lucius 
which  Tatius  did  from  Romulus, — he  governed 
with  him  whilst  living,  and  succeeded  him  when 
dead. 

It  is  very  unlikely  that  the  aristocratic  part  of 
the  twelve  states  of  Etruria  were  ever  at  war  with 
the  Lucumo  of  Rome,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that 
they  never  did  him  homage.  H(;  never  besieged 
one  single  city  in  that  wide  and  flourishing  domain, 
and  the  Roman  troops  never  crossed  the  Mons 
Ciminus  in  Faleria,  until  three  centuries  after  his 
reign.  Nor  did  the  Roman  prince  ever  attempt  to 
command  the  Tuscans  as  a  Lord  over  them,  or  to 
make  any  progress,  except  in  peace,  through  their 
country.  He  may  have  joined  in  the  feasts  of  Iku- 
vine  and  Voltumna,  but  he  never  visited  Arezzo,  or 
anv  of  the  states  of  the  north,  which   are  said  to 


have  been  at  strife  with  him,  and  which  tried  their 
strength  against  the  states  of  the  south  during  the 
war  of  liberalism  carried  on   by  Cale  Fipi  of  Vol- 


sinia. 


Ill 


We  doubt  not  that  the  great  civil  contests  of  Etruria 
lasted  for  nine  years,  as  the  legend  says,  and  that 
Rome,  during  that  time,  supported  Tarquinia,  and 
fought  until  obliged  to  yield  both  rights  and  territory 
to  Vibenna  and  the  Plebeian  party.  In  the  second  war 
with  the  Sabines,  Dionysius  makes  the  king  divide  his 
army  into  three  parts :  one  under  himself,  the  second 
under  his  younger  son,  Aruns,  (instead  of  Egerius 
Collatinus,)  and  the  third  under  Mastarna,  now  his 
colleague  in  everything,  and  filling  to  him  the 
same  place,  of  first  in  council  and  bravest  in  the 
field,  which  had  formerly  been  occupied  by  himself 
to  King  Ancus  Marcius.  Thus  his  whole  force  was 
under  the  command  of  Etruscan  chiefs.  The  Sa- 
bines, being  vanquished,  delivered  up  their  strong- 
holds to  the  king  on  honourable  conditions — i.  e., 
they  became,  in  their  turn,  Roman  Plebs — and 
the  king  gave  back  the  prisoners  without  ransom, 
and  entered  the  city  in  the  glorious  triumph  of 
the  Etruscans. 

Lucius  now  desired  to  fulfil  his  vow  concerning 
the  great  temple  of  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva^ 
and  he  consulted  the  celebrated  augur,  Attius 
NaBvius,  as  to  its  most  pro]>itious  site.  The  Sabine 
fixed  uj)on  his  own  hill,  Saturnia,  near  the  spot 
where  Tatius  and  Romulus  first  sacrificed  together. 
And  doubtless  there  could  not  possibly  be  a  more 


128 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY  IN  ROMB. 


129 


imposing  representation  of  the  indissoluble  union  of 
the  three  tribes  and  nations,  than  that  on  this  very 
spot  the  Tuscans  should  enthrone  and  worship  their 
<»Teat   god  of  gods.       Lucius    had  the  top    of  the 
Tarpeian  levelled, and  the  ground  plan  of  his  temple 
marked    out.     But    then  arose   a    great    difficulty. 
This  part  of  the  hill  was  full  of  shrines,— and  by  the 
laws  of  Tages,  no  nation  was  to  put  away  its  gods- 
Lucius  may  have  hoped,  by  this  unlooked-for  ob- 
stacle, to  remove  his  temple  to  some  of  the  original 
Tuscan  stations,  to  the  Janiculum,  the  Vatican,  or 
even  the  CcBlian.     But  the  immoveable  augur  again 
consulted   his  signs,  and  gave  for  answer,  that  all 
the  gods  were  willing  to  move  and  make  way  for 
Jupiter,  excepting  only  two,— Juventus,  or  Youth, 
and   Tenninus,    the   Etruscan    god    of  boundaries, 
adopted  and  fixed  there    by    Numa.      These    two 
would  not    move;    for    Rome    was   always    to    be 
voun<>-,  and  her  boundaries  were  not  to  be  invaded 
by  her  enemies.     Lucius  again  bowed  to  the  Sabine 
seer,  and  enclosed  the  two  altars  within  his  temple. 
But  his  purpose  had   been  balked.     Attius  was  too 
influential    and    troublesome,  and    he  disappeared. 
The  house  of  the  Marcii  said  that  the  King  had  caused 
his  death  ;  but  he  proved  himself  innocent,  and  the 
Populus  (the  principal  part  of  whom  were  his  crea- 
tures) were  so  angry  with  the  Marcii   that    they 
were  obliged  to  banish  themselves  in  order  to  save 
their  lives.     They  retired  to  Suessa  Pometia  of  the 
Volsci.     Servius  Mastarna  summoned  them  in  the 
kinir's  name  to  answer  for  their  malice,  and  on  their 


111 


non-appearance,  he  declared  their  persons  infa- 
mous, and  their  lands  confiscated.  He  thus,  by  the 
happiest  fortune  for  himself,  got  rid  of  those  who 
might  hereafter  have  been  troublesome  competitors 
for  the  supreme  power.  Lucius  then  erected  a 
bronze  statue  to  Attius,  and  the  commotion  was  ap- 
peased. 

Lucius  appointed  two  Vestal  Virgins  to  represent 
the  women  of  the  third  tribe,  which  he  had  placed 
in  the  Senate,  and  he  caused  one  virgin  Pinaria, 
who  had  broken  her  vows,  to  be  burned  alive. 
From  this  we  gather  that  he  filled  the  office  of 
Pontifex  Maximus,  and  this  punishment  was  intro- 
duced from  Etruria.  He  erected  schools  for  youth, 
and  courts  of  justice  in  the  Forum,  and  seems  to 
have  laboured  zealously  for  the  improvement  and 
civilization  of  the  state  which  he  ruled. 

It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  conceive  the  position  of 
the  Roman  government,  and  the  degree  of  this  king's 
power,  during  the  latter  years  of  his  reign.  Notwith- 
standing the  uncompromising  aristocratic  spirit 
which  had  grown  with  his  growth  and  strengthened 
with  his  strength,  and  by  which  he  was  actuated  alike 
in  the  Tarquinian  Patriciate,  and  on  the  Roman 
throne,  he  at  length  found  himself  compelled  to  yield, 
in  a  measure,  to  an  opposite  element.  He  received 
into  his  state  a  large  accession  of  the  liberal  faction, 
and  even  was  obliged  to  admit  the  chief  of  this  faction 
to  a  share  in  his  government.  How  the  unbending 
aristocrat  of  Tarquinia  and  the  Lieutenant  and  suc- 
cessor ofCale  Fipi,the  Volsinian  patron  of  the  Ple- 

G  5 


130 


HISTORY   OF  ETRl'RIA. 


beians  could  act  in  concert,  nay,  even  reign  together, 
is  one  of  those  strange  inconsistencies  which  seein  im- 
possible in  theory,  but  which  sometiines  practical  y 
occur,  which  are  matters  of  historical  fact,  but  >vhich, 
on  account  of  improbability,  would  be  discarded  from 
well-rejculated  fiction. 

Perhaps  some  solution  of  the  difficulty  may  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  Lucius  and  Mastarna  were 
both  Etruscans,  and  that  the  scene  of  their  rule  was  a 
state,  properly  speaking,  not  Etruscan,  though  in  it 
Etruscan   influence   predominated.      It    is  possible 
that  the  great  political   differences    which  existed 
between  them,  may  have  been,  in  a  measure,  merged 
in  the  consideration  of  their  ruling  together  over  a 
forei-n  city.     And  the  fact  of  the  deadly  animosity 
of  the  Sabine   party,  and   of  the   retainers  ol  the 
royal   Marcian  house,  makes  this  still   more  pro- 
bable       The   threatening   attitude    of    a   common 
enemy  often  brings  to   unity  those  who  otherwise 
disa-ree.     Another  solution   of  the   difficulty,  and 
one  which,  we  confess,  seems  the  most  probable,  is 
the  theory  which  has  already  been  adverted  to,  of 
the  reign   of  Lucius  Tarquinius  Priscus  in   Rome, 
being  tl.e  reign  of  a  dynasty  rather  than  of  an  indi- 
vidull      Under  Lucius,  several  successive  kings  are 
probably  comprehended.  The  Tarquin  who  admitted 
Mastarna  to  a  share  of  his  supreme  prerogative  was 
not   the   original  founder  of   the  dynasty,  but  one 

of  his  successors. 

But  to  return  to  our  story.    The  Marcu,  from 
their  banishment,  plotted  the  death  of  Lucius,  and 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.         131 

hired  two  peasants,  one  of  whom  killed  him  with  a 
hatchet,  whilst  he  was  listening  to  the  complaints  of 
the  other.  Tanaquil  is  now  again  brought  upon  the 
scene,  as  a  personification  of  courage,  wisdom  and 
strength  of  mind,  an  ideal  of  the  educated  and 
high-minded  Etruscan  woman.  She  ordered  the 
palace  to  be  cleared,  and  no  one  to  be  admitted,  and 
she  shut  herself  up  with  Servius  Mastarna,  his 
mother,  and  his  wife,  and  desired  him  to  assume  the 
kingly  authority,  to  administer  justice  in  the  king's 
name,  and  to  mount  the  vacant  throne.  She  then 
appeared  at  a  window,  and  told  the  people  that  their 
monarch  was  merely  stunned,  and  that  his  chief  mi- 
nister Servius  would  act  for  him  until  he  was  recover- 
ed. Servius,  whotn  from  this  account,  we  must  believe 
to  have  been  the  Gustos  Urbis,  accordingly  put  on 
the  royal  robes,  sat  in  the  king's  chair,  was  attended 
by  the  Lictors,  heard  cases  from  the  throne,  and  pro- 
mised to  report  them  to  the  king.  This  conduct  he 
continued  until  he  felt  his  power  to  be  secure,  and 
then  he  proclaimed  the  sovereign's  death  as  an  event 
which  had  just  happened,  and  gave  him  a  magnifi- 
cent public  funeral. 

He  now  appeared  in  public  as  king,  clad  in  the 
royal  robes,  and  under  the  protection  of  a  strong 
guard.  Livy  says  he  had  the  consent  of  the  Popu- 
lus  (or  Curiae),  which  this  guard  may  possibly 
imply;  and  Dionysius  says  that  he  had  that 
of  the  Senate,  but  both  agree  that  in  his  first 
acts  he  set  at  naught  all  the  legal  authorities, 
and  that  he  owed   his  success  partly  to  fraud,  and 


132 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  133 


mainly  to  the  favour  of  an  energetic  woman.*  This 
woman  could  not  have  been  the  Tanaquil  who  came 
with  the  Tarquinian  Lucumo  to  Rome.  But  it  was 
the  lofty  spirit  of  that  Tanaquil  in  the  bosom  of  an- 
other,  and  perhaps  of  Gaia  Cecilia,t  wife  to  one  of 
the  dynasty,  whose  spindle  was  hung  up  and  pre- 
served in  the  temple  of  Hercules,  at  Rome  J  Her- 
cules was  the  Etruscan  husband  of  Minerva,  and 
this  spindle  in  his  temple  forcibly  reminds  us  of  the 
armed  Palladium  with  the  distaff,  at  Siris,  near 
Crotona. 

Niebuhr  says  §  that  the  name  of  Lucius  Tarqui- 

nius  is  memorable  because  with  him  begins  the  real 

grandeur  and  splendour  of  the  city ;  and  he  proves, 

as    we    have   already  remarked,  that  the  common 

sewers   must   have   been  undertaken  amongst  the 

very  earliest  of  his  works,  because  it  was  on  the 

ground  thus  drained,  that  he  built  the  Circus  Maxi- 

mus  and  the  arcades  of  the  Forum.     He  likewise 

redeemed  the  land  down  to  the  lower  Suburra,  and 

embanked  the  Tiber.     He  believes  that  all  these 

were  executed    by  severe  task-work,  but  yet  that 

Tarquin  strove  to  lighten  and  cheer  the  labour  of 

the  people,  by  giving  theui  games  and  amusements, 

and  interesting  them  with  religious  processions  and 

war-dances.  II     Certain    it  is  that  his  memory  was 

honoured  and   cherished  by  the  children   of  those 

*  Dion.  Hal.  iv. 

t  Gaia  and  Caelia  are  both  Tuscan  names. — Miiller  Etriisker. 
Hypogeum. 
X  Plin.  iii.  7.  §  i-  about  n.  892.  ||  Dion.  vii. 


who  had  endured  these  labours,  and  the  Romans 
remembered  him  with  so  much  fondness,  that  in 
time  they  imputed  all  their  miseries  only  to  the 
proud,  though  not  less  glorious TarquiniusSuperbus. 
Livy  (ii.)  says,  that  had  monarchy  been  abolished 
before  the  tyranny  of  the  second  Tarquin,  it  would 
have  been  the  destruction  of  Rome,  as  the  kings  all 
reigned  for  the  good  of  the  commonwealth,  and 
were  necessary,  in  order  to  bring  about  its  develop- 
ment. 

One  other  reason  why  the  Romans  forgave 
Lucius  the  despotism  by  which  he  made  them  great, 
was,  that  all  classes  alike,  his  own  Centuries,  his 
favoured  Luceres,  his  own  clan,  and  his  new 
subjects,  were  obliged  to  contribute  their  share 
without  any  partiality.  Tlie  Patricians  were  forced 
to  pay  the  tenth  of  their  olive,  vine,  and  pasture 
lands,  and  were  not  allowed  to  have  any  portion  of 
their  estates  uninhabited  and  uncultivated.  They 
were,  indeed,  not  free  during  this  dynasty,  but  they 
were  equally  and  wisely  governed;  and  though  the 
sovereign  insisted  upon  having  his  one-tenth  of 
what  the  land  ought  to  yield,  the  other  nine-tenths 
were  secured  in  full  to  the  rightful  owners,  so  that 
his  despotism  was  that  of  a  father,  and  turned  most 
to  the  benefit  of  those  who  submitted  to  it  most 
iuiplicitly.  Each  head  of  a  house  was  obliged  to 
give  land  to  every  free  husbandman  amongst  his 
followers.* 

The  common  sewers  and    the   Circus    Maximus 

♦  Niebuhr,  vol.  ii.  n.  347. 


134 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


were  chiefly  built  from  the  spoils  of  the  Latins 
and  Sabines,  and  they  furnished  the  provision  which 
the  Lucunio  made  for  the  great  temple  of  Jupiter, 
and  which  Plutarch  (in  Poplicola)  estimates  at 
thirty  thousand  weight  of  silver,  that  is  to  say,  the 
cost  of  the  materials  was  equal  to  this  value.  Livy, 
after  Fabius  Pictor,  says,  with  more  probability, 
that  their  worth  was  only  forty  talents,  i.  e.  £7750. 
In  order  that  the  spoils  might  be  fairly  ap- 
preciated, and  that  the  king  and  soldier  might 
each  receive  his  due  portion,  Lucius  appointed  two 
Patrician  officers  constantly  to  attend  the  camp,  in 
whose  presence  every  article  was  to  be  valued  before 
any  could  be  apj)ropriated,  and  who  were  account- 
able for  the  whole  amount  to  the  public  treasury, 
which  belonged  to  the  three  tribes,  in  equal  shares. 
They  were  called  Quaestors,  and  after  the  expulsion  of 
the  kings  from  Rome,  their  term  of  office  was  limited 
to  a  year.  It  was  their  duty  in  the  city  to  receive 
and  attend  ambassadors,  and  to  provide  them  with 
lod"-in£rs  and  other  necessaries  at  the  public  ex- 
pense.  Tacitus  says  *  that  the  sovereign  or  repre- 
sentative of  the  sovereign  had  alone  the  power  of 
electing  them  until  the  time  of  the  Decemviri.  In 
Etruria,  they  would  probably  be  appointed  by  the 
chiefs  of  each  state.  Some  writers  attribute  the 
introduction  of  these  officers  to  Tullus  Hostilius, 
after  the  fall  of  Alba,  and  some  would  make  them 
as  late  as  Mastarna.  But  it  is  evident  that  Lucius, 
the  funds  for  w  hose  magnificent  works  were,  in  the 

*  Ann.  xi.  22. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.         135 

first  instance,  supplied  by  his  spoils,  and  who  is 
never  accused  of  having  withheld  their  lawful  por- 
tion from  his  soldiers,  must  have  had  officers  w^hose 
duty  it  was  to  see  them  fairly  valued.  That  any 
ancient  author  should  have  postponed  them  to  the 
dynasty  of  Mastarna  is  a  clear  proof  that  their 
existence  cannot  be  established  before  Rome  came 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Etruscans. 

Lucius  Tarquinius,  according  to  the  legend,  at 
his  death,  left  two  sons,*  Lucius  or  Lucumo,  and 
Aruns,  and  two  daughters,  one  married  to  Mastarna, 
and  another  to  Junius,t  a  Patrician  of  the  Alban 
race,  from  Bovilla,  whose  ancestor  came  to  Rome  with 
the  first  colonizers.      Besides    many  large  private 
estates,  the  Tarquinii  possessed  a  beautiful  palace 
within  the  city  near  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  with 
a  fine  portico,  for  which  Tarquinius  Superbus  claimed 
compensation  when  he  was  banished  for  the  crimes 
of  his  son.     Lucius  introduced  idols  in  human  form, 
as  they  were  worshipped  by  the  Tuscans.     Before 
this  time,  the  Romans  adored  stones,  and  birds,  and 
beasts  and  voices,  but  not  the  figures  of  men  and 
women.      Lucius  is  said  also  to  have   introduced 
human  sacrifices,  but  no  instances  are  mentioned, 
and  therefore  we  think  it  is  a  mistake.     He  did  not 
sacrifice  his  prisoners,  and  the  Tuscan  offerings  of  a 
bull,  a  sheep,  and  a  pig,  were  coeval  with  the  found- 
ing  of  Rome,  and  were  used  under  the  sway  of  all 
lier  Latin  and  Sabine  kings. 

*  Livy  i.  39. 

t  Junius  Brutus  was  the  descendant  of  this  marriage. 


136 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


During  the  whole  time  that  Tarqainia  exercised 
her  authority  for  good  or  for  evil  over  this  frontier 
city  Etruria  Proper  was  distracted  with  civil  com- 
motions, and  with  the  fear  of  an  invading  enemy. 
Her  period  of  tranquillity  and  greatest  prosperity 
was  over,  her  youth  was  gone,  and  from  this  time, 
even  though  she  extended  herself  furthest  m  Italy, 
and  though  she  became  the  acknowledged  and  trium- 
phant head  of  the  Sabincs  and  the  Priscan  Latins,  she 
gradually  began  to  decline.     Livy  no  more  speaks 
of  her.  as  he  did  in  the  days  of  Ilostilius,  as  a  nation 
mighty  by  land  and  much  more  so  by  sea.     This  is 
no  longer  her  state  of  actual  existence,  but  when 
next  he  dilates  *  upon   her  greatness,  it  is  as  upon 
a  thing  which  has  passed  away. 

"  If,"  says  Niebuhr, "  we  had  the  Tuscan  annals 
of  this  period,  we  should  correct  the  Roman  history 
by  them,  and  accept  of  them  as  truth."  Let  us 
then  review  what  fragments  can  yet  be  collected 
from  the  general  wreck.  The  Emperor  Claudius 
wrote  the  history  of  this  nation,  and  one  very 
curious  passage,  uncontradicted  by  any  other  testi- 
mony,  has  been  preserved  in  a  public  inscription, 
dug  up  at  Lyons,  in  a.d.  1528.  ,  .  ,     '         .    , 

One  of  the  most  severe  losses  which  historical 
literature  has  sustained  is  that  of  tlie  twenty  books 
upon  Etruscan  History,  written  by  this  emperor. 
And  a  single  sentence  of  one  of  his  orations  which 
has  been  strangely  recovered  in  modern  times,  opens 
up  most  important  views  of  the  politics  of  ancient 

•  Livy  v.  33. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.         137 

Etruria.  It  is  recorded  in  the  eleventh  book  of  the 
Annals  of  Tacitus,  that  in  the  year  of  the  christian 
era  48,  the  chief  men  of  Gallia  Comata  presented  a 
petition  that  they  and  their  countrymen  might  be 
received  into  the  number  of  Roman  citizens.  Clau- 
dius himself  did  them  the  honour  to  advocate  their 
cause  before  the  Senate ;  and  as  a  motive  to  grant 
their  request,  he  gave  the  instances  of  strangers 
who  had  founded  the  most  illustrious  Roman  races, 
and  who  had  ruled  with  honour  the  Roman  com- 
monwealth. 

The  account  which  Tacitus  gives  of  this  oration 
is  imperfect,  as  he  has  omitted  some  of  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  instances  which  the  Emperor  cited. 
But  in  the  year  1528,  some  workmen  digging  near 
the  church  of  Saint  Sebastian,  at  Lyons,  found  a 
brazen  tablet  on  which  was  engraved  the  imperial 
oration,  which  had  thus  been  preserved  by  the  gra- 
titude of  the  Lvonese  Gauls,  for  the  instruction  of 
remote  posterity.  That  part  of  the  inscription 
which  bears  more  especially  upon  Etruscan  history, 
is  as  follows : — 

"  Quondam  Reges  banc  tenuere  urbem  nee 
tamen  domesticis  successoribus  earn  tradere  contigit. 
Snpervenere  alieni  et  quidam  externi  ut  Numa 
Romulo  successerit  ex  Sabinis  veniens,  vicinus 
quidem  sed  tunc  externus;  et  Anco  Martio,  Priscus 
Tarquinius  propter  temeratum  sanguinem,  quod 
patre  Demarato  Corinthio  natus  erat  ut  Tarquini- 
ensi  matre  generosa  sed  inopi  ut  qu«  tali  marito 
necesse  habuerit  succumbere.     Cum  domi  repellere- 


138 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


'.1 


tur  a  gerendis  honoribus,  postquain  Roinaui  migra- 
vit,  regiium  adeptus  est.  Huic  quoque  et  filio 
nepotive  ejus,  inertus  Servius  TuUius,  si  nostros 
sequiniur,  captiva  natus  Ocresia,  si  Tuscos,  CceIi 
quondam  Vibennae  sodalis  fidelissimus  omnisque 
ejus  casus  comes.  Postquam  varia  fortuna  exactus, 
cum  omnibus  reliquiis  Coeliani  exercitus  Etruria 
excessit.  Montem  Coelium  occupavit,  et  e  Duce 
suo  Coelio  ita  appellatur.  Mutataque  nomine  (nam 
Tusce  Mastarna  ei  nomen  erat)  appellatus  est  ut 
dixi,   et  regnum    cum  reipublicai  summa  utilitate 

obtinuit." 

Thus  we  are  informed  by  the  most  authentic 
sources  of  Roman  history,  that  Mastarna  was  a  Tus- 
can chief,  whom  the  Romans  named  Servius  Tullius, 
that  he  came  from  Volsinia,  and  that  he  was  the 
constant  companion  and  friend  in  arms  of  Cale 
Fipi,  of  Volsinia,  that  is,  of  Celes  Vibenna,  with 
whom  he  came  to  Rome,  Mastarna  was  thirty 
years  old  when  he  ascended  the  throne,  therefore  he 
was  born  in  the  seventh  year  of  Lucius's  reign,  and 
Niebuhr  (i.  n.  897)  gives  us  three  different  accounts 
of  his  birth.  I.  He  was  said  to  be  the  son  of  Ocrisia, 
and  the  Latin  Prince*  Tullius,  of  Corniculum,  born 
and  brought  up  in  Lucius*s  palace.  His  father 
fell  by  the  hand  of  Tarquin,  and  himself  and  his 
mother  were  TanaquiVs  slaves.  2.  He  was  said  to 
be  the  child  of  Ocrisia  and  a  Tuscan  Lar ;  or  of 
Sethlans,  the  god  of  tire.  3.  His  mother  was  said 
to  be   a    Tarquinian,    and   his   father   a   client  of 

*  Dion.  Hal.  ii. 


FIRST   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  139 

Lucius,  and  hence  he  was  a  servant  of  the  Tarquinii, 
adopted  and  raised  by  them  above  their  own 
children  and  all  the  proud  houses  of  Rome.  No 
king  in  Italy,  however  despotic,  would  have  ven- 
tured on  such  a  step,  and  no  senate  would  have  con- 
firmed it.  The  Tuscans  make  him  of  Volsinia, 
brought  up  by  the  prince  of  that  state,  and  both  his 
father  and  mother  may,  very  possibly,  have  been 
noble  captives  from  Tarquinia,  or  Cortenessa;  and 
Livy  says  he  cannot  believe  the  legend  that  he  was 
ever  a  slave. 

We  must  allow  twenty  years  to  pass  before  Mas- 
tarna could  distinguish  himself,  fighting  at  his  mas- 
ter's  side,  or  make  a  brave  stand  for  the  slaves,  the 
debtors,  and  above  all,  the  Plebeian  ranks  of  citi- 
zens in  Etruria,  whose  cause  he  so  enthusiastically 
espoused.  He  and  Celes  Vibenna  were  figuratively 
said  to  be  married  to  Nortia,  or  Etruscan  Fortune,* 
the  patron  goddess  of  Volsinia.  Mastarna  after- 
wards built  altars  to  her  in  every  part  of  Rome, 
erected  in  her  honour  a  shrine  upon  the  bounds  of 
the  Agger,  where  Coriolanusf  afterwards  halted 
his  conquering  Volsci,  called  her  his  Egeria,  and 
placed  his  image  in  her  temple  at  the  foot  of  the 
Esquiline. 

Mastarna  and  Vibenna  probably  carried  her 
image  about  with  them,  and  wore  her  scarabaeus 
under  some  Egyptian  form,  and  fought  under  her 
standard,  at  the  time  when,  Dionysius  (iii.)  tells  us, 
that  the  five  northern  states,  Rusella,  Perugia, 
*  Plut.  Qu8est.  Rom.  281.  f  Nieb. 


M 


140 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


141 


Volterra,   Aretium  (now    Arezzo),  and   Vetulonia, 
supported  the  Latins,  or  were  supported  by  them, 
against  the  Tarquinian  side.     To  these  liberal  states 
we   must,  of    course    add    Volsinia  and   Clusium. 
because  they  were  always  anti-Tarquinian  ;  and   on 
the  fall  of  that  great   Lucumony  succeeded    to  the 
pre-eminence.     Thus  we  should  have  seven  of  the 
Etruscan   League  arrayed  for  a  time,  against  the 
other   five,    viz.    Tarquinia,     Vulci,  Veii,  Faleria, 
and  Cere.    Of  the  northern  combatants,  Dionysius 
tells   us,  that   Rusella  was  ])owerful  ;  Appian  that 
Peru«-ia    was  important,   and  Silius   Italicus    that 
Vetulonia   was    the   most    illustrious   of  them    all. 
How  true  this  is,  and  what  she  once  was,  how  great, 
how  beautiful,  and  how  civilized,  her  ruins,  with 
colossal    walls,   mosaics,   amphitheatre,   and    even 
fragments  of  statues,  still  remain  to  show. 

Those  who  are  inclined  to  smile  at  the  idea  of 
giving  those  fragments  so  high  an  antiquity,  may 
think  of  the  ruins  in  Egypt  one  thousand  years 
older,  and  still  perfect,  or  may  turn  to  the  existing 
evidences  of  Etruscan  durability  before  their  eyes 

in  Rome. 

In  the  great  contest  which  now  took  place 
l)etween  the  aristocratic  and  democratic  principles, 
or  rather  between  the  exclusive  and  the  equitable, 
(for  aristocratic  and  democratic,  in  our  sense, 
scarcely  existed  in  the  ancient  world)— in  this  con- 
test, Vetulonia  fell  to  rise  no  more.  Her  territories 
seem  to  have  been  portioned  outamongst  the  League, 
some  other  great  city, probably  Rome, took  her  place; 


and  Vetulonia,  the  rich  and  illustrious,  during  the 
first  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  Roman  history,  is 
never  mentioned  again  in  the  annals  of  Etruria. 

It  appears  that  Mastarna's  parents  were  either 
Tarquinian  captives,orelse  exiles  after  the  fashion  of 
Lucius  himself,  and  hence,  that  wrongs  felt  in  his 
own  person  or  tliat  of  his  family,  made  him  so  stre- 
nuous to  extend  and  equalize  the  rights  of  Ple- 
beians and  freedmen,  and  to  alleviate  the  miseries 
of  the  less  prosperous  classes.  Cale  Fipi,  with  his 
large  army,  which,  like  that  of  Napoleon,  under 
desj)otic  military  government,  fancied  itself  an  army 
of  liberty,  was  gradually  beat  out  of  Etruria,  after 
the  fall  of  Vetulonia,*  and  probably  after  separate 
treaties  of  peace  made  with  the  southern  party  by 
different  members  of  the  allied  states.  They  passed 
through  Sabina,i-  which  occasioned  Lucius's  first 
war  with  that  country,  and,  as  we  have  noticed, 
they  helped  the  LatinsJ  and  Sabines  against  Rome, 
and  were  mutually  helped  by  them.  Lucius*s  great 
battle  under  three  Tuscan  leaders  represents  the 
great  engagement  at  the  end  of  the  nine  years'  war, 
which  re-established  forashort  period,  the  Tarquinian 
supremacy.  In  this  battle  the  troops,  amongst  whom 
were  the  Roman  legrions  and  the  Etrusco-Roman 
Prince, are  said  to  have  been  commanded  by  Lucumo, 
and  Aruns,  and  Egerius.   The  two  first  were  peculiar 

•  It  would,  from  this,  appear  most  probable  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  Vetulonia  was  the  deed  of  the  aristocratic  party,  which 
increases  the  probability  that  the  Roman  Lucumony  imderTar- 
quin  was  admitted  to  supply  its  place. 

t  A.  H.  xi.  and  xvi.  p.  270.  X  A.  H.  xvi.  p.  30. 


142 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


143 


Tuscan  names  for  ranks,  applicable  to  conniiantlers 
from  any  state,  and  the  last  Etshre  or  Egere,  for 
aught  we  know,  may  have  been  a  third.  Tarquinia 
wa's  victorious.  All  the  twelve  states  did  her  houiage 
as  they  had  ever  done  before,  and  Rouie  and  her 
king  were  formally  associated  with  the  League,  pro- 
bably in  the  place  of  ruined  Vetulonia.  The  Pris- 
can  Latins  and  the  Sabines  were  admitted  as  sub- 
ject allies,  and  perhaps  were  bound  as  well  as  per- 
mitted to  attend  the  meetings  of  Voltunma  and 
Ikuvine.  This  is  Miiller's  view  of  the  glimpses 
which  we  have  into  those  regions  beyond  Rome, 
which  came  into  contact  with  her  early  state,  and  it 
is  quite  in  the  spirit  of  other  confusions  of  that  per- 
plexed legendary  history. 

The  ancient  bards  sang  the  eulogies  of  Rome,  as 
they  did  those  of  their  deceased  Patrons,  and  brought 
her  in  as  principal,  wherever  her  name  could  be 
traced.  Where  she  fought  as  one  of  the  allies,  as 
in  the  case  of  Tullus  Hostilius  at  Alba,  they  intro- 
duce her  as  the  head.  Where  shewas  defeated, and  on 
the  brink  of  ruin,  they  retrieve  her  honour  by  ficti- 
tious victories  and  triumphs  ;  and  where  Tarquinia 
is  mentioned,  they  would,  in  the  same  spirit,  transfer 
the  glories  of  that  state  to  their  own  Tarquiniau 
Lucumo, 

There  is  another  vievv  of  this  case,  somewhat  dif- 
fering from  Miiller*s.  There  are  antiquarians  who 
conceive  that  Tarquin  at  first  was  opposed  to  Tar- 
quinia and  Veii,  and  that  he  fought  against  them. 
He  then  made  peace,  and  joined  them  against  Cale 


Fipi  and  the  northern  states.  After  this  he  was 
formally  admitted  amongst  the  Etruscan  kings,  and 
became  at  last,  head  of  the  southern  division  of  the 
league.  He  was,  however,  after  a  long  struggle, 
conquered  by  Cale  Fipi  and  Mastarna,  and  he  and 
his  party  Avere  obliged  to  yield  a  portion  of  his  terri- 
tory and  power  to  them,  and  to  promise  them  the 
next  succession  to  the  throne  of  frontier  Rome. 

We  have  great  difficulty  in  tracing  out  the  his- 
tory of  Cale  Fipi,  and  his  powerful  and  welldis- 
ci])lined  army,  and  of  reconciling  it  with  the  truths 
to  which  monumental  history  still  bears  testimony : 
more  so,  indeed, than  w^ehave  in  ascertaining  through 
the  mist, some  grand  and  certain  facts  in  the  history 
of  Lucius  ;  such  as  his  early  triumphs,  his  conquests 
and  glory,and  then  his  strange  and  absolute  submis- 
sion to  an  adverse  rule.  It  is  certain,  that  after  a 
dcs])erate  struggle,  Cale  Fipi  and  Mastarna  were 
settled  on  the  Lucerum,  and  had  that  quarter  given 
up  to  them  in  perpetuity.  Cale  or  Celes  died  there 
in  peace,  and  Mastarna  changed  the  name  of  the 
mount  in  his  honour.  Moreover,  it  was  agreed  to 
incorporate  the  noble  families  of  the  party  of  Mas- 
tarna along  with  the  Luceran  tribe  in  Rome ;  and 
to  settle  the  succession  to  the  supreme  power  after 
the  death  of  Lucius,  upon  him  as  their  leader,  and 
as  the  representative  of  Celes  Vibenna.  It  seems, 
therefore,  that  these  were  the  concessions  finally 
made  to  him  and  his  party  by  all  the  governments 
of  Etruria,  who  were  probably  glad  to  find  an 
outlet  with  him  and  under  his  dominion,  for  all 
their  discontented,  restless,  and  innovating  spirits. 


144 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


In  Rome,  beyond   the  Tiber,  the  factious  could 
breathe  with  freedom,  and  the  Plebs  could  enjoy 
privileges    which    they    might     not    obtain    from 
the  other    states.     A  considerable  portion  of  some 
province    in     Etruria    was     likewise     yielded    to 
them,    as    we   learn    from    the    Tuscan    Plebeian 
tribes     being     equal    to    the    Latin    and    Sabine. 
This  view  is  confirmed  by   the  long   peace  which 
endured    in  Mastarna  s   time.     Hence,  we   believe 
that  by  means  of  his  rule,  the  differences  between 
the  northern  and  southern  states  were  composed.  It 
was  the  great  general  Cale  Fipi  who  took  Fidene, 
and  ravaged  her  lands,  in   punishment  of  Veii,  and 
who  appeared  at  the  gates  of  Rome  with  a  threat- 
ening force,  when  Lucius  was  unable  to  make  head 
against  him.    And  it  was  his  Feciales  whom  Tarquin 
detained,  treating  them  with  contempt,  as  unautho- 
rized ambassadors. 

After  the  union  of  Mastarna  and  Lucius,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  peace  between  Volsinia  and 
Tarquinia,  IVIastarna  is  said  to  have  joined  Tar- 
quin in  all  his  wars,  and  to  have  gained  one  battle 
for  him  by  tossing  the  standard  into  the  midst 
of  the  enemy.  He  also  governed  along  with 
him,*  tempering  his  severity,  and  lightening  his 
yoke  This  he  could  effectually  do  by  establishing 
an  asylum  on  the  Coelian,  during  the  rule  of  the 
Tarquinian  Lucumo,  and  stipulating  that  those  who 
took  refuge  there  should  be  under  his  protection, 
considered  as  his  subjects,  and  safe  from  persecution. 
Mastarna  now  became  the  courteous  but  despotic 

•  Nieb.i.  n.  901. 


FIRST    TAHQUIMAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  145 

Resident,  and  Lucius  Tarquinius  felt  himself  a  con- 
quered man. 

We  have  no  record  of  any  communication  having 
been  held, or  of  treaties  having  been  formed,  between 
the  two  great  leagues  of  the  northern  and  the  cen- 
tral Etrurias,  from  the  days  of  their  first  coloniza- 
tion until  now,  though  we  have  no  doubt  that  such 
existed,  and  that  the  commerce  between  them  was 
unceasing;  but  the  northern  states  in  the  region  of 
the  Po  were  less  maritime  and  mining,  than  those 
of  Etruria  Proper,  and  were,  moreover,  far  more 
unwarlike.  During  the  reigns  of  the  Tarquinian 
Lucumoes  in  Rome,  the  French  Gauls  or  Celts, 
pressed  by  famine  and  over-population,  passed  the 
Alps,  and  settled  themselves  in  the  heart  of  northern 
Turrhenia,  the  Rhoetian  or  Rasenan  Padus  land. 
Livy  (v.  34)  tells  us  that  the  Celts  formed  the  third 
part  of  this  mighty  race  of  men,  and  that  their  com- 
mon ruler,  according  to  the  tradition,  (perhaps  ac- 
cording to  the  Tuscan  records  of  those  times,;  was 
Aiiibigatus,a  Celt,  a  man  of  large  capacity,  and  who 
was  mighty  and  prosperous.  This  king,  finding  his 
subjects  too  numerous  for  the  land  of  Gaul,  sent  forth 
an  extensive  emigration  from  six  of  his  principal 
tribes,  dividing  them  into  two  bands,  under  his 
nephews  Bellovesus  and  Sigovesus,  and  making 
them  choose  their  routes  by  augury.  We  suspect 
that  this  augury  is  the  Tuscan  manner  of  relating 
the  tale,  and  that,  in  reality,  the  Gauls  drew  lots  as 
to  the  way  they  should  go. 

It  fell  to  Sigovesus,  that  he  should  turn  north- 

H 


146 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


'I 


east    into     Germany,     towards     the     llercyn.an 
forest;  and  to  Bellovesus,  that  he  and  his  people 
should  go  to  the   south-east,  which  naturally  con-  . 
ducted  them   into  Italy.     The  barrier  of  the  Alps 
stopped  the  warriors  for  some  time,  but  finally  want, 
capHce,  report,   or  superstition,  impelled   them   to 
pro<-eed      Tliey  entered  at  last  l)y  the  Taurme  Alps 
and  Taurinian   Forest  into  that  goodly  and  sunny 
land,  and  havitng  once  seen  it,  they  were  not  likely 
to  return.     The  Tuscans  fought  them  on  the  banks 
of  theTicino  several  times,and  with  various  fortunes 
Plutarch  says,  that  when  the  Gauls  first   invaded 
North  Etruria,  the  Tuscans  dwelt  from  the  Alps  to 
the   Vpennines,  and  posssessed  the  land  from  sea  to 
sea-  and  that  within  this  space  they  had  noble  woods 
wide  rivers,  fat  pastures,  and  eighteen  large  and 
flourishing  cities,  rich  in  trade  and  manufactures. 
The  records  which  have  come  down  to  us  have  not 
preserved  the  details  of  any  one  battle,  and  only 
state  that  there  wero  many.     Niebuhr  *  has  proved, 
in  his  critique  upon  the  Gauls,  that  at  this  time  they 
did  not  conquer  much  land,  nor  materially  affect  the 
position  of  the  Tuscans.     Livy  mentions  three  sub- 
sequent inroads  fron,  Gallia,  which  may  not   have 
happened    for   two    centuries   later;  and   he    says 
nothing  of  a  vast  horde,  or  overwhelmmg  host  ot 
them,  at  this  time  conqnering  any  tract  of  land,  or 
destroying  a  single  city. 

The  Tuscans   of    the   Po    were,    however,   van- 
quished so  far,  that  they  could  not  expel  the  m- 

»  Lib.  ii.  n.  112910  1170. 


F1U8T    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.  147 

vaders,  and   they  allowed   them   finally  to  effect  a 
settlement  in  the  midst  of    their    fruitful   plains. 
They  ceded  to  them  a  small  tract  of  country  where 
Milan  now  stands,  which  the  Gauls  named  Insu- 
bria,  after   the   province   whence   they  had   come, 
and  nhere  they  built  a  city,  which  they  called  Medio- 
lanum.    When  this  people,  two  hundred  years  later, 
disturbed  all  Italy  by  their  appearance  at  Clusium,' 
they  expressly  denied  any  wish  to  destroy  or  injure 
the  Tuscans,  but  only  demanded  once  more  a  settle- 
ment amongst  them  -to  share  their  lands  ;"  and  we 
therefore,  presume  that  this  object,  and  not  destruc- 
tion, was  the  spirit  of  the  first  invaders,  who  gra- 
dually  settled  down  into  a  peaceful  and  quiet  tribe  ■ 
keeping  the  faith  of  treaties,  following  their  own' 
laws  andjcustoms,  and  allowing  themselves  to  have 
their  wants  supplied  by  their  more  civilized  and  in- 
uustrious  neighbours. 

The  next  band  of  Gauls  who  invaded  Italy,  Livy 

tells  us,  came  after  an  interval  of  many  years,  (and 

perhaps  not  until  the  second  Tarquinian  dynasty.) 

They  were  under  a  chief  named  Elitovius,  and  they 

settled  like  the  Mediolanese,  partly  by  treaty  and 

partly  by  force,  in  the  country  about   Brixen  and 

V  erona.     They  did  not,  however,  destroy  or  occupy 

hose  cities,  for  Pliny  (iii.  19)  tells  us  that  these  were 

both  RLoetian,  and  Livy  says,  that  beyond  dispute, 

tlie  Uhoetian  nations  were  originally  Tuscan.     The 

Ln.br.  a..d  Etrusci  possessed  the  land  as  far  north  as 

I'e  sources  of  the  Inn  and  the  Drave,  and  ruled 

"on.  the  Tyrrhene  to  the  Adriatic  Sea,  until  the 

H  2 


I  .i 


( 

.,1 


148 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


great  irruption,  when  Rome  was  burnt  by  the  Gauls; 
and  then  they  swept,  like  a  whirlwind,  through 
the  land  of  Ausonia,  knowing  no  difference  between 
Pelasgi,  Siculi,  Latins,  Sabines,  Greeks,  Volsci,  or 
Opici,  but  involving  thein  alike  in  one  common 
overthrow,  and  experiencing  a  determined  and 
manly  opposition  from  the  Rasena  alone. 

The  commercial  Etruscans  must  have  heard,  in 
this  their  sixth  century,  of  the  fame  of  Cyrus,  and 
of  his  conquests   in    Asia  Minor;    for   Harpagus, 
the  general  of  that  great  king,  whose  deeds   are 
represented  in  the  old  Tuscan  style,  upon  the  Lycian 
marbles  in  the  British  Museum,  drove  out  a  large 
number  of  Phocians,*  who,  in  seeking  a  new  settle- 
ment, ventured  into  the  Tyrrhene  seas.     They  did 
not  attempt  to  try  the  coast  of  Italy,  nor  trust  to 
the  generosity  of  their  own  race,  either  in  Sicily  or 
Opica,  but  they  sought  in  what  they  fancied  was  the 
extreme  north,  a  refuge  for  the  destitute,  beyond  the 
habitations  of  fortunate  men,  and  they  landed  on  a 
shore  claimed  by  a  tribe  of  Gauls,— at  the  spot,  where 
now  stands  Marseilles.     They  say  themselves,  that 
whilst  one  tribe  of  this    people   opposed,  another 
helped  them,  and  enabled  them  to  make  good  their 
settlement;  in  gratitude  for  which,  their  leader  gave 
his  Greek  daughter  to  the  chief  of  their  protectors, 
and  Massilia  arose,  a  Grecian  settlement  between 
Etruria  and  Gaul,  probably  tributary  to  the  latter, 
but  protected  and  traded  with   by  the  former,  and 
occasionally  perhaps  by  both. 

*  Herodotus  lib.  i. 


FIRST    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


149 


The  Carthaginians  from  Corsica  and  Sardinia, 
and  the  Tuscans  from  Pisa,  Lucca,  Populonia,  and 
all  the  northern  ports,  would  soon  form  treaties  of 
commerce  with,  and  carry  their  wares  to,  this  infant 
colony.  But  though  the  Tuscans  did  not  attempt 
to  destroy  Massilia,  they  would  not  suffer  Greek 
colonizers  in  general  to  traverse  their  seas;  and 
they  had,  at  this  epoch,  the  fearful  reputation  of 
being  cruel  corsairs  towards  strangers.  Some  Tur- 
rheni  attacked  the  Dorians  in  Lipari,  hoping  for 
spoil  and  conquest,  and  when  they  were  defeated, 
the  happy  victors  dedicated  a  thank-offering  to 
Delphi  for  their  great  escape,  which  offering  Pausa- 
nius  saw  in  the  temple  there. 

Cuma  maintained  her  close  alliance  with  the 
Tarquinian  division  of  Etruria  Proper,  but  does  not 
seem  to  have  mingled  in  the  distractions  between 
the  central  north  and  south,  in  the  great  quarrel  of 
the  Plebeians  and  Patricians.  How  happy  would 
many  antiquarians  be  to  deduce  from  these  Massi- 
lians  or  Cumaeans,  or  from  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  the 
magnificent  and  colossal  works  in  which  Etruria 
now  abounded, — her  tunnels  and  arched  gates,  her 
towers  and  amphitheatres,  her  stamped  copper 
coinage,  introduced  by  Mastarna  into  Rome,  her 
sculpture,  and  manufactures  in  bronze,  and  clay,  her 
beautiful  armour,  and  her  admirable  skill  in  the 
workmanship  of  gold  and  silver, — but,  above  all,  her 
gigantic  masonry  in  the  perfect  vaults  of  the  Roman 
Cloacae,  and  in  the  architecture  of  the  Circus  Maxi- 
mus  !     All  these  were  abounding  amongst  the  stran- 


150 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


151 


gers  whom  Greece  distinguished  and  characterized 
as  Philotechnoi,  before  we  have  any  evidence  of  their 
existence  in  her  own  territory,  or  amongst  her  nume- 
rous  and  wide-spread  colonies.  Yet  why  should  the 
Greeks  alone,  of  all  the  people  of  the  ancient  world, 
have  monopolized  civilization  and  refinement? 
Surely  it  is  enough  for  each  people  to  rejoice  in  its 
own  praise,  and  the  sun  may  shine  bright  and  warm 
on  the  rest  of  the  earth,  though  he  is  vertical  only 
in  the  tropics ;  nay  more,  he  rises  earlier,  in  moral 
as  well  as  in  physical  nature,  and  sets  later,  amongst 
the  people  of  other  lands. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 

Exaltation  of  the  Plebs— Dedication  of  the  Temple  of  Tiana  on 
the  Aventine — Despotic  mihtary  power  of  the  Uberal  chief — 
Arbitrary  measures  against  the  Patricians — Plebeian  tribes — 
Plebeian  army — Census  of  the  people — Despotic  taxation — 
Arbitrary  measures  in  favour  of  the  people,  and  against  the 
aristocracy — Irritation  of  the  Patricians— Conspiracy  of  the 
Tarquinian  party — Head  of  the  Tarquinian  party  and  his 
wife  Tullia — Death  of  Mastarna — Commonly-received  ac- 
counts of  it,  and  its  attending  circumstances— Various  incon- 
sistencies— Intention  of  Mastarna  to  abdicate,  or  change  the 
kingly  power — Magnificent  works  of  Mastarna — The  wall  of 
Rome — He  continued  those  of  Lucius— His  memory  vene- 
rated by  the  j)eople  and  hated  by  the  nobles — Funeral  of 
Mastarna — Comparison  of  his  career  with  that  of  Lucius 
Tarquinius. 

PLRIOD    OF    MASTARNA,   OR  SERVIUS   TULLIU8,  FORTY- FOUR 
YEARS.       B.    C.    578.      YEAR   OF    TARGUINIA,   609.* 

We  now  come  to  the  period  of  the  exaltation  and 
independence  of  the  Roman  Plebs,  and  probably,  for 
the  time,  of  the  Etruscan,  Latin,  and  Sabine  Plebs 

*  Authorities  :  Livy  i.  40 ;  Dionysius  HaUcar.  iii.  1,  iv.  2  ;  Nie- 
buhr*s  Rome  in  loco;  Miiller's  Etriisker;  Ancient  History  xi. 
330 ;    xvi.  34. 


152 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD   OF    MASTARNA, 


153 


H 


11 M 


•I' I 


also,  established  by  the  despotic  prince,  Mastarna. 
After  he  had  confirmed  his  authority,  by  means  of 
possession,  through  the  influence  of  the  great  queen 
whose  name  never  died  from  the  memory  of  the 
Romans,  and  of  a  strong  military  force  composed 
of  his  own  dependents,  his  first  act*  was  to  resist 
an  attack  from  Veii.  The  death  of  King  Lucius 
Tarquinius  put  an  end  to  the  peace  between  Rome 
and  that  great  Lucumony.  Dionysius  and  the 
Fasti  Capitolini  preserve  traditions  of  three  battles 
fought  with  the  Veientines  at  intervals  of  four,  and 
of  thirteen  years.  Being  aristocratic  in  their  prin- 
ciples, they  were  opposed  to  Plebeian  innovation, 
and  therefore  they  continued  to  assist  tlie  discontent- 
ed Roman  Patricians.  But  they  were  defeated  and 
triumphed  over,and  forced  to  conclude  a  peace,  which 
lasted  during  the  remainder  of  this  reign,  or  dynasty. 
When  Mastarna  died,  he  had  enjoyed  twenty 
years  of  uninterrupted  tranquillity,  without,  however, 
shutting  the  temple  of  Janus  ;  and  there  was  no  dis- 
pute again  between  Rome  and  any  Etruscan  state, 
until  Veii  espoused  the  cause  of  Tarquinius  Su- 
perbus.  It  does  not  appear  that  territory  was  lost 
or  gained  on  either  side ;  but  the  renewed  peace  with 
Veii  and  with  the  rest  of  Etruria  greatly  strength- 
ened Mastarna  s  power.  In  order  to  prevent  any 
other  wars  which  might  have  impeded  his  internal 
reforms,  he  renewed  Tarquin's  league  with  the 
Latins  and  Sabines  in  the  most  imposing  manner  he 

*  He  had  desired  to  renew  the  league  with  all  the  aristocratic 
states,  but  Veii  treated  his  ambassadors  with  scorn. 


could  devise.  He  had  a  meeting:  of  the  allies  to 
offer  up  a  solemn  sacrifice  together,  and  he  caused 
the  names  of  all  the  thirty  Latin  towns,  and  of  the 
allied  Sabines,  to  be  written  on  a  pillar  of  brass,t 
which  was  extant  in  Augustus's  days. 

Mastarna  persuaded  the  Latins  to  build  a  com- 
mon temple  to  their  great  goddess  Tiana,  on  the 
Aventine — that  hill  which  seems  always  to  have 
been  mutual  property  to  them  and  the  Romans — 
and  here  tliey  were  every  year  to  keep  a  common 
feast;  each  chief  was  to  offer  alternately  the  great 
sacrifice,  and  a  Tuscan  oracle  was  consulted  as  to 
the  future  destiny  of  this  temple.  The  oracle  an- 
swered that  the  nation  which  first  offered  the  sacrifice 
should  rule.  So  far  we  believe,  but  according  to  the 
legend,  one  of  the  noble  Sabines,  an  augur,  dictator, 
or  high  priest,  (and  probably  all  three,)  brought  for 
his  people  a  beautiful  heifer  of  uncommon  size,  and 
hoped,  in  virtue  of  the  gift,  to  offer  it  first  to  the  Latin 
deity.  The  Roman  priest  would  not  contest  his  right, 
but  exclaimed  against  the  indignity  of  his  offering  it 
with  unwashed  hands.''^  The  Sabine  went  to  the 
Tiber  to  wash  them,  and  in  the  meanwhile,  the 
Romans  offered  up  the  heifer.  Had  this  really 
happened,  it  would  have  been  an  unpardonable  in- 
sult offered  to  the  Sabines,  and  would  have  ori- 
ginated a  fierce  war  between  the  two  nations.  But 
as  all  passed  over  without  even  a  remonstrance,  we 
see  that  this  is  one  of  tliose  fictions  of  the  poets 
which  flattered  the  Roman  ears  with  omens  and  pre- 

*  Nieb.  i.  n.  901, 

H   5 


w       ,• 


M: 


I 


1 


154 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


dictions,  ascribed  to  the  past  days  of  their  early  in- 
significance, that  they  were,  at  some  future  period, 
to  be  masters  of  the  world. 

The  Sabines  joined  at  this  feast,  not  as  principals, 
but  as  allies ;  and  though  it  is  very  likely  that  they 
may  have  presented  the  finest  of  their  herd,  on  the 
opening  of  a  temple  which  was  meant  to  be  to  them 
a  symbol  of  perpetual  peace,  it  is  certain  that  the 
Roman  or  Tuscan  priest  must  have  been  the  person 
to  offer  up  in  Rome  sacrifices  to  the  great  Latin 
goddess.     We  have,  moreover,  a  curious  light  given 
us  here.     The  Tuscans  and  Albans  joined  the  other 
Latins,  not  in  sacrifices  to  the  Latin  goddess,  Diana, 
of  whom  we  very  seldom  hear,  but  both  at  Alba 
and  at  Laurentum,in  sacrifices  to  the  great  Tuscan 
god,  the    Triune  Jupiter.      The  Latins  as  princi- 
pals, and  the  Sabines  as  allies,  are  said  now  to  join 
the  Romans  and  Tuscans  in  sacrifices  to  the  great 
Latin  goddess,  Tiana  or  lliana.    Is  this  so?  or  has  the 
ancient  Tuscan  Talnabeen  transformed  into  Diana,* 
when  the  language  changed, and  the  temples  of  Rome 
were  burnt  by  the  Gauls?     We  doubt  exceedingly 
whether,  in    the   early   Tarchonic   times,  Juno   or 
Talnawas  not  synonymous  with  Diana  or  Tiana,  and 
did  not  represent  the  lesser  light  of  heaven,  even 
as  Isis,  the  Diana  of  Egypt,  is  often  transformed  into 
Greek  Hera  and  Roman  Juno. 

Dionysius   says  that  Servius,  wishing  to  be,  the 

♦  Livy  represents  the  Feciales  of  the  Latins  as  calling  upon 
Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Quirinus,  but  nowhere  on  Tianus  and  Tiana, 
unless  the  names  are  synonymous. 


PERIOD   OF   MASTARNA. 


155 


acknowledged  head  of  the  Latins  and  Sabines,  as 
Lucius  Tarquinius  had  been  before  him,  called 
a  meeting  of  all  the  chiefs,  and  proposed  to  them  to 
erect  a  common  temple  to  Diana  on  the  Aventine, 
and  to  hold  feasts  and  councils  (after  the  manner  of 
Voltumna.  Alba,  and  Feiouia  )  The  Roman  dic- 
tator was  to  offer  the  sacrifice,  and  then  should 
follow  a  political  assembly,  to  settle  all  disputes 
and  to  concert  measures  for  the  common  inte- 
rest. A  fair  was  to  be  kept  at  the  same  time, 
where  each  one  might  supply  himself  with  articles 
of  necessity  or  luxury ;  for  through  the  long 
tract  of  coast  subject  to  Lucius,  and  through  the 
port  of  Ostia,  built  under  his  auspices,  Rome  was 
now  become  a  place  of  commerce.  The  princes 
agreed  to  Servius's  proposal,  and  added,  that  this 
Fane  should  be  an  asylum  for  all  their  nations,  and 
each  city  should  contribute  to  build  it,  the  king 
being  allowed  to  choose  the  situation.  He  fixed 
upon  the  Aventine,  the  hill  of  the  Latin  Plebs,  and 
the  burial  place  of  the  Sabines,  Numa  and  Mar- 
cius ;  and  the  laws  of  the  meeting  were  engraved 
upon  tables  of  brass,  such  as  we  see  at  Gubbio,  in 
the  Latin  language,  and  in  Greek,  i.  e.,  in  Tuscan 
characters.  They  were  extant  in  the  days  of 
Augustus,  though  to  little  purpose,  as  they  could 
not  be  read. 

From  this  time,  Mastarna  being  at  peace 
with  all  his  neighbours,  his  authority  was  firmly 
established,  and  he  began  to  show  his  deep  hatred 
of  the  Patricians,  and  his  resolution  to  free  Italy 
from  the  dominion  of  caste,  by  raising  up  a  pow«r 


1 


I 

f 


156 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


equal  to  them,  which  should  keep  them  in  constant 
check.  From  this  moment,  all  the  ancient  influence 
of  the  Quirites  seems  to  have  ceased.  They  were 
levelled  with  the  Ramnes,  and  put  to  silence.  No 
Marcii  struggled,  and  no  Attius  Naevius  proudly 
raised  himself  for  the  rights  of  his  people.  No  man 
ever  ruled  with  more  despotic  power,  or  set  the 
fundamental  laws  and  institutions  of  a  country,  and 
the  rights  of  its  ruling  classes  more  completely  at 
defiance,  than  Servius  Tullius.  He  hated  the  Pa- 
tricians with  a  deadly  hatred,  which  at  last  brought 
upon  him  his  own  destruction.  He  had  no  resource 
but  to  govern  by  the  force  of  arms,  and  through  the 
might  of  an  army  which  he  himself  had  created.  He 
seized  the  throne  by  means  of  his  strong  guard  in 
the  first  instance,  and  he  kept  it  by  his  large  Ple- 
beian army  in  the  last. 

He  had  himself  been  twice  aPlebeian.  He  was  so,in 
the  first  instance,  when  a  captive  at  Volsinia,  where, 
though  freed  and  made  a  citizen,  and  receiving  a 
grant  of  land,  he  was  not  admitted  into  the  Curiae, 
and  could  not  be,  until  adopted  by  the  Patrician 
Cale  Fipi.  He  was,  it  is  true,  born  of  a  princely 
house;  he  became  immensely  rich;  he  had  received  a 
learned  education  ;  he  was  a  man  of  first-rate  ability 
and  undaunted  courage.  But  all  this  did  not  enable 
him  to  rule.  He  was  a  Tuscan  also,  probably  of 
Tarquinia,  yet  a  Plebeian,  first  at  Volsinia,  and 
then,  for  the  second  time,  at  Rome.  It  is  true,  he 
became  a  Patrician  by  adoption  in  both  instances. 
In  the  one  case,  he  owed  it  to  the  good  feeling  of 
Cale  Fipi,  and  perhaps  to  the  early  friendship  of 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


167 


that  chief  for  his  parents;  and  in  the  other  to  his 
sword.  But  he  had  suffered  deeply  in  his  proud 
and  sensitive  mind,  and  he  had  brooded  profoundly 
over  the  injustice  of  institutions  which  excluded  from 
office,  on  account  of  birth,  many  of  those  who 
could  be  most  useful  to  their  mother  country. 

Every  officer  of  his  own  brave  army,  every  re- 
lative of  Cale  Fipi*s  family,  was  excluded  from  oflfice 
at  Rome,  until  formally  adopted  into  the  Curiae. 
The  descendant  of  any  family  not  a  member  of  the 
three  first  tribes,  though  he  might  be  prince  of  his 
house,  rich  in  lands,  and  lord  of  thousands  of  clients, 
could  aspire  to  no  place  in  the  government ;  and, 
except  as  a  captain  in  time  of  war,  could  never  dis- 
tinguish himself,  or  hope  to  rise  to  eminence,  unless 
adopted  into  the  Curiae. 

Mastarna,  though  called  Servius,  as  one  of  the  Ro- 
man Consuls  was,  two  centuries  after  him,  because  he 
pitied,  protected,  and  relieved  all  the  oppressed,  yet 
made  an  aristocratic  and  not  a  popular  axiom  the  basis 
of  his  reforms,  viz.  that  property,  taxable  property, 
should  be  the  standard  of  political  influence.  No 
one  was  farther  than  Mastarna  from  any  idea  of  the 
equality  of  men,  or  the  levelling  of  ranks,  the 
liberty  and  equality  of  our  day.  On  the  contrary, 
one  of  his  first  acts  was  to  create,  first  six,  and  then 
twelve  new  bodies  of  knights,  with  hereditary  rank, 
who  headed  all  the  Plebeian  assemblies,  and  who 
took  the  first  place  in  virtue  of  their  birth  alone.* 

*  Niebuhr  i.  (on  army)  is  persuaded  of  this,  because  Polybius 
(vi.  20)  says,  speaking  of  his  own  time,  "The  knights  are  wow 


158 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


• 


We  may  easily  believe  that  bis  own  companions  in 
arms  formed  no  inconsiderable  part  of  these  newly- 
created  bands.  Each  company  was  called  a  Century, 
but  the  number  of  which  it  consisted  was  undefined 
and   ever  varying.     To  each   of   these,  he  gave  a 
horse,  a  slave,  and  a  slave's  horse,  or  an  equivalent 
allowance  to  purchase  them.     And  this  was  to  be 
furnished,  as  far  as  possible,  by  the  widows,  orphans, 
heiresses,  and  unmarried  women   belonging  to  the 
eighteen  centuries ;  the  rest  being  made  up  by  the 
state.     Mastarna  allowed  these  men  to  dwell  upon 
the  Coelian,   but    he    ordered    every   Patrician  *  to 
quit  that  hill;  and  to  such  a**  felt  the  order  a  hard- 
ship and  burden,  he  allotted  residences  in  the  Vicus 
Patriciust  in  the  valley.     He  also  forbade  all  the 
Patricians  in  the  city  to  fortify  their  houses,  as  they 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  doing.     His  great  object 
was  to  raise  up  a  political  and  military  power  which 
should  be  anti-Patrician,  at  the  same  time  that   he 
dared  not  oppose  what  the  auguries  had  established, 
and  what  common  custom  had  made  men  regard  as 
the  irrevocable  order  of  creation.  He  did  not  attempt 
to  wrench  the  offices  of  state  from  the  Patricians  ;  he 
did  not  essay  to  tax  them,  to  impose  upon  them  new 
duties,  or  to  infringe  upon  their  Agger.     However, 
little  belonging  to   them  in   exclusiveness  of  spirit, 
he  was  now  the  head  of  their  class ;  and  whatever 

selected   according  to  fortune."     And  Zonaras   says   that  the 
Censors  could  reward  distinguished  Plebeians  of  the  first  class 
by  placing  them  in  the  equestrian  order, 

*  Varro.  de  L.  L.  iv.  t  Festus. 


ti 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


159 


infringed  upon  them,  would  eventually  fall  upon  his 
own  family  and  house,  for  Mastarna  had  no  idea  of 
hereditary  kingship,  and  therefore  could  only,  as  a 
ruler  for  life,  separate  himself  from  the  nobles. 
He  left  to  the  Patricians  all  their  clients,  and  the 
power  which  they  had  of  relieving  any  Plebeian 
from  distress,  by  receiving  him  into  their  clans. 
But  he  ordained  that  henceforth,  all  the  Roman 
infantry  employed  and  paid  by  the  state,  should  be 
Plebeian,  and  Plebeian  alone.* 

Pie  divided  the  whole  population  of  the  consider- 
able country  which  he  ruled,  into  thirty  Plebeian 
Tribes,  answering  to  the  thirty  Patrician  Curiae.  He 
divided  them  by  the  sacred  Tuscan  numbers,  three 
and  ten,  allotting  ten  to  the  Ramnes,  ten  to  the 
Sahines,  and  ten  to  the  Tuscans,  as  we  learn  from 
the  ten  Tuscan  tribes  being  obliterated,  when  the 
temporary  Tuscan  rule  under  Porsenna  ceased;  and 
again,  from  four  being  added,  when  a  portion  of  the 
Tuscan  country  was  regained,  soon  after  the  burn- 
ing of  Rome. 

Adivision  of  the  people  into  tribes  had  before  been 
made  by  Lucius  Tarquinius,  for  the  Plebeians  voted 
and  were  taxed  according  to  their  tribes,  and  the 
army  was  selected  in  the  order  of  the  tribes,  before 
Mastarna's  accession  ;  an  order  which  he  overthrew 
by  his  centuries  and  classes.  What  was  new 
in  the  act  of  Mastarna,  therefore,  with  regard  to 
these  Plebeian  tribes,  was  equalizing  the  three  na- 
tions of  Latins,  Sabines,  and  Tuscans,  in  political 
power,  alloting  ten  to  each  nation,  and  appointing 
•  Dion.  Hal.iv.  10,  13.      Nieb.  ii.  n.  349. 


160 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


161 


in  each  tribe  three  civil  judges.  After  the  war 
with  Porseuna,  the  Roman  tribes  were  reduced 
to  twenty,  and  so  their  Plebeian  judges,  their 
Centumviri,  were  reduced  to  sixty.* 

Mastarna  commanded  a  census  to  be  taken  of  all 
the  people  according  to  their  taxable  property. 
Dionysius  (iv.)  says  that  he  required  all  the  citizens 
to  give,  in  writing,  their  names  and  ages,  together 
with  the  names  and  ages  of  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren ;  and  all  the  chiefs  were  to  render  an  estimate 
of  their  personal  property  with  the  names  of  their 
abodes  in  town  and  country.  The  "Common's 
King,  the  good  King  James,"  as  Arnold  is  pleased 
to  call  him,  ordered  the  Plebeians  to  submit  to 
this  inquisition  under  pain  of  confiscation,  slavery, 

and  death.  . 

He  next  divided  the  Plebeians, i.e.  the  non-Patn- 
cian  landholders,  into  six  classes  ;  the  first  of  whom 
were  possessors  of  100,000  Asses  and  upwards,  and 
from  this  there  was  a  gradual  diminution  to  the 
fifth  class,  which  was  rated  at  12,500  Asses,  which 
was  the  minimum  wealth,  entitling  a  man  to  vote.  The 
sixth  class  including  all  those  who  were  beneath  this 
value,  were  of  no  estimation  in  the  eyes  of  the  state, 
and  were  not  suffered  to  offer  themselves  as  soldiers. 

In  order  to  facilitate  this  census,  which  according 
to  Fabius  Pictor,  gave  84,700  fighting  men,  the  li- 
beral Mastarna  threatened  all  who  should  fail  to 
attend  and  enrol  their  names,  with  imprisonment 

and  death. 

♦  Niebuhr,  i.  n.  994-5. 


Not  satisfied  with  the  knowledge  which  these 
measures  gave  him  of  the  number  and  wealth  of  his 
subjects,  he  likewise  commanded  that  every  Roman 
citizen  should  pay  a  tribute  upon  the  birth  of  his 
child,  in  the  temple  of  Lucina;  upon  the  death  of  a 
relative,  in  the  temple  of  Juno  Libitina,  or  Inferna; 
and  on  reaching  manhood,  in  the  temple  of  the 
Sabine  Juventus,  or  youth.  Again,  each  indi- 
vidual, man,  woman,  and  child,  was  required  to  pay 
upon  attending  the  Paganalia.  And  although  the 
suras  at  which  they  were  taxed  were  very  small, 
they  must,  in  the  aggregate,  have  poured  enormous 
wealth  into  the  coffers  of  the  king.  The  Lucina 
of  Rome  was  probably  the  same  with  the  Eluthya 
of  Pyrgi. 

The  small  money  used  by  the  common  people  of 
Rome,  at  this  time,  was,  according  to  Pliny,  leather, 
shells,  and  bronze. 

Servius  introduced  into  Rome,  the  As  grave, that  is, 
the  stamped  As  of  the  Etruscans,  according  to  the 
series  which,as  we  find  from  the  tombs,  was  current  in 
Veii,  Caere,  and  Tarquinia,  viz.coins  with  the  heads  of 
Janus,  Talna,  Minerva,  Ercle,  Mercury,  or  Turms, 
and  Minerva  again,  all  bearing  a  prow  upon  the 
reverse.  This  was  the  Turrhenian  emblem  of  com- 
merce, and  supposed  by  the  Latins  to  be  a  Turrhe- 
nian invention.  The  As  unstamped,  was  current 
long  before  this,  all  over  Italy;  and  after  the  rule  of 
the  kings  was  closed,  when  the  value  of  cattle  was 
fixed  by  law,  at  one  hundred  Asses  for  an  ox,  and 
ten  for  a  sheep,  a  cattle  stamp  of  an  ox  was  per 


IH  i 


162 


HISTORY    OF    ETRVRIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


163 


raitted,  and  the  characteristic  Latin  name  for 
money,  as  the  representative  of  fixed  value,  became 
Pecunia.  From  Niebuhr*  we  g^ather  that  the 
Pecus  stamp  was  not  used  until  the  As,  which,  in 
Mastarna's  days,  weighed  twelve  ounces,  was  re- 
duced to  eight,  and  that  it  was  originally  introduced 
to  commemorate  the  fixing  of  the  cattle  fine. 

Every  Plebeian  soldier  was  required  to  equip 
himself,  and  those  of  the  first  class  were  bound  to 
be  fully  and  richly  armed  in  bronze  Etruscan 
armour.  This  class  was  always  headed  by  the 
eighteen  centuries  of  Plebeian  hereditary  knights, 
chosen  on  account  of  noble  birth,  and  the  six  Suf- 
fragia  of  the  Tarquinii.  But  as  these  six  Suffragia, 
though  minor  houses,  were  all  Patricians,  we  can- 
not believe  that  Mastarna  would  or  could  have 
suffered  them  to  head  the  Plebeian  assemblies. 
Instead  of  mixing  the  orders,  he  took  pleasure  in 
widening  the  distance  between  them,  and  in  raising 
a  complete  counterpoise  to  the  Patrician  rule. 

The  second  class  had  carpenters,  armourers,  and 
smiths  attached  to  them  ;  and  the  fourth  had  a  band 
of  wind  instruments,  consisting  of  horns  and  trum- 
pets, of  which  the  Etruscans  are  said  to  have  been  the 
inventors.  The  five  classes  altogether  were  divided 
into  one  hundred  and  seventy  taxable  centuries,  of 
which  the  first  class  alone  comprised  eighty  centu- 
ries, and  the  three  first,  one  hundred  and  twenty.  If 
they  agreed,  therefore,  the  votes  of  the  others  were 
of  no  consequence,  and  their  decision  could  not  be 

♦  i.n.  I048,^&c.&c. 


reversed,  because  all  the  classes  were  called  up  to 
vote  in  order.  In  like  manner,  if  the  whole  first 
class,  including  the  eighteen  centuries  of  knights, 
agreed,  their  decision  was  final,  as  their  votes  out- 
numbered all  the  others  put  together.  Livy  says, 
scarcely  one  instance  ever  occurred  of  the  lower 
classes  being  called  in  to  vote.  Thus  the  influence 
of  Mastarna's  classes  was  in  the  inverse  proportion 
of  men  and  money.  The  largest  property  carried 
the  most  votes,  and  the  greatest  number  of  men  by 
far  the  fewest. 

These  centuries,  not  including  the  hereditary 
knights,  Mastarna  again  divided  into  equal  num- 
bers of  major  and  minor,  all  the  men  above 
forty-five  enrolling  themselves  in  the  one,  and 
from]  eighteen  to  forty-five,  in  the  other.  The 
soldiers  chosen  out  of  the  major  centuries  were 
a  reserve  militia,  who  staid  at  home  to  guard  the 
towns  and  country ;  whilst  those  chosen  from  the 
minor  bodies  were  at  the  command  of  the  state,  to 
march  wherever  they  were  required.  These  classes 
made  up  the  great  and  formidable  body  of  the 
Roman  Plebeians;  the  Plebs  being,  as  we  have  before 
said,  an  order  of  men  adopted  from  Etruria.* 
Whether  the  Plebs  in  any  other  Etruscan  state 
enjoyed  so  much  power  and  distinction  as  was  con- 
ferred upon  those  who  occupied  the  frontier  pro- 
vince, we  very  much  doubt,  since  in  Rome  itself, 
they  could  not  have  maintained  their  ground  for  a 
period  of  more  than  forty  years.  But  that  they 
approached  to  this  favourable  condition,  more  or 

•  Varro. 


164 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


165 


!i| 


less,  in  many  of  the  other  states,  we  must  believe; 
and  though   Mastarna  perfected  his  long-cherished 
scheme  in  Rome  only,  Cale  Fipi  did   not  fight  and 
bleed  in  vain,  from  north  to  south,  in  his  native  land. 
Thucydides    says,    that    Mastarna    overthrew    the 
whole  constitution  of  Tarquin  and  changed  all  his 
maxims  of  policy,  and  instead  of  relying  for  victory 
upon  his  cavalry,  he  created  the  military  power  of 
Rome,  by  raising  up  this  powerful  body  of  infantry 
The   arrangement  and  armour  of    Servius's   or- 
der  of  battle  does  not    differ,   as   far   as    we    can 
discern,   from    any   of  the    other    Etruscan  states. 
The   difference    consisted    in    the    Plebeian    prin- 
ciple,  upon  which  all    its    advantages  were   based. 
The  Velites,  or  light  armed  troops,  were  an  order 
adopted    from   the    neighbouring   state   of    Falisci, 
and  the  armour  of  each  class,  the  Galea  or  helmet, 
the  Clypeus  or  Aspis  shield,  the  scaled  coat  of  mail, 
(seen  in  the  Egyptian  paintings,)  the  greaves  which 
are   sometimes   found    in    the   Tuscan    tombs,    the 
Scutum  or  buckler,  and  tlie  Hasta  or  spear,  were  all, 
as  we  have  before  observed,*  introduced   into  Italy 
by  the  Rasena. 

Mastarna  strove  to  bind  the  Plebeians  together 
in  one  great  brotherhood,  by  giving  them  common 
privileges,  with  which  the  Patricians  should  not 
interfere.  He  assigned  to  them  their  own  courts 
and  judges,  and  he  ordered  every  tribe  to  be  divided 
into  Pagi,  after  the  example  of  Veii,  from  whom 
seven  of  these  divisions  had  been  originally  taken 
by  Ancus  Marcius,  when  Tarquin  was  at  the  head 

♦  Vol.  i.  pp.  239  and  243. 


of  the  Roman  forces.  Each  Pagus  was  to  have 
its  own  temple  feast,  called  Paganalia,*  its  own 
asylum,  and  its  own  peculiar  Lar  or  god,  and  priest, 
and  magistrate.  These  institutions  were  introduced 
before  by  the  holy  Numa,  but  they  assuredly  were 
not  in  the  genius  of  the  Latins,  and  were  abolished 
by  Tullus  Hostilius. 

The  four  tribes  of  the  city  were  divided  into 
Compitalia,  the  temple  being  situated  where 
four  ways  met ;  and  of  these  Compitalia,  the 
slaves,  i.  e.  their  own  captive  countrymen  taken 
in  war,  or  their  debtors,  or  the  descendants 
of  these  men,  were  the  priests.  They  kept 
their  sacred  festival  every  year,  on  two  different 
days,  and  at  this  time  their  masters  could  give  them 
no  work.  Mastarna  is  said  to  have  offered  human 
victims  to  these  Lares ;  but  this  is  probably  some 
allegorical  allusion  either  to  the  slaves  themselves, 
or  to  the  taxing  which  took  place  at  the  time  of  these 
feasts.  Servius,  always  mindful  of  his  own  youth- 
ful sufferings,  raised  the  Liberti,  that  is,  the  freed  cap- 
tives of  his  own  and  of  the  Tarquinian  wars,  to 
he  Plebeian  citizens,t  and  enrolled  them  in  the  four 
city  tribes,  so  that  they  were  rated  with  the  classes, 
aud  formed  part  of  the  army.  The  Senate  highly 
resented  this  act,  and  Mastarna  appeased  them  by 
placing  under  their  cognizance,  all  criminal  cases, 
reserving  for  the  king's  judgment  only  state  crimes. 
He  forbade  the  Patricians  to  seize  the  persons  of 

*  Dion.  iv. 

t  Varro  says  that  the  Liberti  and  the  Plebo  are  both  Tuscan 
orders  of  men.     Etruria  introduced  them  both  into  Rome. 


166 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTAKNA. 


167 


1 


• 


!    '■ 


their  debtors,  and  thereby  gave  a  great  blow  to 
their  power ;  and  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  he 
paid  the  debts  of  vast  niultitiides  of  these  men  out 
of  his  own  royal  property.  The  Plebeians  were  to 
take  charge  of  their  own  affairs ;  and  for  this  pur- 
pose, were  to  meet  in  centuries  in  the  Campus  Mar- 
tius,outsidethe  city;  and  no  law  passed  by  the  Senate 
and  approved  by  the  Curiae,  was  to  be  binding  with- 
out their  consent. 

In  order  to  give  the  first  impulse  to  this,  he  re- 
quired them  to  confirm  his  so  called  election  to  the 
which  he  had  wrung  from  an  over-awed  Senate,  and 
throne,  upon  their  compliance,  he  declared  himself 
a  duly  elected  king,  and  governed  by  their  means, 
and  through  their  support.  When  this  new  constitu- 
tion was  completely  established,  Servius  ordered 
that  it  should  be  commemorated  at  every  Lustrum, 
when  the  people  were  to  be  assembled  in  the 
Campus  IMartius,  a  wide  plain  lying  between  the  city 
and  the  Tiber,  and  not  within  the  augury  ground  of 
the  Patricians.  Here  the  centuries  were  drawn  up 
in  order  of  battle,  and  the  solemn  Tuscan  sacrifice 
of  the  Suovetaurilia,  that  is, of  a  bull,  a  sheep,  and  a 
pig,  was  uttered  for  them.  Tacitus  says  that  Servius 
also  offered  sacrifices  to  Lua,  the  goddess  of  Lus- 
trums, and  built  her  an  altar.  Mow  as  the  Lustrum 
is  an  Etruscan  measure  of  time,  the  goddess  of  Lus- 
trums, unless  newly  invented  by  Servius,  must  have 
been  an  Etruscan  goddess ;  but  we  find  no  such  name 
in  their  mythology,  and  therefore  presume  Lua 
to  have  been  a  title  of  Mastarna  s  patron  divinity, 


Nortia,  in  whose  temple,  in  several  parts  of  Etruria, 
and  especially  at  Volsinia,  the  nails  of  the  Lustrum 
were  always  driven.  At  this  ceremony,  each  man 
paid  his  quota  of  the  tax,  which  was  laid  upon  his 
century,  and  the  more  numerous  the  century  in  the 
lower  classes,  the  lighter,  of  course,  would  fall  the 
tax.  One  of  Servius's  best  measures  was  a  commu- 
tation of  the  poll-tax,  formerly  paid  by  the  Romans, 
into  this  tax  upon  the  century,  of  which  each  mem- 
ber only  paid  his  share. 

He  prohibited  the  Patricians  from  living  upon 
the  Esquiline,  whilst  he  induced  the  Plebeians  to 
inhabit  it,  and  he  built  a  palace  there,  where  he 
himself  dwelt  amongst  them,  as  Livy  tells  us,  with  a 
view  to  do  them  honour.  In  all  respects,  Mastarna 
deserves,  much  more  than  Ancus  Martins,  to  be  con- 
sidered as  King  of  the  Italian  Plebs.  How  is  it, 
then,  that  he  has  not  thrown  his  predecessor  into 
the  shade?  How  is  it  that  Ancus  is  still  so  much 
considered  as  the  patron  of  the  Plebeians  ?  We  would 
hazard  the  conjecture  that  this  may  arise  from  the 
grand  object  of  Mastarna*s  ambition  being  to  raise 
the  condition  of  the  Etruscan  middle  class,  while 
the  patronage  of  Ancus,  being  extended  rather  to  the 
Latins  and  Sabines,  the  more  native  elements  of 
Roman  nationality,  the  memory  of  the  latter  was  on 
that  account  more  popularly  revered. 

But  Mastarna*s  most  obnoxious  act,  was  his  di- 
viding amongst  the  Plebeians  all  the  unallotted 
common  land,  which  was  the  fruit  of  the  wars  and 
victories  of  Tarquin,  and  which,  during  the  reign  of 


ni 


168 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


169 


his  dynasty,  had  been  enjoyed  exclusively  by  the 
Patricians.  It  was  one  of  the  luost  valuable  of  the 
Patrician  privileges  throughout  Italy,  to  possess  all 
the  common  land,  until  it  was  allotted;  and  it 
formed  one  great  element  of  Patrician  wealth  and  of 
their  ability  to  provide  for  their  younger  children. 
When  Mastarna  took  it  away  from  the  Roman  Pa- 
tricians, he  put  the  crowning  point  to  their  ill-will 
against  him  and  his  government.  They  then  plotted 
together  to  rid  themselves  of  a  military  chief,  who 
lived  only  to  degrade  them,  and  they  thought  that  any 
one  of  themselves,  however  haughty,  was  better  than 
a  man  whose  sagacity  was  so  far  beyond  the  wisdom 
of  his  time,  and  who  seemed  as  if  he  never  could 
forgive  them  the  misfortunes  of  his  early  youth. 
They  had  no  sympathy  with  such  measures  of  justice, 
and  ideas  of  right  and  wrong,  which,  to  selfish  and 
exclusive  classes  of  men,  are  generally  incompre- 
hensible. 

The  Patrician  who  headed  their  meetings,  was 
the  Lucumo  of  the  Tarquinian  house,  now  ino-rafted 
into  the  tribe  of  the  Luceres.  He  was  fifty-three 
years  of  age,  therefore  no  longer  young,  nor  likely 
to  have  been  carried  away  with  a  wild  ambition. 
But  he  was  lofty,  haughty,  brave,  and  of  a  despotic 
turn,  and  probably  irritated  by  more  than  one  of  the 
wrongs  which  fretted  his  brethren  of  the  Curia. 
He  was  forbidden  to  fortify  his  own  castle;  and  if 
it  was  built  upon  the  Coelian,  he  was  oblio-ed  to  de- 
scend  from  it  to  the  plain  below,  and  he  saw  those 
fields  and  meadows,  vineyards  and  corn-fields,  which 


he  considered  the  peculiar  conquests  of  his  house 
taken  from  him,  and  assigned  to  a  Plebs,  whom  he' 
cordially  desi)ised.  Livy,  however,  doubts  whether 
his  own  nature  would  have  carried  him  to  extremi- 
ties; and  says,  it  is  certain  that  the  confusion  (by 
which  he  means  either  war  or  rebellion)  was  begun 
and  continued  by  a  woman, 

Tullia,  the  wife  of  Tarquinius.  was  more  restless 
and  ambitious  than   himself;  she  felt  the  spirit  of 
lanaquil  working  in  her.     But  whereas  Tanaquil 
was  wise  and   prudent   in    her   deeds  of  boldness, 
lullia  was  arrogant,  reckless,  and  depraved.    Tana- 
quil gained  the  kingdom  for  her  husband,  and  con- 
ferred It  on  her  adopted  son.     Tullia  was  resolved 
to  gain  It  for  her  husband,  and  did   not  mind  how 
much  blood  she  waded  through  to  obtain  the  prize. 
Ihe  luscon   women  were  not  cyphers.     The  Tar- 
quHuan  dynasty  was  nobly  founded,  and  the  Mas- 
tarman    infamously    destroyed,    both    by    Tuscan 
women.    Tullia  besought  her  husband  by  the  palace 
and  possessions  of  the  Tarquinii,  and   by  the  gods 
and  images  of  his  fathers,  that  he  would  rouse,  and 
head  the  Patricians  to  overthrow  Mastarna,  and  to 
secure  to  himself  his  crown.     Tarquinius,  unable  to 
resist  the  ever-increasing  provocations  of  her  temper 
and   Mastarna's   conduct,   accordingly    gained   the 
i  atncians  by  presents,  and  represented  to  the  third 
tribe  and  minor  houses,  how  greatly  favoured  they 
had  been   by  the  Tarquinii,  and  how  entirely  they 
owed  to  fhem  all  the  power  which  they  possessed  in 
this  frontier  state. 


4 


170 


IlISIORY    OF    ETKIRIA. 


When  sure  of  tl.elr  support,  he  appeared  wuh  a 
body  of  his  own  troops  in  the  Foru.n,  and  inve.ghed 
before  the  Senators  upon  the  iniquity  of  any  bnger 
tolerating  a  governn.ent.  uh.ch  so  pecuharly    a.d 
itself  ou.:  in  order  to  oppress  them      He  sa.dth. 
Mastarna  Servius  was  Imnself  a  Plehe.an,  and  the 
sovereign  and  patron  of  I'lebeians,  and  that  he  was 
not  a  fit  ruler  for  then.,  the  Senators  and  Cur.«. 
That,  he  reigned  neither  by  vote  of  the  one  nor  by 
the  approval  of  the  other,  but  through  the  mHuenoe 
and  favour  of  a  foreign   wou.an.     He  then  seated 
l.imself  in  the  kings  place,  and  on  Servius  s  entrance 
into  the   Senate,  a  combat  ensued,  wh.ch  ended  m 
the  old  man  being  thrown  down  the  steps  of  the 
Senate  house  into  the  Forum,  and  so  much  injured 
that  he  died  shortly  after.     His  servants  carried  oft 
the  bodv,  and  on  their  way  towards  his  Esqml.ne 
palace,  laid  it  down  in  the  Vicus  Cyprius,  or  Good 
Street      Tullia  had   driven    in  her  chariot   to   the 
Forum,  where  she  saluted  her  husband  as  king,  and 
she  was  on  her  return  to  her  own  house,  when  she 
came  to  this  street,  where  the  charioteer,  on  seeing 
the  body,  stopped,  in  pity,  horror,  and  veneration. 
TuUia  asked  him  why  he  stopped,  and  on  perceiving 
the  cause,  desired  him  to  drive  on,  and  forced  the 
chariot  over  the  body  of  the  murdered    sovereign, 
whose  blood  was  sprinkled  upon  her  garments.    In 
this  state  she  went  in  to  her  domestic  altar,  in  order 
to  return  thanks  to  her  households  gods,  having,  in 
perfection,  that  sort  of  devotion  which  is  so  common 
in  an  unrighteous  and  superstitious  world,  and  which 


PEKIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


i71 


may  be  called  worldly  religion,  being  utterly  devoid 
of  morality.  It  is  a  species  of  homage  which  tlie  wor- 
shipper flatters  himself  will  propitiate  the  King  of 
kings,  as  it  does  the  kings  of  men.  But  the  Divini- 
ties before  whom  Tullia  bowed,  revenged  their  in- 
sulted righteousness  in  the  misfortunes  of  her  hus- 
band  and  her  children.  The  name  of  the  street 
where  she  would  not  stop,  was  henceforth  changed 
from  "  Cyprius,"which  is  the  Sabine*  for  "good,"  lo 
Sceleratus,  which  is  the  Latin  for  "  wicked." 

Tullia  afterwards  visited  one  of  the   temples  of 
Fortune,t  built  by  the  late  king,  in  whicii  stood  a 
votive  image  of  himself,  made  of  wood  gilt,  and 
when  she  saw  it,  something  of  her  woman's  nature 
returned,  and  she  covered  her  face,  and  went  away; 
for  the  excitement,  which  had  formerly  made  her 
deaf  to  the  voice  of  mercy,  was  now  over.    Mastarna 
was  probably  no  more  her  father,  than  he  was  that 
of  the  state  in  general,  and  we  may  judge  of  the 
variation  of  the  legends  in  this  story,  when  we  are 
told  by  one  bard,  that  Taiiaquil,  who,  ninety-seven 
years  before,  had  come  to  Rome  a  full  grown  woman, 
was  alive  at  this   time,  and   witnessed   this  act  of 
paltry  and    unnatural   revenge:    and    by    another, 
that    Lucius     Tarquinius    sent    away    his    heroic 
wife  when    he   became   the    sovereign    of   Rome. 
Accordmg  to  Fabius,  the  oldest   Roman  historian, 
Tanaquil  lives  to  see  the   unnatural  act  of  Tullia,' 
and    the    murder    of   her    own   son,  Aruns,  and 


i 


t  > 


i 


*  Varro. 


t  Ovid.  Fasti,  vi.  613. 


i2 


i 


^^2  HISTORY    OF    ETRVRIA. 

r        ^u\    the    40th    year  of    Servius^s 
""  ■""■    Th  ,     .        '    f.r»..    Tulli.'.    ertae. 

is:;...  J. "..».-'. --r^^^^^^^ 

^  to  have  made  him    a   Patrician.      She 

tarna,  and  to  have  ma  -'..^^  to  her  hus- 

1  ;  .wl  him  to  he  prime  minisier  vu 

then  raised  mm  lo  u     ^ 

ba„d,  arid  finally  .f^-Jj^J^^^T^^^     splri^re- 

riuVuitso       -regulated  ambition.     Her  favour.te 

;     rotte  who  had  set  aside,  and  who,  m    he 

and  prote  ce  p^j^j.i^n,,  had  wronged  her 

•iS^:!.;"- destroyed,  and  along  with  hi. 

1    .  ,.\,Prisl.ed  and  useful  institutions, 
'^^y  ;s::::t  d  given  tl.  nehs  their  own  t^n^u- 

r'  f  0  r"  ng"  ribes,  was  his  intention  to  secure 
?:Lp  b  "furthe'r.a  joint  or  alternate  pos- 
to  the  f  leu  ^j^^^  ^j^^  ^^^g  de- 

sess.on  of  ^^^<^J^^  ,^^  ^^e  constitutions 

T^eC  Tar5.^-  dynasty,  could,  with  equa 
ttobUterate  his  own ;  and  therefore  he  wished 
*  De  Fort.  Rom. ;  also  Nieb.  i.  n.  905. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA, 


173 


« 


that  the  absolute  kingly  government  should  no  more 
rest  in  a  single  person  ;  but  that  the  double  throne 
of  Romulus  and  Tatius,  should  be  filled  by  a  Pa* 
trician  and  Plebeian  ruling  together,  or  alternately, 
the  Patrician  remaining  chief.  Indeed  something 
of  this  kind  was  tried  at  Veii ;  and  whether,  in  the 
present  instance,  this  really  was  or  was  not  the  in' 
tention  of  Mastarna,  it  continued  to  be  believed  as 
such,  by  all  classes,  and  it  was  a  reason  why  the  one 
party  thought  of  him  with  coldness  and  aversion, 
and  the  other  with  veneration  and  love. 

Thus  ends  the  second  Etruscan  dynasty  in  the 
heart  of  Italy,  and  beyond  the  Tiber.  At  this  time, 
one  third  of  the  Roman  power  was  conventionally 
and  politically  Tuscan,  besides  the  overwhelming 
weight  of  its  despotic  head.  One  Patrician  tribe, 
the  Luceres,  and  ten  Plebeian,  the  names  of  which 
we  do  not  know,  were  of  that  nation,  and  many  of 
the  Roman  words  and  proper  nouns  still  retain  the 
Tuscan  roots.  This  mixed  nation  bore  the  name  of 
the  first  sacred  colonizers,  the  Ramnes,  but  their 
religion,  with  all  its  ceremonies,  and  their  science, 
with  all  its  technicalities,  was  Tuscan ;  and  their 
civil  polity  was  Quiritary,  or  Sabine. 

Mastarna  executed  one  truly  magnificent  work 
after  the  same  models,  and  by  the  same  means  as  the 
Cloacae  of  the  great  Tarquin  :  and  this  was  the  wall 
of  Rome,  which  Arnold  (i.  50,)  says,  measured  seven 
miles  round,  and  which  was  never  enlarged  till  the 
days  of  Aurelian.  It  followed  the  edge  of  the 
Capitol,  Quirinal,  Aventine,  and  CaBlian,  down   to 


it 


174 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


r  i 


the  Tiber,  and  then  passed  to  the  Esquilliie.     The 

Capitoline  and  the  Aventine  never  were  enclosed  ;* 

neither  (according  to  Niebuhr)  was  the  Janiculum.t 

The   remainder  of  the  circuit  was  completed   by   a 

rampart   called   the  Ag-er,    which    connected    the 

Esqiiiline,  Viminal,  and  Quirinal. 
This  Ao-ffer  of  Servius  was  seven  furlongs  in  length, 

and  rose  out  of  a  moat  one  hundred  feet  broadband 
thirty  deep.     Above  this,  he  raised  a  mound  fifty  feet 
broad  and  sixty  high,  which  he  faced  towards  the 
moat,  with  a  skirting  of  flag-stones,  and  which   he 
flanked  with  towers.     A  similar  wall  connected  the 
CoUine  with  the  western  ascent  of  the  Quirinal,  where 
was  the  boundary  of  the  ancient  Sabine  settlement. 
Niebuhr  says  that  the  great  wall  of  Servius  compre- 
hended all  that  part  of  the  seven  hills  which  was 
not    unhealthy,   and    that    the    inhabitants   of  the 
Lateran  and  other  parts  not  included,  talk  of  "  going 
to  Rome"  to  this  day.     Cicero  de  Rep.  ii.  6,  de- 
scribes  the  Sacred  City   in   his   time,   as   modern 
tourists  do  now,  "  Locum  in  regione  pestilent!  Sa- 
lubrem."     The  walls  stretched  from  the  Tarpeian 
alono-   the  Aventine,  between   the   Circus  and   the 
river,  and  may  still   be  traced    in  the   Velabrum. 
Livy  (i.  4)  speaking  of  this  work,  says,  "  Servius 
surrounded  the  city  with  an  Agger, ditch,  and  wall; 
and  thus  extended  the  Pomaerium,"  and  then  imme- 
diately he  adds,  **  the  Pomserium    was  an  Etruscan 
term  and  manner  of  laying  out  a  city,'*  as  if  in  this 
instance,  the    whole    work    naturally    carried    his 
»  Dion.  Lx.    t  Vide  Niebuhr,  Completion  of  the  city  of  Rome. 


Ik 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


175 


» 


thoughts  back  to  the  original   builders  and  tunnel- 
lers  of  Italy. 

The  Agger  of  Servius  was  so  substantially  built, 
that  it  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  gardens  of  the  Villa 
Negroni,  and  portions  of  the  wall  exist  in  the  gar- 
dens of  Sallust,  and  in  the  Velabrum.  The  works 
of  tlie  Etruscans  were  very  different  from  any  that 
the  Roman  Republicans  ever  executed,  after  their 
rule  had  ceased.  They  were  cast  in  the  gigantic 
mould  of  an  Eastern  race,  and  were  formed  to  last, 
like  those  of  their  ancestors  and  instructors,  the 
men  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Nile.  Niebuhr* 
considers  the  erection  of  this  wall  to  be  quite  as 
stu])eiidousa  work  as  the  Circus  or  Cloaca  ;  and  that, 
like  them,  it  could  only  have  been  effected  by  com- 
pulsory labour.  Yet  it  is  certain,  that  the  memory 
of  Mastarna  bears  upon  it  no  such  stain;  and  that 
the  name  of  Servius  was  given  to  him  in  contempt 
by  the  Patricians,  and  preserved  to  him  in  affection 
by  the  Plebs,  because  he  was  the  patron  of  the 
debtor  and  the  slave.  Moreover,  no  such  welcome 
reproach  as  that  of  an  oppressor  was  ever  cast  upon 
his  fame  in  the  reign  that  followed,  when  it  re- 
quired every  possible  precaution  to  prevent  the 
labouring  poor  from  openly  and  bitterly  lamenting 
him.  Besides  the  wall  and  the  Agger,  some  of  the 
minor  branches  of  the  Cloaca  must  also  have  been 
his  work :  for  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  improba- 
ble that  a  public  undertaking  of  such  immense  and 
visible  importance  and   utility,  begun  by  the  first 


I! 


fl 


*  Vide  Niebuhr,  Completion  of  the  city  of  Rome. 


176 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


Tarquin,  and  ended  by  the  second,  should  have  re- 
mained  exactly  in  the  state  in  which   Lucius  had 
left  it,  for  four  and  forty  years.     Niebuhr   ridicules 
such  an  idea;  and  Tacitus*  says    that  Servius  car- 
riedon  the  architectural  labours  of  the  first  Tarquin. 
Mastarna  was  buried  upon  the  Nones,  or  market- 
day  ;  and  as    Tarquin  would   not  suffer  the  anni- 
versary of  his  death  to  be  observed,  tlie   common 
people  keptm  his  honour,the  Nones  of  every  month 
until  the  Senate   broke  the  custom,  by  forbidding 
the  Romant  markets  to  be  held  according  to  that 
Tuscan  reckoning  of  time,  lest  their  regret  and  ve- 
neration   should    break  out  into  insurrection,   and 
cause  his  laws  to  be  restored. 

Mastarna  loved  magnificence,if  we  are  to  believethe 
tradition,  that  when  he  triumphed  over  the  Veientes, 
it  was  with  all  the  pomp  that  the  splendid  Lucius  had 
used  before  him.    He  appears  in  history,  and  he  cer- 
tainly was  in  reality,  the  vindicator  of  the  liberties  and 
privileges  of  the  people,  yet  he  never  seems  to  have 
separated  from  that  great  object,  the  maintenance  of 
his  own  supremacy,  and  the  gratification  of  his  own 
irritated  feelings.     Born,  as  we  have  reason  to  be- 
lieve,  in  an  elevated  rank,  although  thrown  by  early 
misfortune,  into  a  subordinate  or  even  servile  con- 
dition, he  imbibed  all  the  prejudices  natural  to  the 
oppressed  against  the  oppressors,  while  he  retained 
the  innate  consciousness  of  an  hereditary  right,  him- 
self to   rank    among   the    princes    of  the    people. 
Hence,  in  him,  existed  the  not  uncommon  union  of 
*     Hist.  iii.  72.  t  Macrob.  Satur.  i.  18. 

\  Vide  Niebuhr,  Completion  of  the  city  of  Rome. 


i 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA. 


177 


* 


the  personal  aristocrat,  and  the  partisan  of  demo- 
cracy. He  maintained  the  cause  of  the  people,  be- 
cause he  owed  an  early  personal  grudge  to  the  pri- 
vileged classes;  and  he  moreover  saw  that  popular 
favour  was  the  surest  means  of  gratifying  the  irre- 
sistible bias  of  his  mind,  which,  like  the  aristocratic 
predilections  of  Lucius,  had  grown  with  his  growth, 
anil  strengthened  with  his  strength. 

The  career  of  these  two  chiefs  exhibits  a  remark- 
able contrast.  Placed  as  tiiey  both  originally  were,  in 
a  false  position,  the  bent  of  their  dispositions,  which 
were  cast  in  very  different  moulds,  took  the  natural 
developement  of  the  circumstances  which  surrounded 
their  early  years.  Both  of  illustrious  origin,  and 
both  endowed  with  lofty  and  noble  feelings,  they 
devoted  their  energies  from  the  dawn  of  their  ex- 
istence,  to  the  advancement  of  two  great  opposite 
principles,  with  which  they  identified  their  ideas  of 
right  and  wrong,  as  well  as  their  individual  hopes  of 
usefulness  and  worldly  glory. 

Lucius,  the  prosperous  favourite  of  fortune,  de- 
voted to  the  maintenance  of  his  order,  when  he 
found  that  his  career  at  home  was  impeded  by  some 
minor  distinctions,  sought  a  field  for  the  exercise  of 
his  talents  more  wide  and  free  elsewhere,  and  en- 
joyed the  well-earned  fame  of  uncompromising  po- 
litical consistency.  The  same  character  no'' less 
duly  belongs  to  Mastarna,  whose  lofty  soul,  spurning 
the  trammels  which  galled  its  youthful  aspirations, 
embraced  with  enthusiasm  the  cause  of  the  op- 
pressed,  as  his  own  cause;  and  carried  the  humiliation 

I  5 


178 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


of  the  privileged  classes  about  with  him  through 
life,  as  his  watchword,  engraven  on  the  tablets  of  his 
heart.     When  mounted  on  the  throne  of  Home,  he 
could   not  forget  the  early   servitude  of  Volsinia: 
and   the  dearest  privilege  among  the  many  favours 
showered  upon  him  by  his  patron  deity  Nortia,  was 
i)robably  the  opportunity  which  he  enjoyed  of  hum- 
bling and   vexing  the  order,  to  whose  injustice  he 
owed  his  youthful  obscurity  and  hardships.     With 
the   strong   hand  of  a   despot,  he  repressed  what 
he   considered    as    the    overweening    power  of  the 
few.     And  forgetting  that  rational  liberty  demands 
an    equal    justice    to    be  done    to    all,    he    trans- 
gressed  the   bounds   of  moderation,    which    might 
have  preserved  him  in  power  and  in  honour  to  the 
end  of  his  days,  and  brought  upon  himself  that  de- 
struction, which,  under  similar  circumstances,  is  the 
unvarying  result  of  rashness  and  exaggeration. 


i79 


%\ 


CJIAPTEU  VIII. 

PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 

Contests  between  the  Etruscans  and  Carthaginians— Sardinia— 
The  Phocians— Etruscan  Offerings  at  Delphi  —  Divinities 
common  under  different  names  and  in  different  countries- 
Travels  of  Pythagoras— His  intercourse  with  the  Etruscans- 
Letters— Progress  of  alphabets-Cieneral  state  of  the  civi- 
lized world— Decay  of  some  nations  before  Etruria  had 
reached  her  most  flourishing  period— Necessary  intercourse 
between  the  Etruscans  and  the  chief  countries  of  the  ancient 
world. 

During  the  period  of  Mastarna,  whijj^t  the  Tar- 
qiiiuian  and  Patrician  despotism  was  overturned, 
and  continued  in  abeyance  in  the  Turrhenian  ilo- 
«nau  kingdom,  the  western  states  of  the  Etruscan 
it-ague  were  actively  engaged  in  war  with  tlie  Car- 
tliaginians,  for  the  supremacy  in  Sardinia.  Luna 
Populonia,  Cosa  of  the  Vulci,  and  Tarquinia,  were 
the  four  states  most  interested  in  the  possession 
ot  that  island,  and  whose  soldiers  were  the  most 
hkely  to  have  been  there  engaged.  The  Cartha- 
ginian General,  Malcus,  fought  with  them  a  bloody 
hattic,  and  the  fact  of  his  having  lost  half  his  army, 


li 


It 


180 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF   MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 


181 


notwithstanding  the  excellent  armonr  and  tried  dis- 
cipline of  his  country,  affords  no  slight  proof  of  the 
valour  and  good  military  tactics  of  Etruria  at  this 
date.  No  doubt  the  victory  over  Malcus  tended 
considerably  to  confirm  the  Tuscan  power  in  Sardi- 
nia, though  we  find  from  the  treaty  of  Carthage, 
about  twenty  years  later,  that  a  great  part  of  the 
commerce  of  that  island  was  still  Carthaginian. 

The  Tuscans,  as  well  as  the  Carthagians,  are 
accused  of  having  behaved  to  the  rude  natives  of  the 
island  in,  a  very  different  manner  from  what  they 
did  to  the  Umbri,  on  their  first  establishment  in 
Italy.  They  drew  from  tliem  their  skilful  bowmen, 
and  many  bands  of  hired  soldiers.  They  erected 
ports  in  their  harbours,  where  they  observed  a  strict 
monopoly,  and  drew  from  them  all  their  raw  ma- 
terials, to  be  manufactured  in  the  Italian  Peninsula. 
But  they  made  no  attempt  to  civilize  them,  and 
gave  them  no  schools  for  education.  They  did  not 
even  introduce  their  religion  amongst  them  ;  and 
they  rather  prided  themselves  upon  keeping  up  the 
isolation  of  the  Sardinians,  by  means  of  their  repu- 
tation for  rudeness  and  barbarity,  in  order  to 
frio-hten   away   other  nations,   and    ward  off"  rival 

settlers. 

The  defeat  of  Malcus  seems  to  have  been  followed 
by  a  treaty  of  peace  and  alliance :  for  between  the 
years  of  Rome,  208  and  214,  i.  e.  from  the  years  of 
Tarquinia  642  to  648,  we  find  the  Etruscan  and 
Cartlmo-inian  fleets  in  common, and  as  friends,  en- 
countering the  Phocians,  who  had  so  lately   built 


themselves  a  fort  at  Alalia,  in  order  to  dispute  with 
them  the  possession  of  Cyrnus  or  Corsica,  and  to 
drive  them  away  from  that  island. 

In  this  battle,  strange  to  say,  they  were  defeated; 
but  they  carried  off"  a  number  of  prisoners;  and  the 
upright  Cerites,   the   constant  allies  of    Turrhene 
Rome,  who  had  joined  in  this  action,  carried  theirs 
to  Agylla,  and  stoned  them   to  death.*     A  famine 
and  pestilence  soon  after  visited  the  place,  which 
they  attributed  to  the  anger  of  heaven  for  this  deed 
of  cruelty,  and  as  the  men   they  had  stoned  were 
Greeks,  they  sent  an  expedition  to  consult  the  oracle 
of  Delphi,  as  to  what  expiation  they  should  make, 
and  they  accompanied  it  by  gifts  to  the  treasury  of  the 
deity.     The  Oracle  commanded   them,  every  year, 
to  observe  games  and  races,  in  honour  of  the  slain, 
which  were  attended  by  Herodotus,  130  years  after- 
wards.    Were  it  not  that  these  gifts  at  Delphi  were 
seen  by  Pausanias,  we  should  have  believed   all  the 
games  to  have  been  ordered  by  their  own  Tuscan 
Oracles;  and  had  not  the  victims  of  their  rasre  been 
Greeks,  we  could  not    have   credited    any  expedi- 
tion into  Greece  on  their  account.     It  was  probably 
in  consequence  of  this,  and  another  defeat  which 
they  sustained  at  sea,  in  the  bay  of  Cuma,t  in  com- 
mon with  the  Umbri  and  Daunii,  that  they  permit- 
ted the  Phocians  to  found  a  colony,  or  to  establish  a 
footing  at  Velea,  close  to  their  own  Phistu. 

From  this  time,  the  Etruscan  maritime  pre-emi- 


♦  Herod,  i.  167. 


t  Dionys.  vii. 


I 


182 


HISTORY    OF    ETHURIA. 


I«5 


nence  seems  rapidly  to  have  declined,  and  they  ex- 
perienced one  defeat  after  another  from  the  Opican, 
Sicilian  and  Ionian  Greeks,  until  at  length,  the  two 
people  came  to  he  on  a  perfect  equality  ;  so  that 
each  wished  rather  to  avoid  than  to  try  the  strength 
of  the  other.  We  may  gather  from  the  treaty  of 
Carthage,  that  the  help  of  Cuma  was  sought  by 
Tarquinia  and  the  Tarquinii,  against  the  Volsinian 
party  in  the  Etruscan  league;  and  that  it  was  Etrus- 
cans, in  tlie  Plebeian  interest,  with  whom  the  men 
of  Cuma  strove.  Notwithstanding  the  boldness  of 
the  Phoceans,  and  the  increasing  skill  and  valour 
of  the  Cumaeansjthe  Greeks  of  this  day  commonly 
believed  that  there  was  no  safety  or  peace  for  their 
vessels  beyond  the  straits  of  Messina.*  Cuma  was 
an  ally  of  Tarquin  the  Second,  and  Sardinia 
and  Corsica  were  from  this  period,  gradually  aban- 
doned  by  the  Carthaginians  to  the  Tuscans. 

We  have,  unfortunately,  no  means  of  ascertaining 
whether  Arimnos,  a  king  in  Etruria,who,  according 
to  Pausanius,  (v.  12)  was  the  first  Barbarianf  who 
offered  gifts  to  Zeus,  (i.  e  Jupiter,)  in  Olympus,  lived 
at  this  time  or  before  it.  If  we  believe  him  to  have 
been  the  first  who  sent  gifts  to  any  of  the  temples 
in  Grecia  Proper,  we  must  place  him  long  prior  to 
Mastarnn,  and  assign  to  him  a  locality  in  some  of 
those  states  which  carried  on  the  most  uninter- 
rupted commerce  with  Greece.  But  if  the  expres- 
sion only  means  that  he  was  the  first  who  oftered 
gifts  to  love,  as  contradistinguished  from  the  sun 
♦  Herodot.  vi.  t  Vol.  i.  I07i 


PERIOD  OF   MASTARNA  IN    ROME. 


183 


god  of  Delphi,  then  his  aera  is  more  likely  to  fall 
about  this  time,  or  during  the  periods  of  the  first 
and  second  Tarquins,  when  the  worship  of  the  cor- 
responding divinity  was  extended  by  the  Tuscans 
in  Italy.  If,  as  is  generally  allowed  by  ancient 
mythologists,  the  sun  was  first  worshipped  as  the 
symbol  of  the  Supreme  being,  and  idols  were  after- 
wards made  as  a  sort  of  earthly  personification  of  the 
divine  Sun,  then  Talna,  Tianus,  Jupiter,  Zeus, 
Apollo,  and  many  more  chief  divinities,  were  all,  in 
their  origin,  emblems  of  one  and  the  same  thing, 
named  according  to  the  tongues  of  the  different 
nations,  and,  in  their  early  records,  were  often  put 
one  for  the  other.  The  Epul  and  Aplu  of  Etruria, 
the  Apollo  of  the  Greeks,  is  frequently  translated 
by  Dis- pater.* 

Mastarna  had  the  funeral  of  an  Etruscan  prince, 
though  the  Patricians  would  gladly  have  omitted  it, 
and  Livy  says  that  the  sirname  of  "  Superbus,"  was 
given  to  the  Tarquinius  who  succeeded  him, 
because,  when  consulted  about  it,  he  scornfully 
answered  that  Servius  might  dispense  with  a  funeral, 
as  Romulus  had  done  before  him.  A  tumult 
was  threatened,  when  the  people  saw  his  image 
carried  behind  his  bier,t  but  they  were  quieted  by 
the  face  being  covered  over.  Another  legend  says, 
that  Tarquinius  did  not  dare  to  bury  him,  for  fear  of 
a  revolt,  and  that  his  wife  took  charge  of  his  funeral, 
and  laid  him  in  his  own  sepulchre.  His  wife  was  a 
Tarquinian  princess,  and  could  command  many 
♦  MuUer.  f  Ovid.  Fasti,  vi. 


i 


184 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


sepulchres.  Mastarna  himself  could  have  had  none 
to  call  his  own,  in  Rome,  unless  he  followed  the 
Egyptian  plan  of  preparing  it  in  his  lifetime, 
which  the  legend  of  Porsenna's  tomb  makes  likely 
to  have  been  the  custom. 

His  wife  died  very  soon  after,  and  was  laid  in  the 
same  grave,  and  the  Plebeians  kept  an  annual 
festival  in  remembrance  of  him,  in  the  great  temple 
of  Diana  Aventina. 

During  the  forty -four  years  which  we  have  been 
considering,  the  extraordinary  philosopher  Pythago- 
ras taught  in  the  south  of  Italy.  Some  Italian 
authors  say  that  he  was  an  Etruscan,*  brought  up 
at  Samos ;  others,  that  he  taught  in  Etruria ;  and 
others,  that  his  parents  were  Etruscan,  and  settled 
in  Samos.  At  any  rate,  his  doctrines  and  manner 
of  thinking  have  a  striking  coincidence  with  the 
Etruscan,  but  he  added  to  them  much  Eastern 
wisdom,  and  elucidated  consequences  from  the 
truths  which  he  learnt,  in  a  way  far  beyond  his  age, 
and  still  more  beyond  the  intellect  of  his  successors, 
to  retain.  How  much  of  this  was  due  to  his  own 
masterly  genius,  and  how  much  to  the  learning  of 
the  Egyptian,  Chaldean, and  Hindu  Magi,  amongst 
whom  he  travelled,  and  from  whom  he  souo-ht 
instruction,  we  have  no  Eastern  historian  now  to 
detail.  But  it  is  certain  that  he  explored  the  won- 
ders of  science,  deeper  than  even  the  Hebrews,  or 
any  other  learned  Easterns,  with  wiiose  opinions  we 
are  acquainted,  seem  ever  to  have  done  before  him. 
•   See  Tiraboschi  Maffei,  and  Guaroacci  in  loco. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA  IN  ROME. 


185 


i: 


lie  carried  letters  of  recommendation  from  his  own 
sovereign    Polycrates,  to  Amosis,    the  Pharaoh   of 
Egypt,  who  graciously  received  and  protected  him:  so 
that  he  associated  with  the  court,and  with  the  learned 
in  tiiat  country,  and  was  taught  to  read  and  write 
the  hieroglyphics,  in  which  he  afterwards  instructed 
his  disciples,  and  in  reference  to  which,  they  boasted 
that  they  could  correspond  in  cyphers  with  men  in 
all  quarters  of  the  globe.     He  visited  India  and  the 
Gymnosophists,  and  his  name  is  still  remembered 
amongst  the  Bramins.     He  taught  the  plurality  of 
worlds,  and  that  the  earth  revolves  around  the  sun; 
the  unity  of  the  divine   being,  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  and  the  responsibility  of  man.     His  reli- 
gion was  a  compound  of  the  Etruscan  and   Egyp- 
tian, for  he  believed  in  the  Dii  Majores,  the  defied 
heroes,  and  the  Inferus  of  the  one;  and  the  transmi- 
gration  ot  souls  and  Metemp.sychosis  of  the  other. 
He  hnally  settled  at  Crotona,  where  he  reclaimed 
the  inhabitants  from  habits  ot  luxury  and  indolence, 
and  where  he  established  schools,  which  produced, 
"1  time,   the   greatest  philosophers  this  world  has 
ever  seen ;    Plato  and  Aristotle  having  both  been 
i  ythagoreans. 

But  our  chief  reason  for  naming  him  here,  is  not 
only  to  show  the  knowledge  with  which  the  Tuscans 
must  have  been  in  continual  contact,  for  all  authors 
agree  that  Pythagoras  either  taught  in  Etruria 
or  earnt  from  her  schools  :  but  because  a  theory 
has  lately  been  started  by  very  learned  oriental  scho- 
lars, that  he  was  the    first    man    who  brouo^ht  the 


'    I! 


I< 


i\ 


186 


HISTORY   OF    KTRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 


187 


alphabetical  letters  into  Greece      The  Greek  native 
tradition  is  unvarying,  that  their  letters  came  from 
the  East,  and  that  their  first  alphabet  was   Phoeni- 
cian :  nor  do  we  think  it  difficult  to  prove,  that— 
Aleph   J^,   Beth  D,    Giniel  J  ;     Alpha   A,    Beta    B, 
Gamma  r,    have   one  common  root.     But  though 
it  should  be  a  truth,  (and  this  we  do  not  dispute,) 
that  the  Greek  and  the  ancient  Hindu   Pali   letters 
are  the  same,  it  does  not  therefore  follow  that  the 
Pythagoras  of  Samos  and  Crotona,  who  lived  in  the 
days  of  Mastarna,  was  the  first  man  who  introduced 
them.     It  would   throw  too  deep  a  shade  over  the 
whole  of  western  history.      Niebuhr  believes  that 
there  were  many  Pythagorases,  as  there  were  many 
Budhs;  and  some  Pythagoras   six    hundred   years 
earlier  may  have  brought  these  letters  to  the  west, 
through  Phoenicia. 

Moreover,  if  the  Ionian  Greeks  and  the  Palis 
of  Hindustan  were,  as  orientalists  affirm,  the 
same  ])eople,  is  it  not  much  more  likely  that 
the  alphabet  should  have  migrated  with  them, 
than  that  an  intelligent  and  civilized  people, 
warred  upon,  as  the  Scriptures  and  the  mo- 
numents of  Egypt  certify  to  us  that  they  were,  by 
Cyrus,  an<l  tiie  monarchs  of  Chaldea,  and  the  mag- 
nificent Pharoahs,  should  liave  continued  illiterate 
amongst  the  scientific  and  deeply  learned  nations 
by  which  they  were  surrounded  ?  Pliny  (vii.  56) 
gives  us  the  original  Greek  alphabet,  and  says  that 
four  additional  letters,  with  compound  sounds,  were 
added  to  it  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war,  and  that 


the  wliole  was  completed  by  Simonides,  a  Greek 
traveller  and  philosopher,  about  this  very  period. 

The   Etruscan   alphabet    was  not  identical  with 
the  Greek,  having  no  D  or  G.     But  it  was  derived 
from  the  same  source,  and  it  was  probably  the  older 
of  the  two.     Even  were  it  not  so,  and  we  think  the 
question  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt,  the  Etruscan  lite- 
rature, such  as  it  was,  might  lay  claim  to  a  far  more 
ancient  date  than  the  time  of  Servius;  for  Niebuhr 
pronounces  that  their  monumental  alphabet  in  Italy, 
is  the  successor  of  a  much  older  hieroglyphic,  still 
preserved    in   their   numbers.— i.  ii.  iii.  iiii.     These 
are  signs  of  the  Ogham  alphabet,  they  belong  also  to 
the    arrangement  of  the   arrow-headed,   and    they 
show  a   resemblance    to  part  of  the  system   of  the 
Mexicans.     The  Eugubian  tables  of  the  Umbri  and 
Tusci  ought,  indeed,  to  set  the   Pythagorean   ques- 
tion at  rest,  as  far  as  Italy  is  concerned.     The  laws 
of  Servius  were  engraved,  in  the  old  Etruscan  let- 
ters, like  the  Greek,  upon  brazen  tables,  in  order 
that  tliey  might  be  read  and  kept  in  remembrance, 
and  that  they  might  thus  assume  the  aspect  of  fixed 
and  sacred  things. 

Niebuhr  remarks,  with  amazement,  upon  the  quan- 
tity of  writing  which  these  laws  imply,and  concerning 
the  genuineness  of  which  he  intimates  no  doubt 
Fifty  bronze  tables  upon  which  they  were  engraved, 
were  destroyed  by  Tarquinius  Superbus,  in  a  fit  of 
passion.  Besides  these,  a  volume  of  commentaries 
was  preserved,  in  conformity  with  which,  Livy  says, 
the  first  Consuls  were  chosen ;  and  Festus  quotes  so 


M 


^! 


I 


188 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD   OF    MASTARrA    IN    ROME. 


189 


much  from  them,  as  to  show  that  they  contained  a 
detailed  account  of  the  Servian  constitutions.  The 
treaty  with  Carthage,  made  twenty-five  years  hiter, 
was  engraved  upon  brazen  tables,  at  the  Capitol,  in 
the  same  so- called  Greek  letters  ;  and  in  consequence 
of  the  language,  the  spelling, and  the  foreign  charac- 
ters, not  a  Roman  cotemporary  of  Polybius  could 
read  them.  It  is  to  him  that  we  are  indebted,  for 
our  knowledge  of  their  existence  *  They  were  un- 
intellijjible  to  Cicero,  and  are  mentioned  by  Vale- 
rius  Flaccus. 

We  have  already  expressed  our  opinion  that  the 
oldest  governing  race  in  Hindustan,  and  the  first 
Rasena,  sprung  from  the  same  stock  and  emigrated 
from  the  same  regions;  and  these  literal  cha- 
racters form  one  of  the  grounds  upon  which  this 
opinion  is  based. 

If  we  now  pause  a  moment  to  cast  our  eyes  upon 
the  state  of  mankind  in  Asia,  during  the  rule  of 
Etruria  over  Rome,  we  shall  see  what  great  events 
had  taken  place  in  that  quarter  of  the  world; 
and  how  old  the  human  race  had  there  become. 
Twenty-six  dynasties,  some  of  them  of  dazzling 
glory,  had  passed  away  in  Egypt,  and  she  was 
almost  in  her  dotage  before  Greece  was  well  out  of 
her  cradle,  before  the  dramatic  poets  had  written, 
before  the  great  artists  had  arisen,  and  when  the 
laws  of  Solon  were  scarcely  accepted,  and  were 
looked  upon  with  suspicion,  and  reserved  for  trial, 
AYithout  other  testimony,  we  might  learn  the  esti- 

♦    Polyb.  iii.  23. 


niation  in  which  Egypt,  Chaldea,  and  India,  were 
held  at  this  period,  and  prior  to  it;  because  all  the 
Greek  sages,  without  exception,  travelled  to  some 
or  all  of  these  regions,  in  order  to  import  instruc- 
tion thence.  Before  the  death  of  Mastarna,  the 
Hebrew  story  was  near  its  close,  and  the  whole 
canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  with  the  exception  of 
Nehemiah,  and  four  of  the  minor  prophets,  was 
completed.  What  a  body  of  divinity,  what  a  mass  of 
historical  testimony,  did  not  the  Hebrew  people  then 
possess?  They  had  the  five  books  of  Moses,  the  Psalms 
of  David,  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,  the  sublime  poetry 
of  Isaiah,  (before  which  even  Homer  must  bow  with 
reverence)  unequalled  by  all  else  that  has  ever 
breathed  from  human  lips.  The  mournful  sweet- 
ness of  Jeremiah,  the  fiery  strains  of  Ezekiel,  the 
angel-eyed  prophecies  of  Daniel,  piercing  to  the 
very  end  of  time;  all  these  and  much  more  had  long 
ere  this,  been  the  heritage  of  the  children  of  Abra- 
ham, and  they  themselves  were  now  captives  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies,  and  oppressed  exiles  amongst 
the  provinces  of  Assyria. 

We  leave  it  to  more  competent  judges  and 
able  scholars  to  decide,  whether  this  people,  so  re- 
markable beyond  all  the  other  children  of  Adam, 
for  the  tenacity  with  which  they  have  ever  observed 
their  own  customs,  and  so  superstitious  by  nature  as 
well  as  by  habit,  were  likely  to  change  their  own  sacred 
letters,  in  which  the  finger  of  Jehovah  himself  had 
written  the  great  commandments  of  in  the  law,  in 
order   to   adopt   the   characters  of    their  heathen 


190 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


PERIOD    OF    MASTARNA    IN    ROME. 


191 


I 

( 


i:i 


victors ;  and  whether  the  Hebrew  letters  of  Ezra 
were,  indeed,  the  characters  of  those  victors,  seeing 
that  the  oldest  Chaldean  and  Babylonish  inscrip- 
tions  are  of  a  form  widely  different? 

The  story  of  Ezra  having  changed  the  Hebrew 
alphabet,  rests  on  the  authority  of  one  Jew,  of  the 
second  century  of  the   christian    aera.     It  is   very 
difficult  to  believe    that  the   holy  Tetragrammaton 
was  ever  otherwise  written    tlum    it   is    now,    and 
still  more  so,  that  its  ancient  form  should  nowhere 
have  been  preserved.     It  is  beyond  parallel,  that  we 
should  have  no  relic  remaining  of  such  a  vast  body 
of  writing  as  the  ancient    Hebrew  scriptures;  not 
even  the  old  letters  preserved  in  their  numerals,  as 
is  the  case  with  every  other  nation.     Our  English 
letters  and  language  are  much   changed  since  the 
time  of  Alfred  ;  but  the  Saxon  bible  of  Alfred  is  still 
to  be  seen,  and  this  after  a  lapse  of  a  thousand  years, 
whilst  the  Jews  were  only  seventy  years  in  bondage, 
and  those  who  so  elaborately  transcribed  all  their 
scriptures,  must  have  been  very  well  able  to  read 
and  understand  them.  Every  civilized  nation  in  the 
world  has  always  had  a  learned  priesthood,  for  the 
sake  of  preserving  its  peculiar  mysteries,  and  its  an- 
cient  records;  nor  is  our  credulity  capable  of  admitting 
that  this  should  have  been  abolished  in  Judea  alone. 
If  the  Israelites  really  changed  their  literal  charac- 
ters, it  is  a  phenomenon  which  still  requires  expla- 
nation, and  the  more  so,  as  not  very  many  years  be- 
fore  the  captivity,  Josiah   the  king,  found  one   of 
those  ancient  copies  written  by  Moses  himself,  and 

8 


at  that  time  the  whole  nation  was  able  to  decypher 
it  without  any  difficulty. 

It  is  certain  that  the  world  had  many  different 
alphabets,  much  history,  much  poetry,  and  many 
codes  of  laws,  long  before  the  time  of  which  we 
write.  Ere  Mastaina  expired  under  the  car  of  the 
furious  Tullia,  Nineveh  the  great  had  fallen,  and 
ujighty  Babylon  was  near  her  doom.  Resen  lay  in 
ruins,  Tyre,  the  lady  of  kingdoms,  and  the  princely 
Sidon,  were  both  in  the  dust;  and  Jerusalem,  the 
holy  and  the  beautiful,  was  trodden  down  of  the 
Gentiles,  until  her  time  should  be  fuittUed.  "  Her 
palaces  were  desolate,  her  children  wept  in  chains." 
The  kingdom  of  Israel  had  passed  away  for  ever, 
and  her  ton  tribes  were  already  in  a  captivity,  from' 
whence  they  have  never  returned.  Cyrus,  the  most 
romantic  of  characters,  had  run  his  career  of  disci- 
pline, self-denial,  and  conquest;  and  Croesus,  his 
cotemporary,  the  richest  of  all  kings  next  to  Solo- 
»ion,  and  one  of  the  most  prosperous  in  that  ele- 
vated station,  after  subduing  Asia  Minor  suddenly 
disappeared  before  his  rising  star. 

The  fate  of  these  empires,  and  the  fortunes  of 
these  illustrious  masters  of  nations,  were  certainly 
well  known  to  the  Egyptians  and  the  far  trading 
Ihoenicians  and  Carthaginians.  Nay,  they  were 
themselves  actors  and  sufferers,  in  most  of  the  trans- 
actions by  which  the  destiny  of  the  ancient  world 
was  decided.  Their  constant  national  intercourse, 
and  the  very  travels  of  the  learned  Greeks,  the  in- 
^iuiries  and  researches,  for  instance,  of  such  men  as 


J 


192 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


193 


Pythagoras,  tended  to  keep  up  a  mutual  knowledge 
of  all  such  great  transactions  throughout  the  most 
civilized  people  of  Asia  and  Europe.  We  know 
that  Etruria  traded  with  Egypt  from  the  days  of 
Tarchun  onwards,  and  with  Carthage  from  the  time 
that  it  first  became  a  commercial  power;  until  they 
too,  in  their  turn,  sank  before  a  younger  and  more 
vigorous  nation. 

Hence  we  may  be   assured,  that   the    Etruscans 
had  learnt  many  traditions  of  these  great  events, 
and    that   they    possessed    considerable  advantages 
beyond  what  fell  to  the  share  of  other  European 
nations,  of  advancing  in  sciences  of  all  kinds,  and  of 
keeping  up  the  knowledge  of  great   fundamental 
spiritual  truths,  which,  in  their  turn,  they  communi- 
cated to  the  rest  of  Europe.     It  is  an  old  proverb, 
that   knowledge  (even    Grecian    knowledge)  came 
from  the  east,  and  had  its  fountain  there.     Tarchun 
was  taught  in  the  east.     Italy  owed  its  civilization 
to  Tarchun,  and  Europe  to  Italy.     And  then  again, 
Italy  kept  up  her  civilization,  and  did  not  quench  its 
light    in  the  surrounding  barbarism;  because  her 
communication  with  the  east  was  unceasingly  main- 
tained from  generation  to  generation,  by  the  ships 
and  the  writing  of  central  Etruria. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.* 

^T/   Tf  ^"^"^"«  Superbus-His   character-He  puts  to 

aegradea   the  Junian  house-His  personal  kindness  to  its 
chief-Opposmon  of  Herdonius  to  Tarquin-Hisflt^Ta 

Oabn-Etruscan  colonies  in  the  north-Victory  of  the  Cn 

nost-Ari.todemus- Great  works    of   Tarquinius       i  \h 
Fatales-Severity  of  Tarquinius'  nzIe-Embasr  to^^^^^^^^ 
-Intrigues  of  Junius  Brutus-Story   of  Lu  L  ^     R 
lution   in  Rome— Evilp  r.f  ^        .  .  -^    ,      ^ucretia— Revo- 

herents-Bjus  af  te  head  0^?      '  '""''''  ^"^   "''■ 
-Origin  of  the  omcZ^Llt^^^.  "'''"''  '^'"^'^"^ 

PERIOD    OP   TARQUINIUS    SUPERBUS. 
B.     C.     534         YEAR     OF     TARQUINIA     653. 

"..5"7.t  pTr'"'"  ^^^-  ^o"--g  the  tri- 
F"   or    the    PJebeian    interest    under   Mastprn« 

""o".hout  the  thin,  tnbes  of  Tun-hel  ttt: 
AncifnfS:;  xi'liT'"'"-^  ^"""^^'"^  "^---• 


I      '      I 


l» 


?,(. 


i  i 


194 


IIISTOKY    OF    ETKUBIA. 


and  Sabina,  which  were  assigned  to  the  Roman  go- 
vernment, we  liave  no  accounts  of  any  part  of 
Etruria  separate  from  the  history  of  that  border 
state.  Modern  antiquarians  believe  that  the  su- 
premacy of  Tarquinia,  over  the  Etruscan  League 
was  re-established,  when  Tarquinius  Superbus 
mounted  the  frontier  throne ;  and  that  the  opposite 
party,  secretly  fostered  by  Volsinia  and  Clusium. 
existed  and  struggled,  but  were  kept  down,  until 
the  Romans  freed  themselves  altogether  from  tlie 
yoke  of  Tarquinia,  and  Clusium  gave  a  blow  to  that 
proud  state  which  she  never  recovered.  The  Ro- 
man annals  are  so  grossly  falsified,  that  it  is  impos- 
sible, by  their  means,  to  trace  out  the  real  events  ot 
Italian  cotemporary  history ;  and  it  is  only  when 
probability  agrees  with  testimony  that  we  can  at  all 

believe  their  record. 

Tarquinius  of  Tuscan  blood,  either  a  conquering 
chief  from  Tarquinia,  or  else  a  descendant  or  kinsman 
of  the  Tarquinian  Lucius  and  Tanaquil,  along  with 
his  wife,  the  i)roud,  revengeful,  and  hated  Tullia, 
mounted  by  violence  the  Roman  throne.  The  irri- 
tated Patricians  had  supported  him  against  their 
enemy,  Mastarna,  but  Tarquin,  though  he  secured 
the  friendship  of  many  of  them  throughout  his 
rei<rn,  and  was  followed  by  a  number  of  their  pow- 
erful families  *  when  obliged  to  retire  into  exile, 
never  consulted  the  senate,  nor  paid  any  respect  to 
the  peculiar  Roman  laws.  He  was  a  great  prince, 
and  a  great  general ;  he  improved  his  city,  defeated 

*  Dion.  vi. 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY   IN    HOME.       195 

her  enemies,  confirmed  her  alliances,  and,  accordin.. 
to  their  own  confession  after  his  deposition,  he  wa°s 
kind  to  the  mass  of  her  poor.     But  with  all  this  he 
was  a  tyrant      He  obeyed  no  laws  but  his  own  ca- 
price, and  when  he  acted  rightly  it  was  because  it 
happened  to  be  his  own  pleasure,  and  not  because 
he    owned    submission    to   any   higher   principles. 
From  the  monient  that  this  was  discovered  by  all 
classes  of  men,  Tarquin  became  an  object  of  general 
ear  and  distrust ;  and  amongst  a  people  so  ruled  by 
aw  and  religion  as  the  Italians,  he  might  hav   ft:"^ 
told  his  own  fall.  His  first  act  was  to  clear  the  senate 

si  :?'  rf'^'  "'  *'^  ^"P'""-'-^  °f  ^'-^^l 

one  by  death,  some  by  confiscation,  and  some  by 
uch  studied  insolence  as  to  drive  them  into  volun^ 
ry  e,,e      As  was  to  be  expected,  he  abolished  all 
the  aws  of  Servius  Mastarna,  preserving  only  his 
.".luary  array,  and  the  disposition  of  the^PlebLn 
nto  classes      He  anxiously  desired  that  all   these 
aws  should  be  repealed.*     He  broke  fifty  of  the 
brazen  tables  on  which  they  were  written  in  a  fit  of 
P  ssion,   besides   forbidding  all  as=,.„iblies    of   the 
Plebeians  at  feast  or  festival,  and  all  the  loved  holi- 
days of  the  Paganalia  and  Compitalia. 
The   exiled  Patricians  retired  chiefly  to    Gabii 

tllTe  'TV"' ' ''"''''"  college,  and  a  magnificent' 
Zl  '^J''''^''  architecture,  dedicated  to  the 
Ra  e„a„  Kupra,  or  Talna-the  Latin  Juno.  One 
he  bles  whom  Tarquin  put  to  death  was  Ju! 
mus.  born    of  a    Latin  stock,  but  Tarquin's   own 

*  Dion.  iv. 

K    2 


h 


196 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


uncle,  according  to  the  legend  :  and  with  that  uncle 
he  also  executed  his  eldest  son  The  Junian  house 
must  not  only  have  opposed  his  elevation,  but  must 
have  caballed  against  him  afterwards ;  for  he  did 
not  destroy  it  till  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  and 
then  he  razed  its  name  from  the  Curi«,  and  de- 
graded the  surviving  son,  his  younger  nephew,  (as 
the  legend  calls  him,  but  more  properly  his  cousin,) 
Junius  to  the  rank  of  a  Plebeian,  giving  him  the 
name  of  Brutus,  and  depriving  him  of  the  privileges 
of  his  blood,  although  he  permitted  him  to  retain 
the  wealth  of  his  family.  Brutus,  after  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Tarquins,  said  he  had  feigned  stupidity 
for  twenty  years.  When  he  made  this  declaration 
he  had  two  grown-up  sons,*  whose  mother  was 
Vitellia,  a  Patrician  lady  belonging  to  a  rich  family, 
and  this  family  had  lived,  and  still  continued  to  live, 
in  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  Tarquinii.  Brutus 
must  therefore  have  been  a  married  man  at  the  time 
he  was  degraded,  and  his  relationship  to  the  Vitellii 
was  an  additional  reason  for  the  kindness  personally 
and  uniformly  shown  him  by  the  Tarquinii.  As  a 
Plebeian,  Brutus  could  not  have  married  into  any 

Patrician  family.  ,  .  ,     t     • 

The  apparently  harsh  treatment  which  Junms 
suffered  in  the  degradation  of  his  house  was  un- 
doubtedly  the  law  of  nations  for  treason  in  those 
days,  even  as  it  is  now.  And  it  had  precisely  the 
same  effect  on  Junius,  as  an  incapacitation  which 
he  felt  to  be  unjust  had  previously  had  upon  Mas- 

*  Livy  ii. 


i 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       197 

tarna,  and  as,  in  a  faint  measure,  it  has  upon  onr 
own  Irish,  somewhat  similarly  circumstanced,  dis- 
possessed by  Cromwell  and  other  English  usurpers. 
It  converted  Junius  into  a  furious  patriot,  and 
made  him  resolved  upon  acquiring  supreme  power, 
in  order  to  overturn  his  oppressor,  and  to  raise 
the  Plebeians,  now  his  own  class,  into  that  oppres- 
sor's place.  Brutus,  the  agnomen  of  Junius,  means, 
in  Oscan,  "  a  slave,"  and  is  merely  another  term 
for  '*  Servius,"  "  the  slave,"  "  the  Plebeian,"  "  the 
deirraded  one."  Both  Servius  and  Brutus  made 
their  degraders  turn  pale  at  the  echo  of  the  names 
which  were  thus  bestowed  upon  them  in  scorn, 
and  kept  these  names  as  titles  of  honour.  The 
Tarquinian  prince  was,  notwithstanding  his  seve- 
rity to  the  father,  extremely  kind  to  his  nephew, 
Junius.  He  brought  him  up  with  his  own  sons, 
entertained  him  in  his  own  palace,  and  finally  ex- 
alted hira  to  a  place  which  it  was  not  lawful  for 
any  Plebeian  to  occupy.  He  made  him  Tribunus 
Celerum,  master  of  the  royal  guard,  head  of  the 
Curiae,  third  in  rank  under  the  king ;  and  though 
the  Patricians  felt  this  as  an  act  of  arbitrary  power, 
and  complained  that  it  was  done  in  contempt  of 
their  privileges,  they  suffered  the  appointment, 
because  Junius  had  a  right  to  it  by  birth,  though 
none  by  law ;  and  they  may  have  even  in  some 
degree,  exulted  in  it,  as  a  noble  act  of  liberality  and 
forgiveness.  Brutus  himself  felt  no  gratitude,  for 
his  mind  was  one  of  dark,  severe  ambition  ;  and  his 
habitual  gloom  and   taciturnity  deceived  alike  the 


198 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA 


king,  who  thought  that  he  could  not  be  dangerous, 
and  his  own  countrymen,  who  deemed  that  one  so 
phlegmatic  could  have  no  pretensions  to  energy^ 
talent,  or  capacity. 

The  Tarquinian  prince  renewed  his  league  with 
Etruria,  the  Latins,  and  the  Hernicans,  and  with  all 
these  states  he  had  peace.  As  Gabii  had  received 
his  discontented  subjects,  and  as  the  Volsci  threat- 
ened his  dominions  and  southern  Turrhenia  with 
war,  he  entreated  that  a  full  meeting  of  the  Latins 
and  their  allies  might  be  held  at  Feronia,  in  order 
to  consult  upon  what  measures  were  proper  to  be 
pursued  for  the  common  safety.  His  object  was  to 
raise  an  army  without  delay,  and  to  be  named  its 
general.  There  was  one  man,  Turnus  Herdonius, 
the  prince  of  Aricia — which  was  then  the  first  of  the 
Latin  towns,  and  one  possessed  of  a  small  commer- 
cial fleet — who  not  only  opposed  Tarquin,  but  who 
could  not  brook  that  the  Latins  should  suffer  a 
foreigner  to  command  them.  They  had  allowed  or 
ceded  the  privilege  to  Tullus  Hostilius  of  Rome,  to 
Lucius  of  Tarquinia,  and  to  Mastarna  the  Plebeian 
ofVolsinia;  but  Herdonius  fancied  that  the  time 
was  now  come  when  the  changed  government  of 
Rome  gave  them  a  fair  plea  for  breaking  their 
often-repeated  treaties, — and  indeed  these  treaties 
were  not  binding  until  renewed  by  the  recently  ap- 
pointed sovereign. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  discussing  this  subject,  the 
Latin  princes  assembled  early,  but  Tarquin  did  not 
appear  until  late,  alleging,  in  excuse,  some  legal 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME. 


199 


business  which  had  detained  him.  Herdonius* 
sneered  at  his  excuse,  said  it  was  an  affront  to  the 
Latin  princes,  and  openly  reproached  him  with 
being  a  foreigner.  As  the  time  for  business  was 
already  passed,  the  council  agreed  to  reassemble  on 
the  following  day.  Tarquin  of  course  had  been 
much  offended,  and  he  resolved  to  overthrow  Her- 
donius, his  rival  and  opponent,  which  he  accom- 
plished by  means  of  a  disaffected  party  in  Aricia 
itself,  and  by  reason  of  the  proximity  of  that  town 
to  the  place  of  meeting.  The  domestic  enemies  of 
Herdonius,  at  Tarquin's  instigation,  brought  swords 
and  arms,  which  they  concealed  in  the  quarter  where 
he  lodged ;  and  next  day  Tarquin  rebuked  his  in- 
temperance and  pride,  and  said  that  he  knew  he 
had  come  prepared  to  destroy  all  the  chiefs  at  that 
meeting,  in  order  to  secure  the  sovereignty,  and 
that  his  followers  were  armed  for  that  purpose. 
He  attributed  his  aversion  to  himself,  to  his  having 
refused  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  to  his 
havino-  bestowed  her  instead,  on  Mamilius,  the 
prince  of  Tusculum,  a  sort  of  half  kindred  blood ; 
for  Tusculum  was  in  its  remote  origin  a  colony  of 
the  Tuscans,  and  was  always,  from  henceforward,  a 
leading  member  in  the  Latin  Diet,  and  one  of  the 
few  towns  that  preserved,  through  long  ages,  a  state 
of  independence.  Herdonius  haughtily  answered, 
that  if  arms  were  found  concealed  in  his  tents,  he 
was  content  to  be  guilty.  Search  was  made,  and 
the  swords  produced,  upon  which  the  exasperated 

*  Livy  i. 


i 


i 
1 


200 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


Latins  fell  upon  Herdonius,  bound  him,  threw  him 
into  the  spring  of  Feronia,  (the  goddess  of  freemen,) 
and  placed  a  hurdle  over  him,  until  he  was  drowned. 
Tarquin  was  received  with  acclamations,  and  be- 
came, as  the  great  Lucius  and  Mastarna  had  been 
before  him,  general  of  the  Latin  forces. 

Forty-seven  chiefs  of  Latium  and  her  allies,*  the 
Hernici  and  Volsci,  had  met  here  to  settle  the 
weighty  matter  of  the  dictatorship ;  but  Gabii  was 
not  amongst  them,  and  she  presently  declared  war, 
and  carried  it  on  for  seven  years  in  spite  of  all  the 
force  that  Tarquin  could  command  against  her, 
(h)ubtless  being  supported  by  many  of  the  Tuscan 
Plebs,  as  well  as  by  the  Roman  exiles  and  her  own 
dependencies. 

Tarquin  persuaded  the  Latin  princes  to  contri- 
bute together,  in  order  to  build  a  magnificent  Tus- 
can temple  to  Jupiter,  or  Tianus,  upon  the  Mount 
of  Alba,  which  should  be  a  solemn  and  festive  place 
of  meeting  for  them  and  their  allies,  and  they 
agreed  to  build  it  as  they  had  done  the  temple  of 
Tiana  on  the  Aventine,  each  state  bearing  its  own 
proportion  of  the  expense,  and  contributing  its  own 
share  of  the  sacrifice.f  The  form  and  workman- 
ship of  this  temple  were  Tuscan,  which,  close  to  the 
ruins  of  Turrhene  Alba,  need  not  surprise  us,  and, 
owing  at  once  to  its  architect  and  its  author,  it  was 
always  called  the  work  of  Tarquin.  He  and  his 
house,  in  virtue  of  it,  became  Isopolite  with  all  the 
contributing  cities.  The  confederates  who  joined  to 
*  Dion.  iv.  ;  Xieb.  ii.  n.  63.  f  Dion.  iv.  vi. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.      201 

build  it  agreed  to  meet  here  once  every  year,  on  a 
day  which  was  fixed  by  proclamation,  but  usually 
corresponding  with  our  27th  of  April.*     Here  they 
were  to  join  in  sacrifice,  and  the  Roman  chief  was 
to  offer  up  the  bull.     They  were  to  discuss  politics, 
and  to  hold  one  of  the  great  Italian  fairs ;  and  these 
festive  meetings,  which  lasted  six  daysf — three  for 
Latium  and  three  for  Alba— and  during  which  no 
work  was  lawful,  were  called  the  Latia,  or  Feriae  of 
Latins,  and  were  henceforth  held  at  the  temple  of 
Jupiter    Latialis.      Forty -seven    princes   attended 
from  the  Latins  in  their  several  divisions,  and  from 
their  allies.     The  members  of  this  diet  were  the 
Turrlieni,   Sabiues,    Hernicaus,  Marsi,   Equi,   and 
sometimes  Volsci.     Each  deputy  received  a  portion 
of  the  sacrifice,  to  take  home  to  his  own  stale,  and 
each  brought  his  own  share  of  offerings,  consisting 
of  lambs,  milk,  cheese,  and  cakes.     The  ascent  to 
the  Alban  Temple  was  a  Via  Sacra  for  triumphs 
under  their  Dictators,;}:  and  was  used  by  the  Rouian 
generals  when  they  commanded  the  Latin  legions. 
The  troops  then  saluted  the  general  as  Embratur. 
Tarquin  was  the  first  Embratur  who  triumphed  in 
this  new  temple,  and  the  last  united  Roman  and 
Tyrrhenian  king. 

One  of  Tarquin*s  present  objects  was  to  command 
in  the  war  between  Latium  and  the  non-  confederate 
or  malcontent  of  the  Volsci,  who  were  endeavouring 
to  extend  their  territory  further  to  the  north,  and 

t  Dion.  iv.  X  Nieb.  ii.  n.  64. 

K  5 


•  Nieb. 


202 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


who,  for  the  three  following  centuries,  slowly  but 
continually  gained  upon  the  Latins,  and  upon  such 
of  the  Tyrrheni  as  lay  between  the  Tiber  and  Opica. 
Tarquin  offered  them  peace,  through  the  Feciales ; 
but  his  terms  were  refused.     He  therefore  not  only 
called  out  his  troops,  according  to  the  classification 
of  Mastarna,  but  doubled  all  his  regiments  with  the 
Latins,  and  brought  a  strong  force  against  the  chief, 
that  is,  the  richest  and  strongest  city  of  the  Volsci, 
and  finally  took  it  by  storm.     It  was  treated  as  a 
rebellious  town,  which  had  revolted  from  him,  its 
lawful  sovereign  ;  for  he  whipped  to  death  or  be- 
headed all  the  senate,  consisting  of  three  hundred 
of  the   principal   inhabitants.      He   delivered  the 
spoil  of  it  to  the  army,  and  he  reserved  a  tenth  to 
contribute  to  his  great  temple  of  Turrhene  Jupiter 
in  Rome.*     This  rich  captive  Volscian  city  is  called 
by  Livy,  Suessa  Pometia;    but  Niebuhr  (ii.  n.  186) 
does  not  believe  that  Pometia  ever  had  any  great- 
ness to  boast  of,  and  says  that  it  was  more  probably 
Suessa  Auruncia,  the  Auruncians  being  Volscians. 
He  defeated  his  adversaries  at  all  points,  and,  in 
order  to  keep  them  in  check,  sent  colonies  to  Circeii 
and   Signia,  (now   Segni,)  of  which   he   made  his 
sons     Titus    and    Aruns,    (both     being    Etruscan 
names,)  governors.    Dionysius  says  that  these  young 
men  were  sent  to  head  two  distinct  bodies  of  his 
suffering   and  complaining  subjects,  after  a  pesti- 
lence ;  but  whatever  was  the  cause  of  the  colonies, 
these  two  places   now  became  Turrhene   Roman, 

♦  Livy  V.  54. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYxNASTY    IN    ROME.         203 

and  this  colonization,  under  the  young  and  brave 
Tarquinian  princes,  is  the  origin  of  all  the  claims 
which  the  Romans  ever  laid  to  these  possessions. 

Tarquin    had    some    dispute    with    the   Sabines, 
whom  he  made  tributary,  and  then  he  turned  his 
attention  to  the  war  with  Gabii.     This  well-fortified 
and  romantic  city,  the  stronghold  of  his  own  rebels, 
would  not  yield,  and  his  third  son,  Sextus,or,  as  Miil- 
ler  gives  it  amongst  the  Tuscan  names, "  Sethre," 
undertook  to  do  that  by  fraud,  which  force  failed  to 
accomplish.     He  feigned   to  take   the  part  of  the 
Plebs  against  his  father ;  upon  which  the  old  king 
ordered  him  to  be  whipped,  and  he  retreated,  with 
shame,  from   the  city,  and  pled  the  old  grounds  of 
Isopolity  with  Rome  in  order  to  gain  admission  into 
Gabii.      He    was   welcomed    by    the    Gabini   and 
the  Roman  malcontents,  because  he  was  known  to 
be  a  man  of  great  military  talent  and  capacity,  and 
lie  led  them  against  Superbus  with  constant  suc- 
cess, until  at  length  they  elected  him  their  general 
and   dictator,    and   put    unlimited   power   into   his 
hands.     The  legend  says  that  he  sent  to  his  father 
to  know  how  he  should   act  further,  and  that  the 
elder  Tarquin,  instead  of  answering,  took  the  mes- 
senger out  with  him  into  his  garden,  where,  walk- 
ing on  in  silence,  he  cut  off,  as  he  passed  them,  the 
heads  of  all  the  tallest  poppies.     He  then  told  the 
man  that  he  could  give  no  advice,  but  to  be  sure  to 
tell   his   son   what   he   had    done  in   the    garden. 
Sextus  understood  that  he,  in  silence,   was  to  rid 
himself  of  all  the  chief  exiles  in  Gabii,  and  accord- 


^ 


204 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUniA. 


! 


in2,ly,  under  one  pretence  or  other,  he  got  the  Ga- 
bine  senate  to  ruin  or  kill  them. 

This  story  Niebnhr  imagines  to  be  a  mere  copy 
of  the  tale  of  Zopyrus,  from  Herodotus,  (iii.  154.) 
JUit,  as  men  in  the  same  circumstances,  in  all  parts 
ot  the  world,  are  apt  to  conduct  themselves  in  the 
samo  manner,  there  is  nothing  unlikely  in  Superbus 
having  allegorically  advised,  and  Sextus  followed, 
this  method,  even  should  the  poppies  have  been 
sngcrested  by  the  story  of  Herodotus,  and  have  been 
invented  to  exemplify  it.  We  only  refrain  from 
tracing  many  passages  of  the  Roman  history  to 
transpositions  from  the  Israelitish,  because  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  the  early  Roman 
annalists  were  quite  ignorant  of  that  history,  and 
therefore  that  remarkable  likenesses  are  coinci- 
dences, and  not  copies. 

Who,  for  instance,  is  not  reminded  of  the  rape  of 
the  Sabines  when  he  reads  of  the  rape  of  the  virgins 
by  the  outlawed   Benjaraites ;  of  the  Horatii  and 
Ciiratii,  in  the  tale  of  the  champions  of  Abner  and 
Joab;  and  of  the  rape  of  Lucretiawhen  he  reads  the 
story  of  Tamar?     Can  we  sometimes  forbear  sus- 
pecting that  the  spolia  opima  of  Acron  was  taken 
from  the  spolia  opima  of  Saul ;  or  that  the  arms  of 
Servius's   first  class,   the    helmets   and    greaves    of 
brass,  the  coat  of  mail,  the  target,  the  sword  and 
spejir  of  iron,  are  not  a  copy  of  the  arms  of  Goliath 
and  the  Philistines?     When  we  read  of  bows  and 
arrows,  slin«:s,  and  javelins,  war-chariots,  and  shields 
of  gold,  can  we  forbear  thinking  of  the  Syrians? 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN  ROME.       205 

Does  not  Saul,  ruthlessly  condemning  Jonathan  to 
death,  remind  us  of  Brutus?  Does  not  the  public 
funeral  of  Abner  make  us  think  of  the  funereal  rites 
of  the  distinguished  warriors  amongst  the  Italians  ? 
And  does  not  the  young  prophet,  who  was  buried 
in  a  cave,  and  an  inscription  written  over  the  en- 
trance of  it,  bring  to  our  memories  the  sepulchres  of 
Castel  d'Asso? 

At  the  end  of  seven  years  of  war  and  strife, 
Sextus  made  a  highly  honourable  peace  for  the 
Gabini  with  Superbus,  securing  to  them  their 
own  laws,  privileges,  and  independent  jurisdic- 
tion, on  the  payment  of  a  moderate  tribute,  and 
giving  to  them  the  Roman  franchise,  which  was 
probably  possessed  by  all  the  twelve  states  ofEtruria 
also.  This  treaty,*  written  on  a  bull's  hide,  and 
stretched  on  a  wooden  shield,  was  hung  up  and 
preserved  until  the  times  of  the  empire,  in  the 
temple  of  Sancus,  or  Jupiter  Fides,  erected  by 
Numa. 

Tarquin's  three  sons  were  now  governors  of 
Signia,  Antium,  and  Gabii ;  and  the  whole  of  Sa- 
hina,  Latium,  Volscia,  and  Turrhenia,  were  at  peace 
nith  Rome.  Yet,  as  we  observed  under  Mastarna, 
so  we  observe  now, — the  temple  of  Janus  was  not 
shut;  and  indeed,  though  the  peace  was  outward, 
it  was  not  inward,  and  the  contending  and  opposing 
parties  of  Patricians  and  Plebeians  were  hating  and 
strnjrgling  against  each  other  as  much  as  ever. 

Mliller  says  that  at  this  period  the  colonies  of  the 
Tuscans  in  Opica  were  very  numerous,  and  their 

♦  Dion. ;  Livy  i.  53. 


206 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


League  to  the  south  was  in  its  strength.     At  the 
same   time   they  spread    themselves  northward  as 
Rhaeti,  up  to  Etsch,  Verona,  Trent,  Val  Venosa, 
Engadden,  the  Rliinethal,  and  the  Tyrol.     In  these 
mountain  districts,  however,  they  hecame  quite  a 
different  people  from  the  stock  whence  they  sprung, 
—the  civilized  inhahitants  of  the  rich  cities  of  the 
Po.      They  were  manly,  upright,  and  brave,  but 
their   high   cultivation  gradually   disappeared;    or 
rather,  it  is  most  probable  that  no  highly  cultivated 
bodies  of  the  nation  ever  migrated  so  far.     They 
became    in  time   assimilated   with   the  Gauls,  and 
with  the  mountain  races  of  those  regions,  and  even 
their  language  lost  its  purity.    Elitovius,  the  Gaulish 
leader,  i/believed  to  have  invaded  Etruria  Nova  in  or 
before  this  reign,  and  to  have  occasioned  some  hard 
ficrhting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Trent  and  Brixen, 
where  he  iinallv  succeeded  in  settling  himself  and 
his  followers.     Still  these  Gauls  made  little  differ- 
ence in  the  condition  of  the  Padus-laud  Tuscans, 
unless,  indeed,  they  were  the  means  of  driving  so 
many  bands  of  tlieui  out  of  communication  with 
their  countrypeople.     The  Rhaeti  were  forced  into 
the  mountains,  and  mountain  vallies  of  Italy  and 
the  Tyrol  by  the  Gauls,  as  the  Gauls  themselves, 
when  inhabitants  of  Britain,  were  driven  by  the 
Saxons  into  the  mountains  of  Cornwall,  Wales,  and 

Scotland. 

But  besides  this,  some  tribes  of  the  Gaulish 
nation  penetrated  along  the  course  of  the  Po 
to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic,  making  themselves 
masters    of    Felsina   and   Adria.      By    means    of 


SECOND   TARQUTNIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       207 

rapid  and  uninterrupted  victory,  they  spread  a  panic 
amongst  the  Tuscans,  and  drove  a  multitude  of  them 
to  embark  for  the  more  friendly  and  peaceful  re- 
gions of  the  south.  If  we  credit  Dionysius,  (vii.) 
some  went  by  Innd,  asking  a  passage  through  the 
country  they  traversed,  and  some  by  sea.  The 
whole  coast  was  their  own,  in  virtue  of  their  alli- 
ance with  the  Umbri,  until  they  came  to  Cape 
Garganus  ;  and  here  it  is  likely  both  divisions  of 
the  fugitives  had  appointed  a  reunion.  We  are 
told  that  an  enormous  horde  of  five  hundred  thou- 
sand foot  and  eighteen  thousand  horse,  poured  from 
this  quarter  into  Opica,  and  jiassing  by  the  settle- 
ments of  their  own  blood  in  Capena,  Falerium,  and 
Vulturnum,  appeared  before  Cuma,  and  threatened 
It  with  a  siege.  They  were  attracted  by  the  fertility 
and  prosperity  of  the  land,  and  its  supposed  inca- 
pability of  resistance.  Whether  the  Tuscans  of 
Vulturnum  suggested  this  course,  or  whether,  in 
the  conference  at  Garganus,  it  had  been  resolved 
upon,  that  the  army  and  the  vessels  of  the  Tusci 
should  again  assemble  here,  and,  by  possessing 
themselves  of  Cunia,  give  the  whole  of  that  part  of 
Italy  to  their  kindred,  of  whose  League  they  were 
then  to  become  a  part,  we  cannot  determine.  W"e 
have,  alas  !  only  such  occasional  gleams  of  light 
upon  the  history  of  the  northern  and  southern 
Leagues  as  to  give  us  a  faint  idea  of  how  important 
many  of  those  events  may  have  been,  of  which  we 
are  left  in  total  ignorance.  But  \je  know  that  the 
Cumaeans  dreaded  an  attack  by  sea,  both  because  it 


208 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA 


is  expressly  mentioned  that  the  Tuscans  wished  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  port  of  Misenum,  and  be- 
cause the  Greeks  left  the  third  portion  of  their  troops 
to  guard  the  vessels  in  their  own  harbour,  when  they 
could  very  ill  be  spared  from  the  field  of  battle. 

The  terrified  and  surprised  Cumoeans,  who  had  be- 
lieved themselves  at  peace  with  all  their  neighbours, 
suddenly  found  their  fields,  within  a  few  miles  of 
the  city,  covered  by  an  army  they  could  not  num- 
ber.    It  consisted  of  the  northern  Etruscans  and 
I  heir  inseparable  allies,  the  Umbri,  with  whom  the 
Daunii,  a  less  known  and  much  less  civilized  race, 
had  now  joined.     Report  said  that  upwards  of  five 
hundred    thousand  barbarians  had   come    to  over- 
whelm the  Greeks,  and  fear  and  vanity  gave  full 
credit  to  the  report.     But,  besides  that  the  estimate 
seems  incredible,  it  would  include  within  its  num- 
ber the  women,  children,  and  slaves  of  all  who  had 
now  quitted  their  northern  homes.     If  we  suppose 
the  fighting  men  to  have  formed  one-twentieth  part 
of  this  number,  it  is  probably  too  much,  and  they 
would  cover  quite  sufficient  ground  for  the  Greeks 
to  believe  in  any  exaggeration,  however  monstrous. 
The  senate  ofCuma.in  all  haste,  summoned  their  men 
to  arms,  and  divided  them  into  three  bands,--one  to 
oppose  the  enemy,  another  to  guard  the  city,  and 
form  a  reserve,  and   the  third   to   protect  the  fleet. 
The   commander   of    their    cavalry,   Hippomedon. 
was  a  man  of  tried  experience  and  valour,  and,  as 
second  to  him,  they  placed  the  young  Aristodemus, 
surnamed  Malakos,  or  Soft,  the  promising  heir  ol 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.        209 

one  of  their  most  distinguished  houses,  notwithstand- 
ing that  eifeminate  habits  are  believed  to  have  con- 
ferred upon  him  this  not  very  honourable  title. 
As  his  whole  life  afterwards  was  one  of  hardy  war- 
fare and  military  talent,  he  probably  retained  it  with 
the  same  feelings  of  bravado  and  insulted  pride,  as 
Servius  and  Brutus  had  retained  theirs. 

When  the  Tuscans  had  pitched  their  camp  near 
the  devoted  city,  many  prodigies  alarmed  both  them 
and  the  Greeks.     The  rivers  Vulturnus  and  Clanis 
turned  back  from  the  sea  to  their  sources,  and  the 
storms  of  thunder  and   lightning  were  so  terrific 
that   they  felt   assured  there  was  warfare  even  in 
the  heavens  upon  their  account.     Their  seers,  on 
being  consulted,   wisely  said  that   they  predicted 
confusion   to    the  invaders,  who  should   be  turned 
back  to  the  sources  whence  they  came  ;  and  in  this 
manner    the    phenomena   common    to   earthquakes 
were    made    to    inspire    the   Cumaeans    with    cou- 
rage, and  to  assure  them   of  victory.     When   the 
leaders,  however,   counted  their  host,  their  hearts 
sank  at  the  smallness  of  the  force  which  they  could 
muster.     Only  four  thousand  foot  and  dve  hundred 
horse  could  be  raised  to  oppose  the  countless  mul- 
titude  of  their   invaders.      But  we   are   told  that 
before  any  engagement,  they  managed  to  draw  them 
into  narrow  vallies,  enclosed  by  mountains,  and  full 
of  swamps,  so  that  numbers  were  of  no  avail,  and 
only  a  small  force  could  act  with  any  effect  in  such 
a  situation.      Moreover,  the  Cumaeans   knew    the 
ground,  of  which  their  enemies  were  totally  igno- 


ii( 


210 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


rant ;  and  they  attacked  them  by  night,  and  threw 
them  into  a  disorder  for  which  there  was  no  remedy. 
The  four  thousand  would  probably  have  been  a 
match  even  for  the  host  which  they  imagined,  and 
much  more  for  those  who  were  really  on  the  field. 
The  Tuscans  and  their  allies,  as  soon  as  they  had 
recovered  themselves,  came  on  with  a  shout;  but 
they  were  soon  struggling  in  the  swam})s,  a  mark 
for  the  Cumwan  arrows,  or,  in  their  endeavours  to 
escape,  they  trod  down  each  other ;  and  what  with 
the  darkness  and  confusion,  more  fell  by  their  own 
swords  than  by  those  of  their  enemies. 

The  horse  appear  to  have  engaged  by  daylight, 
when  Aristodemus  distinguished  himself  beyond  all 
his  countrymen,  and  killed  the  enemy's  general 
with  his  own  hand.  To  his  high  courage  and  mili- 
tary talent  the  victory  was  owing,  assisted  by  the 
swamps  and  by  the  gods,  who  graciously  sent  so 
violent  a  thunder-storm  in  the  faces  of  the  Tuscan 
cavalry,  that,  not  being  able  to  resist  at  once  the 
forces  of  heaven  and  earth,  they  turned  and  fled. 
They  obeyed  the  decree  which  their  augurs  assured 
them  fate  had  issued.  They  returned  to  their 
source,  or  at  least  to  their  kindred,  amongst  whom 
they  dispersed  and  settled.  They  abandoned  Cuma, 
but  their  land  and  sea  forces  united  in  an  attack 
upon  the  Phlegraean  fields,  which  had  once  be- 
longed to  the  Tuscans.  These  they  conquered,  and 
there  they  established  themselves ;  and  this  territory 
never  belonged  to  Cuma  afterwards. 

When  the  deliverance  of  Cuma  was  complete,  the 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.        211 

Greek  captains  were  called  up  in  order  that  they 
might  receive  the  thanks  of  their  countrymen  and 
the  rewards  of  victory.  But  now^  arose  a  dispute  whe- 
ther the  first  prize  was  due  to  Aristodemus  or  to  Hip- 
pomedon.  All  the  soldiers  agreed  that  it  had  been 
gained  by  the  merits  of  the  former,  but  the  senate, 
who  feared  and  disliked  him,  adjudged  it  to  the 
latter;  whereupon  it  was  divided.  Aristodemus, 
however,  was  not  satisfied.  He  considered  this 
act,  as  one  of  prejudice  and  ingratitude  never  to  be 
forgiven,  and  he  henceforth  looked  upon  himself  as 
an  injured  man.  Upon  all  occasions,  in  future,  he 
headed  the  cause  of  the  people  against  the  senate, 
til  us  keeping  up  and  daily  widening  the  breach  be- 
tween him  and  them. 

Twenty  years  after  this  time,  the  irritated  senate 
thought  that  they  had  compassed  his  destruction, 
as  will  be  related  in  a  subsequent  chapter.  But 
the  snare  which  they  laid  for  him  was  the  means  of 
accomplishing  their  own  ruin,  and  of  raising  him  to 
the  throne  of  Cuma.  Tlie  battle  of  Cuma  was  fought 
in  the  seventh  year  of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  whilst 
that  prince  was  warring  with  the  Volsci.  Dionysius 
dates  it  in  the  sixty  fourth  Olympiad,  whilst  Mil- 
tiades  ruled  in  Athens.  The  victory  of  Aricia, 
which  eventually  gave  to  Aristodemus  the  sove- 
reignty of  his  native  state,  four  Olympiads  later, 
also  enabled  him  to  give  an  asylum  to  Tarquin  and 
Ins  family  ;  so  that  this  aged  prince  passed  the  last 
days  of  his  restless  and  eventful  life  with  a  devoted 
ally  and  sympathizing  friend.     He  is  said  to  have 


212 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


1^ 


testified  his  sense  of  this  hospitality  by  appointing 
Aristodenms  lieirto  his  remaining  wealth,  a  heritage 
which  he  did  not  long  live  to  enjoy. 

Tarquin  in  frontier  Rome,  after  the  manner  of  all 
the  Tuscan  kings,  employed  his  time  of  rest  and  his 
spoils  of  war,  in  beautifying  and  improving  his  capi- 
tal city,  in  which  his  own  palace  was  one  of  the 
finest  buildings.  He  completed  the  gigantic  com- 
mon sewers,  and  he  raised  the  magnificent  temple 
for  which  Tarquin  the  Ancient,  had  collected  the 
materials.  The  first  stone*  was  laid  amid  Howers, 
and  music,  and  sacrifice,  an  assembled  priesthood, 
an  approving  nobility,  and  a  shouting  concourse  of 
glad  multitudes.  But  ere  they  laid  it,  a  bleeding 
human  head,  yet  warm,  was  drawn  from  the  soil  ;+ 
and  the  king,  who  must  have  ordered  it  to  be  placed 
there,  demanded  of  the  augur,  Olenus  Calenus,  the 
Tuscan,  what  such  a  spectacle  denoted  ;  he  looking  at 
his  prince,  thinking  of  his  nation,  and  of  the  national 
gods,  in  honour  of  whom  this  temple  was  to  be  raised, 
said,  it  portended  that  the  people  who  ruled  there 
should  be  the  head  of  Italy.  This  interpretation  is 
given  by  the  eagle-eyed  Niebuhr,  who  asserts  that  the 
augur  did  not  mean  the  Roman  nation,  but  his  own, 
the  Tuscan.  This  magnificent  temple  was  equal  to 
those  of  Paestum,  according  to  the  same  paramount 
authority,  and  was  begun  and  completed  by  Tar- 
quin the  Proud.  In  consequence  of  the  finding  of  this 
head, the  name  of  the  mount  on  which  the  temple  was 

*  See  vol.  i.  p.  152. 

t  Dion.  iv.  ;  Plin.  xxviii.  2. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYKASTY    IN    ROME.       213 

built,  was  changed  from  Saturnia  and  Tarpeia,  to 
"Capitol,  or,  Caput-Toli,  the  head  of  Tolus ;  and  the 
temple  was  called  that  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  Arno- 
biussays,  that  the  head  was  that  of  Tolus  Vulcenta- 
nus.  Does  this  mean  some  unfortunate  ^rarian  or 
Isopolite  of  Vulci  ?  He  was,  doubtless,  some  well- 
known  character  of  that  day,  obnoxious  to  the  king, 
who,  being  a  tyrant  at  any  rate,  is  accused  of  offering 
human  sacrifices,*  and  of  many  other  useless  cruel- 
ties  of  an  eastern  stamp.  Eusebius  says,  he  brought 
into  Rome  instruments  of  torture. 

Tarquin    did   not  dedicate   this    temple,   but   he 
finished   it  entirely,  excepting  a  chariot  and  four 
horses  in  clay,  which  he  intended  for  the  top  of  the 
pediment,  and  which  he  ordered  to  be  made  by  the 
renowned  artists  of  Veil      It  covered  eight  acres  of 
ground,  facing  south  towards  the  Palatine  and  the 
Forum.     It  was  two  hundred  feet  broad,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifteen  long,  and  it  stood  on  the  site  of 
the  present  Palazzo  CafFerelli,  stretching  backwards 
to  the  Tarpeian   Rock.     It  was  ascended  by  one 
hundred  steps,  divided  by  spacious  landing  places, 
and  it  consisted  of  a  nave  dedicated  to  Jupiter,  and 
two  aisles,  in  which  were  placed  tlie    shrine   and 
images   of    Juno   and     Minerva.       The   statue   of 
Jupiter  was  made  in  clay,  by  an  artist  of  Fregella 
of  the  Volsci,  named  Turrianus,  that  is  the  Tuscan. 
There    is    every    appearance    that    at    this    time, 
tlie  Volsci  were  under  the  dominion   of  Etruria^ 
Some  authors,  however,  think   Fregella  has  been 

*  Macrob.  \'ii. 


.14 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUHIA. 


written  by  mistake  for  the  Tuscan  town  of  Fregene. 
The  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  had  large  brazen 
foldin<-  doors  in  the  centre,  with  a  magnificent 
arch,  fike  those  of  Volterra  and  rerunia,and  it  was 
adorned  with  Tuscan  pillars  in  three  rows,  form- 
ing a  portico  in  front,  and  with  a  single  row  of  pil- 
lars which  extended  on  each  side.  Some  idea  of  it 
may  be  formed  from  the  representations  on  the 
coins  of  Vespasian  and  Domitian,  by  whom  it  was 

restored. 

To   the   lover  of  antiquity,  it  is   peculiarly  pre- 
cious and  interesting  v^  a  well-authenticated  Tus- 
can  fabric,  without  any  adnixture  from  the  Greek, 
built  and  adorned   by  Tus(!nn   artists,  and  shaped 
and  divided  according   to  the  rules  of  the  Tuscan 
sacred  bojks.    Livy  says,  Superbus  built  the  temple 
of  Jupiter   Latialis    at    Alba,   and   again,    that    he 
built  the   temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Tarpeian,  and 
he  speaks  of  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  as  any 
wonder  in  their  day.     Indeed  the  ruins  of  multi- 
tudes of  other  temples,  of  which  we  never  heard  in 
their  glory,  such  as  those  of  Juno  at  Gabii,  Minerva 
at  Sorrentum,and  Elythya  at  Pyrgi,  show  us  that  it 
was  only  constructed  after  the  common  fashion   of 
the  time.     The  reason  why  we  know  so  much  of  it 
in  detail,  is,  not  that  it  exceeded  any  other  in  splen- 
dour, but  that  the  Roman  triumphs  were  ever  after- 
wards  celebrated  in  it,  and   that  the  Greek  Dio- 
nysius   of    Halicarnassus,    who    lived    for  twenty 
years  in  sight  of  it,  wrote  a  minute  account  of  its 
form  and   proportions,  for  the  information  of    his 


SECOND    TARQUINIAK    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       215 

countrymen.  Tarquin's  artists,  who  were  employed 
to  cast  and  mould,  to  paint  and  adorn,  to  cut  the 
stone,  and  to  make  the  ornaments  of  gold,  or  brass, 
or  wood,  were  all  Etruscan. 

Whilst    the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus    was 
building,  a  woman   of    patrician  rank  and  priestly 
dignity,  appeared  in  Rome.     She  brought  with  her 
nine  books,  written  in  verse  upon  palm  leaves,  and 
full  of  oracles,  which  she   offered  to  the  king  as  the 
Libri  Fatales    of  his  kingdom   and    temple.      She 
asked  a  very   high   price,  which  Tarquin   refused, 
and  ordered  her  to  be  driven  away.     After  a  year, 
she  returned,  having  burnt  three  of  her  books,  and 
offered  to  him  the  remaining  six  for  the  same  price. 
He  again  refused,  thinking  his  living  Augurs  quite 
sufHcient   for  all  he  wished  to  know  concerning  the 
destinies  of  his  kingdom.     But  upon  her  returning 
a  third  time,  (a  number  sacred  to  the  Tuscans,)  and 
asking  exactly  the  same  price  for  only  three  of  these 
books,  the   king   gave   them   to   the  Augurs,  and 
ordered  them  to  be  examined.     That  the  Augurs 
should  have  been  able  to  examine  them,  and  should 
have  advised  the  king  to  buy  them,  as  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  the  prosperity  of  his  kingdom,  seems 
to  us  positive  proof  that  they  were  Tuscan.     But 
along  with  the  Tuscan  "  Libri  Fatales"  were  mingled 
some  Greek  maxims  of  wisdom,  which  the  Augurs 
believed  to  be  from  Cuma,and  which, moreover,  they 
pronounced  to  be  written  in  hieroglyphical  charac- 
ters.    The  king   bought   the   books,   and  ordered 
them  always  to  be  kept  in  a  cell  of  his  new  temple, 


V 


216 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


and  appointed  two  priests,  called  Duumviri,  to  take 
care  of  them,  and  of  all  the  others  that  should  in 
any  future  time,  be  added  to  them  Every  city  of 
Etruria  had  its  own  Libri  Fatales,  the  prophecies 
of  Augurs  or  Sybils  ;  and  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus,  we  are  told,  at  different  times,  of  the 
books  of  the  Sabine  Marcii,  of  the  Latin  Sybil 
Albunea  of  Tibur,  and  of  the  Etruscan  priestess 
Bygiie. 

One  direction  contained  in  these  books,  was,  that 
the  Romans,  in  times  of  imminent  peril,  should  sacri- 
fice two  Greeks  and  two  Gauls,  a  man  and  woman 
of  each  nation,  to  the  infernal  gods.  This  was  cer- 
tainly not  a  Greek  oracle.  Besides  these  books,  the 
Romans,  especially  in  later  times,  collected  all  the 
Greek  prophecies  of  which  they  could  possess  them- 
selves, and  had  those  of  Cuma  and  Erythraea,  and 
probably  many  more,  amongst  their  sacred  books. 
The  Duumviri  were  made  priests  of  Apollo,  in 
order  to  assimilate  them  to  Delphi,  but  their  being  so 
proves  nothing  as  to  the  books  they  kept,  for  we  know 
that  the  Etruscans  considered  Eplu  and  Dispater  to 
be  the  same,  why  not,  therefore,  Eplu  and  Zeus? 
Tarquin  caused  one  Duumvir  to  suffer  the  punish- 
ment of  a  parricide,  for  revealing  some  of  the 
sentences  of  these  books.  Valerius*  Publicola,  in 
his  fourth  consulship,  consulted  the  leaves  of  the 
Sybil,  and  was  desired  to  sacrifice  to  Manto,  and  to 
renew  the  Circensian  games.  This,  surely,  was  not 
a  Greek  direction. 

•  Plutarch. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN  ROME.        217 

In  the  execution   of  his  great  public  works,  Tar- 
quin the  Proud  was  far  less  considerate  of  the  feel- 
ings of  his  subjects  than  Tarquin  the  Ancient  had 
been.     He  patronised  no  game  for  their  amusement, 
though   the  great  solemnities   of  the  circus   never 
ceased  to  be  observed.     But  they  were  turned  into 
a  grand  aristocratic  military  pomp,  and  were  neither 
intended  nor  allowed   to  soften  the  labours  of  the 
people.  He  once  more  burdened  the  Plebeians  with 
all  the  arbitrary  taxes,  and  severe  and  unjust  laws 
concerning  debt,  of  the  early  Latin  dynasties.     He 
again  made  clients,  freedmen,  and  slaves,  feel  the  sub- 
jection of  their  stations  ;  and  he  used  hired  troops  to 
keep  under  his  own  city.     Though  he  had  forbidden 
the  meetings  of  the  Paganalia  and  Compitalia,  he 
remitted  none  of  the  taxes  levied  at  those  meetings, 
but  only  changed  the  light  and  merciful  manner  in 
which  they  had  been  levied    by  Servius.     In   short, 
there  was  nothing  popular,  or  affable,  or  joyous  in 
his  temperament,  and   his  reign  was  one  of  terror. 
Livy  *  and    Dionysius  f  say,    that  he    imposed  on 
the  poor  people  heavy   tasks,  and  gave    them,  as 
an  equivalent,  only  their  food  and  very  small  wages. 
PlinyJ  says,  they  were  so  oppressed  that  their  lives 
were  bitter  to  them,  and   that  they  considered  cru- 
cifixion as  no  worse  a  punishment  than  these  hated 
labours. 

Tarquin  was  feared  as  a  man  of  great  power,  ad- 
mired as  one  of  magnificent  designs,  and  respected 
as  one  of  great  capacity,  but  he  was  not  beloved.  He 
•  i.  32.  t  Dion.  iv.  X  xxxvi.  15;  Serv.  Mn.  xii. 


218 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


was  a  tyrant  to  all,  dreaded  and  suspicious,  and  bis 
dark  and  deep-minded  nephew,  Brutus,  bore  bim  a 
hatred  which  nothing  kindly  or  social  ever  at- 
tempted to  mollify.  Tarquin  was  in  the  fulness  of 
his  dominion,  and  all  around  seemed  peace.  He 
was  seventy-six  years  of  age.  He  had  four  sons, 
three  of  them  governors  of  strong  foreign  cities, 
and  one,  Lucius  or  Lucumo,  a  helper  to  himself  in 
Rome  ;  he  governed  the  senate,  as  absolutely  and 
irrespectively  as  the  meanest  of  the  people,  and  he 
bad  made  the  proud  Curiae  submit  to  a  Plebeian 
Tribune,  because  it  was  his  will  to  give  them  one, 
and  yet  with   all  this,  Tarquin  was  not  secure  or 

happy. 

One  day,  as  he  was  sacrificing,  a  snake  crept  out 
from  his  domestic  altar,  and  terrified  all  his  house- 
hold.*    We  suspect   that  this  snake  was  Brutus! 
The  king  was  exceedingly  troubled.     He  had,  after 
that,  a  dream,  that  a  pair  of  eagles,  (the  royal  bird 
of  his  house,)  built   in  a  palm-tree  in  his  garden. 
They  flew  away  for  food,  and  when  they  returned, 
they  found  their  eaglets  tossed  out  of  the  nest  by 
vultures,t  which   were  occupying  their  place,  and 
which  drove  off  the  old  birds  also.     The  king  was 
troubled  yet  more.    He  had  yet  another  dream,  and 
lo !  two  rams,  sprung  from  one  sire,  were  brought 
for  him,  to  select  before  the  altar.     He  made  choice 
of  the    finest,   and  immediately   the  other  flew  at 
him, pushed  him  with  his  horns,  and  drove  him  away. 

*  Ovid  Fasti,  ii.  711 ;  Livy  i.  56. 
t  Nieb.i.  n.  1101. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       219 

At*  the  same  time  the  sun  changed  its  course  and 
returned  from  west  to  east.     The  old  king  could  not 
get  these  strange  omens  out  of  his  head.     He  con- 
sulted  the  Tuscan  augurs,   and  they  told  him    to 
beware  of  the  man  who  was  of  his  own  blood,  and 
silly  as  a  sheep  in   his  actions.     Tarquin  may'have 
thought  of  Brutus,  but  he  could  not  imagine  danger 
from  hiin.     No  Patrician   would   ever   conspire  to 
place  a  Plebeian  on  the  throne,  and  until  the  Julian 
house  again  took  its  own  place  amongst  the  Ramnes, 
he  fancied  himself  perfectly  secure  on  that  side.     At 
length,    not  satisfied    with    those  wise  men,    who, 
alone,   Livyf    tells  us,   had    explained    every    pre- 
vious  omen    of  the    Etruscans,  to  whom,   and    to 
whom   only,     in    cases    of    prodigy,    recourse    had 
hitherto  been   had  ;  the  king  resolved  to  send  to 
Delphi,  that  oracle  in  Greece  sacred  to  a  god  ac- 
knowledged  by  the  Tuscan  nation,  and  whence  the 
Agyllans  had  so  lately  received  consolatory  counsel 
respecting  their  murdered  prisoners. 

A  solemn  embassy  was  accordingly  fitted  out,  and 
the  Agyllans  were  guides  on  the  way.  The  gover- 
nors of  Antium  and  Signia,  Titus  and  Aruns,  were 
required  to  head  the  expedition,  and  to  ask  counsel 
in  the  kmg's  name,  and  Brutus  was  sent  with  them 
to  bear  them  company,  and  as  the  highest  officer 
who  could  be  spared  from  Rome. 

The  young  men  performed  their  commission   but 
no  author  tells  us  what  advice  the  Pythia  sent  to  the 
king.     Before  leaving  the  shrine,  Brutus  presented 
♦  Cicero  de  Divin.  i.  22.  f  ij. 

L  2 


220 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


his  offering:,   which  was  a  thick  staff  of  elder  or 
cornel- wood,  an  emblem  of  his  baton,  as  Tribunus 
Celerum.     The  priestess  took  it,  and  found  that  it 
contained  an  ingot  of  gold.     He  stood  with  the  two 
princes,  and  they   inquired  which  of  them  should 
afterwards  reign  in  Rome.     The  Pythia  answered, 
"  He   who  should  first  kiss  his  mother."      Junius 
Brutus  pretended  to  stumble,  and  kissed  the  earth, 
secure  in  his  long-cherished  designs,  now  that  the 
oracle  had  confirmed   them.     Zonarus*  says,  that 
she  declared Tarquin  should  fall  when  a  dog,  meaning 
the  fawning  submissive  Brutus,  should  speak  with  a 

human  voice. 

The   party   returned   safely    to    Italy,   and    here 
Brutus,  by  his  position,  had  every  opportunity  of 
fostering  the  discontents  of  all    classes    of  people. 
To  the  dissatisfied  Patricians,  when  they  fretted  over 
laws  made  without  their  consent,  he  would  preach 
submission,  lest  they  should  be  degraded  as  he  had 
been.   To  the  Senators,  he  might  apologise,  that  he, 
a  Plebeian,  should  be  introduced  into  their   august 
body,  as  commander  of  the  Decuriones,  and  lament 
that  the  ancient  Ramnes,  the  first  sacred  colonizers, 
should  have  lost  their  precedency,  and  that  both 
Ramnes  and  Quirites  should  have  been  forced  to  bow 
before  a  man  of  foreign  blood.  To  the  Plebeians  he 
would  mourn  over  the  laws  of  Servius ;  and  to  the 
labourers  and    slaves  he  would  regret   that   their 
work  was  so  severe  and  unceasing;  that  it  was  con- 
tinued beyond  their  strength  ;  that  their  pleasures 
were  decreased,  and  that  their  pay  was  so  small. 

♦  ii.4. 


SECOND  TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROMB.        221 

Whilst  all  classes  were  in  the  mood,  which  such 
sympathy  as  this  would  create,  Tarquin  headed  his 
troops  against  some  town  which  had  revolted,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Rome,  and  which  required  his 
presence  and  a  large  force  for  its  reduction.  Livy 
says,  he  wished  to  win  from  his  adversaries  more  spoils 
in  order  to  carry  on  more  public  works.  The  Lucumo 
Tarquinius  Collatinus,  governor  of  Collatia,  and 
Tarquin's  own  son,  Sextus,  the  governor  of  Gabii, 
joined  his  standard,  and  were  one  evening  during 
the  siege,  disputing  over  the  excellence  of  their 
respective  wives.  As  their  arguments  and  descrip- 
tions, were  not  likely  to  settle  the  superiority  of 
these  ladies,  the  two  princes  agreed  to  ride  to  their 
own  homes,  and  decide  the  matter  according  to  the 
occupations  of  their  wives,  thus  taken  by  sur- 
prise. Sextus's  lady  was  amusing  herself  with  the 
company  of  women  of  her  own  rank,  and  as  far  as  we 
know,  she  had  no  call  of  duty  to  do  otherwise. 
Collatinus*s  wife,  Lucretia,  the  daughter  of  the 
governor  of  Rome,  the  prince  of  the  senate,  and 
first  of  the  Romans,  was  found  spinning  with  her 
maids,  and  was  therefore,  because  of  her  self-denied 
economy,  pronounced  to  be  the  more  worthy. 

The  princes  returned  to  the  camp,  but  Sexius  was 
inflamed  with  the  beauty  of  Lucretia,  whom  the 
poets  make  young  and  lovely ;  and  he  was  as  ty- 
rannical and  unscrupulous  in  the  gratification  of  his 
passions  as  his  revengeful  mother  and  haughty  fa- 
ther had  been  before  him.  After  a  few  days,  his 
passion  rather  gathering  than  losing  strength,  he 


222 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


I 


I 


returned  alone  to  Collatia,  and  asked  hospitality  at 
the  governor  s  house.  Lucretia  took  him  in,  and  at 
the  dead  of  night  he  came  to  her  chamber  with  a 
drawn  sword.  Unable  to  terrify  her  by  death,  he 
tried  dishonour,  and  swore  that  if  she  persisted  in 
her  refusal,  he  would  first  kill  her  and  then  lay  a 
slave  by  her  side,  whom  he  would  tell  the  world  he 
had  slain  to  avenge  the  honour  of  her  husband. 
Lucretia  yielded,  and  the  next  day,  when  the  brutal 
Sextus  returned  to  the  camp,  she  sent  messengers 
for  her  father  and  husband,  telling  them  to  come  to 
her  instantly,  for  that  a  dreadful  affair  had  hap- 
pened in  her  house.  Lucretius,  the  governor  of 
Rome,  Collatinus,  the  Prince  of  Collatia,  Volesus, 
or  Valerius,  the  head  of  the  Titien  tribe,  and 
Brutus  the  Plebeian,  yet  Tribunus  Celerum,  as- 
sembled in  consternation  at  her  call,  to  learn  what 
had  liappened,  hoping  or  fearing  a  revolt  in  Col- 
latia, according  to  their  different  dispositions.  Lu- 
cretia related  to  titem  the  horrid  deed  that  had  been 
perpetrjited,  and  having  made  them  swear  to  avenge 
her,  she  stabbed  herself  in  their  presence,  saying 
that  she  could  not  survive  her  dishonour,  nor  would 
they  let  such  another  deed  be  possible,  if  they  were 
free,  and  had  the  hearts  of  men. 

The  witnesses  of  this  tragedy  were  deeply  moved  ; 
for  so  deadly  an  insult  to  Patrician  blood  had  never 
yet  been  offered  in  Italy.  The  Italian,  and  above 
all  the  Etruscan,  woman,  was  a  highly  honoured 
being,  and  was  never  considered  as  a  tool  for  the 
pleasures  of  men.     We  quote  the  Etruscan  woman 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       223 

here,  because  all  the  Patricians  were  educated,  to  a 
certain  degree,  in  the  prejudices  and  feelings  of  the 
Tuscans ;    and  Tanaquil,  whose  influence  had  ef- 
fected such  great  things,  still  lived  in  the  memories 
of  each  of  them.     Brutus  seized  the  moment  as  fa- 
vourable to  give  vent  to  his  long-suppressed,  his 
deep  and  burning  passions.     He  drew  the  dagger 
from  Lucretia's  body,  and  passing  it  round  to  his 
companions,  made  them  renew  their  oath  to  avenge 
her  death,  to  secure  the  Patrician  woman  from  the 
lust   of  tyrants,  and  to  free  themselves  from   the 
hated  yoke  which  bound  them  down.     They  swore, 
under  great  excitement,  to  avenge  themselves  of 
Sextus  and  all  his  tyrant  house ;  and  in  this  spirit 
they  had  the  body  of  Lucretia  exposed  in  the  Com- 
mitium  of  Collatia,  and  invited  the  young  military 
leaders  of  that  city  to  rouse  their  followers,  and 
march  with  them  to  Rome.     The  Romans  at  first 
shut  their  gates,  not  knowing  what  to  make  of  the 
warlike  procession  ;  but  when  they  understood  the 
case,  when  they  saw  their  own  leaders  at  the  head 
of  the  company,    and  when   the  body  of  Lucretia 
was  exposed,  and  the  tale  was  told  by  Brutus  in  the 
Roman  forum,  with  all  the  glow  of  hatred,  and  all 
the  fierceness  of  a  crushed  oppression  which  at  last 
had  burst  its  bonds,  the  Patricians  at  once  saw  their 
time  and  their  interest,  and  they  sounded  with  one 
cry  to  arms — for  liberty,  and  death  to  the  tyrants. 
Brutus  declared  to  them  that  Tarquin  had  filled  the 
Cloacae  with  the  bodies  of  the  nobles,  and  had  re- 


224 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


\i 


duced  the  Roman  people  to  be  labourers  and  stone- 
cutters for  the  Tuscans. 

The  wretched  Tullia,  old  and  feeble,  but  unfor- 
giving, haughty,  and  gloomy,  who  seems  to  have 
mitigated  no  evil  in  her  husband'^s  administration, 
and  to  have  gained  for  him  no  friends,  was  forced  to 
fly,  amid  the  execrations  of  those  who  made  her  an- 
swerable both  for  the  death  of  Servius  and  the 
iniquity  of  her  treacherous  son.  Tarquin  returned 
to  Rome,  but  found  the  gates  shut  against  him  ;  his 
horror-struck  army,  roused  by  the  Tribune  of  the 
Celeres,  the  leader  of  the  cavalry,  refused  to  obey 
him,  his  people  scowled  at  him  with  yells  of  defi- 
ance, and  his  enemies,  whom  he  was  on  the  point  of 
subduing,  were  now  delivered,  and  allowed  to  re- 
cover from  the  blockade  they  had  been  suffering. 
Tarquin  condemned  himself  by  defending  his  vile 
son,  and  now  retired  to  Caere  with  his  family,  and 
there  waited  until  the  Romans  should  somewhat 
return  to  their  senses,  and  he  should  be  able 
to  decide  on  the  proper  path  to  follow.  Sextus 
left  him  in  order  to  fight  for  his  own  cause  in  Gabii, 
and  there  fell  a  sacrifice  to  some  of  the  Patricians 
whom  he  had  offended.  It  is  most  natural  to  be- 
lieve that  Collatinus  led  troops  against  him,  and 
procured  his  overthrow  ;  but  nothing  in  the  whole 
of  Livy's  narrative  is  more  wonderful  than  the  su- 
pineness  and  feebleness  of  this  injured  man,  who 
had  within  his  veins  the  hot  and  fierce  blood  of  the 
proud  and  brave  Tarquinii.    With  Sextus,  ended  the 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.      225 

connexion  between  Rome  and  Gabii,  and  for  the 
present,  between  Gabii  and  Tarquinia.  Of  the 
former  state  we  have  already  mentioned*  that  its 
people  wore  the  Tuscan  dress,  that  they  used  the 
Tuscan  coins  and  letters,  that  a  Tuscan  at  times 
presided  over  its  college,  that  its  great  temple  and 
religious  discipline  were  Tuscan,  and  that  it  taught 
that  discipline  to  the  Sabines  and  Marsi. 

Tarquin  seems  for  a  short  time  to  have  been  para- 
lysed by  this  unexpected  blow.  He  had  many 
friends  within  the  city,  and  he  thought  that 
when  Lucretia's  funeral  was  over,  and  the  fury 
of  the  populace  was  spent,  all  things  would  re- 
turn to  their  usual  channel.  He  therefore  waited 
at  Caere,  and  sent  ambassadors,  who  were  ho- 
nourably received,  to  represent  that  he  had  no 
concern  in  the  iniquity  of  his  son,  and  to  demand 
that  his  property  should  be  valued,  and  the  value 
given  to  him  and  his  family.  The  ambassadors 
found  the  city  in  very  unexpected  order,  and  al- 
ready under  a  regular  government,  of  which  Brutus, 
with  all  the  ensigns  of  kingly  pomp,  was  at  the 
head.  Such  portions  of  the  laws  of  Servius  as  had 
escaped  destruction  were  consulted,  and,  according 
to  their  supposed  meaning,  the  supreme  authority 
henceforth  was  to  be  divided  between  Patricians 
and*  Plebeians,  and  the  four  men  who  had  de- 
throned Tarquin  were  to  be  the  first  governors. 

Lucretius,  the  Custos  Urbis,  was  Interrex,  and 
called  the  Senate  and  Curiae  to  decide  upon  their 

*  Vol.  i.  p.  377. 

L    5 


226 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


rulers,  and  the  Plebeians  in  centuries  were  to  give 
their  consent.     The  despotic  authority  of  the  kings 
remained  entire  with  their  successors,  named  lieges 
at  first,  and  then  Praitors  ;*  and  such  sacred  offices 
as  none  but  the  king  could  execute,  had  a  Patrician 
officer  set  apart  for  them  solely ,t  called  Rex  Sacro- 
rum,  his  person  being  inviolable,  and  his  appoint- 
ment for  life.     Dionysius  says  that  the  Senate  pre- 
served the  name  of  Rex  because  their  kings  had 
been   to    them  the  source   of  so  much    good,  and 
tlierefore  they  directed  the  Augurs  and   Pontifices 
to  choose  a  person  who  should  never  meddle  with 
civil  affiiirs,  and  who  should  devote  himself  to  the 
care  of  public  worship.     His   wife  was   Regina,  a 
chief  priestess,  and  none  but  a  Patrician  could  en- 
joy this  dignity.     The  Rex  Sacrorum,  if  not  always 
a  Tuscan,  was  always  educated  in  Etruria,  and,  that 
he  might  never  be  supreme,  and  never  attempt  to 
rule  in  civil  matters,  he  was  made  subordinate  in 
authority  to  the  Roman  Praitor  and  Pontifex  Maxi- 
mus.      To  the   Praetors  were  adjudged    the    ivory 
sceptre,  the  golden  crown,  the  royal   purple  robe, 
the  Lictors  and  the  Fasces;  and  Livy  tells  us  that 
the   Triumpher  also  wore    the   golden  crown   and 
purple  habit,  and  bore  in  his  hand  the  ivory  sceptre, 
as  the  kings  had  done  before  him. 

Brutus  obliged  all  the  Roman  people.  Senate, 
Curi£e,and  Plebs,  to  deprive  Tarquin  of  royalty,  and 
not  only  made  them  solemnly  swear  to  banish  him  for 
ever,  but  devoted  to  the  Tuscan  infernal  gods  every 

*  Tully  iii.  2.  t  Livy  i.  53. 

5 


ECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       227 

soul  who  should,  by  word  or  deed,  propose  his  re 
storation.     Niebuhr  says  that  this  devotion  of  men 
to  the  infernal  gods  was  the  commencement  of  doing 
away  with  human  sacrifices,  but  it  had  been  a  custom 
of  the  Tuscans  from  the  beginning. 

Brutus  the  Plebeian  might  now  have  been  re- 
elected into  the  Senate,  and  his  house  might  have 
been  restored  lo  all  its  forfeited  honours ;  for  he 
was  himself  the  chief  ruler,  and  filled  up  the  num- 
bers of  the  Senate,  which  Tarquin  had  shamefully 
diminished.  But  it  better  suited  the  tone  of  his 
dark  vindictive  mind,  to  keep  up  the  remembrance 
of  his  injuries,  by  ruling  as  a  king,  and  yet  remain- 
ing a  Plebeian.  The  first  Tarquinian  dynasty  was 
overturned  by  the  Plebeian  Mastarna ;  the  second 
Tarquinian  dynasty  was  overturned  by  the  Plebeian 
Brutus.  The  first  of  these  Plebeians,  being  a 
Tuscan,  introduced  still  more  of  Tuscan  arts  and 
customs  into  Rome;  the  second,  being  a  Latin, 
broke  off  at  once  all  communication  with  the  Tus- 
cans; and  Rome,  from  this  time  forward,  was  a 
Latine  state,  and  Tuscan  in  nothing  except  her  re- 
ligion. The  Brutii  and  Junii  continued  to  be 
leaders  of  the  Plebs,  from  the  passing  of  the  Lici- 
nian  law,  even  to  the  end  of  the  republic* 

During  the  reign  of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  the 
various  written  laws  of  the  kings  were  collected  into 
one  code  by  a  lawyer  named  Papirius,  and  they  were 
ever  after  held  in  reverence,  and  referred  to  as  the 
Leges  Regium,  or  Jus  Papirii. 

♦  Xieb.  i.  n.  1153. 


228 


I 


CHAPTER  X. 

SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.* 

Tarquin  retires  to  Caere — Sends  ambassadors  to  Rome — Impla- 
cability of  Brutus — Valerius— Collatinus  retires  to  Lavinium 
— Embassy  of  the  Carthaginians  to  Rome — Conspiracy  to 
restore  Tarquin  detected — Death  of  the  sons  of  Brutus — 
Confiscation  of  the  property  of  Tarquin— Tarquin,  aided  by 
Tarquinia  and  Veii,  makes  war  on  Rome — Battle  in  which 
Aruns  and  Brutus  are  slain  —  Lucretius  and  Valerius 
at  the  head  of  the  repubhc  —  Dedication  of  the  great 
temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus — Tarquin  applies  for  aid  to 
Lars  Porsenna — Obscurity  of  Etruscan  history — Rivalry  be- 
tween the  parties  of  Tarquin  and  Porsenna  in  the  Rasenan 
League — Porsenna,  notwithstanding,  aids  Tarquin,  in  order 
to  re-establish  Etruscan  influence  in  Rome. 

B.    C.    511.      YEAR    OF   TARQUINIA    676. 

When  Tarquin  retreated  from  the  gates  of  Rome, 
though  his  army  is  said  to  have  revolted  against 
him,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  bands  of  in- 
fantry and  cavalry  remained  attached  to  his  stand- 

♦  Authorities :    Livy  ii.  1,  2 ;    Dion.  v.  in  loco,  vii. ;  Anc. 
Hist.  xi.  357;  Nieb.  i.  ii. ;  Miiller's  EtrUsker;  Plut.  in  Pop. 


4 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY  IN    ROME.       229 

ard.  The  Romans,  through  whom  alone  we  know 
the  history  of  these  transactions,  never  mention 
their  allies,  unless  when  compelled  by  absolute  ne- 
cessity. In  every  battle,  and  every  siege,  they 
speak  of  Rome,  and  of  Rome  alone  ;  and,  yet,  from 
the  very  beginning,  they  rarely  either  fought  the 
one,  or  prosecuted  the  other,  without  the  aid  of 
Latins,  Tuscans,  Sabines,  or  some  of  the  many 
tribes  surrounding  them. 

At  the  siege  in  which  Tarquin  was  engaged  when 
Sextus  left  the  camp  in  order  to  perpetrate  his  vil- 
lany,  his  force  must  have  consisted  of  Romans, 
Latins,  and  Tuscans ;  for  he  was  the  King  of  Rome, 
the  chosen  Dictator  of  Latium,  and  a  member  of  the 
great  Tuscan  League.  All  his  Roman  and  most  of 
his  Latin  cohorts  forsook  him ;  but  the  Tuscans,  it 
seems,  remained  firm  in  their  allegiance,  and  with 
them  he  retreated  to  Caere,  where  he  quietly  re- 
mained until  he  should  see  the  turn  which  this  ex- 
traordinary drama  would  take.  Tarquin  the  Dic- 
tator would  not  have  preferred  Tuscany  to  Latium 
without  having  some  strong  reasons  for  doing  so  ; 
and  these  reasons  were,  his  intimate  alliance  with 
Tarquinia  and  Caere,  and  the  tried  fidelity  of  his 
Tuscan  troops.  His  sons,  Titus  and  Aruns,  joined 
him  ;  but  Circeii,  the  city  ruled  over  by  the  one, 
though  Turrhene ;  and  Signia,  the  government  of 
the  other,  either  joined  the  Romans  or  remained 
perfectly  neutral. 

The  first  acts  of  Tarquin  show  that  he  could  not 
yet  persuade  himself  of  the  real  character  of  Brutus, 


230 


HISTOUY    OF    ETRURIA. 


nor  ^ive  credit  to  his  own  dethronement.  Not 
being  himself  malignant,  though  imperious  and 
domineering,  he  could  not  believe  in  the  vindictive 
ferocity  of  one  to  whom  he  had  always  been  so 
kind.  Accordingly,  instead  of  assembling  all  the 
forces  he  could  bring  together,  and  making  war  on 
the  city,  he  peaceably  sent  ambassadors  to  enforce 
his  restoration.  Brutus  laughed  at  this  demand, 
but  few  of  the  Patricians  joined  him  in  his  scorn 
and  hatred  of  the  old  king.  He  had  indeed  at- 
tained  his  own  object :  he  had  driven  away  that 
king  and  his  sons,  and  had  placed  himself  in  their 
stead,  but  he  had  .o  endure  a  severe  struggle  in 
order  to  maintain  himself  in  his  new  position,  and 
induce  his  countrymen  to  submit  whilst  they  were 
yet  blind  to  his  despotic  authority.  No  despotism 
is  so  fearful  as  that  which  does  all  in  the  name  of 

liberty. 

In  accordance  with  the  laws  of  Servms,  Brutus 
had  pledged  himself  to  have  always  a  colleague, 
and,  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  his  own  spirit, 
he  was  resolved  that  this  colleague  should  never  differ 
in  opinion  from  himself.  He  was  moreover  resolved 
to  restore  the  Ramnes  to  their  former  precedency, 
and  to  make  the  Tities  second  in  power,  ridding 
himself  altogether  from  Tuscan  inttuence  and  the 
abhorred  Tarquinian  rule.  With  this  view  he  in- 
tended  to  make  Valerius  his  co-Praetor,  both  be- 
cause he  was  the  most  influential  of  all  the  Patri- 
cians, and   because,*   without    his  co-operation,  he 

♦  Plut.  in  Pop. 


il 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       231 

could  not  have  expelled  the  Tarquinii.  It  seems 
inexplicably  strange,  that  he  never  was  able  to  gain 
this  great  man  over  to  his  side  until  after  the  death 
of  Lucretia,  when  he  induced  him,  in  the  excite- 
ment of  the  moment,  to  sign  the  contract  over  her 
bleeding  remains.  This  seems  to  prove  that  Va- 
lerius had  always  been  treated  by  Tarquin  with  the 
regard  due  to  his  eminent  rank  and  station. 

Both  Brutus  and  Valerius  were  accordine-lv  ex- 
cessively  vexed  and  mortified  when  the  newly- 
emancipated  Curiae  appointed  Collatinus  to  be  the 
co-Praetor  of  the  former.  V^alerius  himself  was 
so  full  of  indignation  that  Brutus  was  afraid  lest 
he  and  many  other  distinguished  senators  should  join 
Tarquin.  So  much  for  their  heroic  patriotism  !  Nie- 
buhr*  thinks  that  Valerius  was  king  of  the  Tities, 
and  says  that  his  house  always  enjoyed  extraor- 
dinary honours.  The  Valerii  alone,  of  all  the 
Homans,  were  allowed  a  Curule  throne  in  the  Circus, 
and  they  possessed  the  peculiar  privilege  of  bury- 
ing their  dead  within  the  walls. 

The  Lucumo  Collatinus,  deeply  and  irreparably 
injured  as  he  had  been,  was  not  a  man  of  a  suffi- 
ciently fierce  and  revengeful  spirit  for  Junius 
Brutus.  He  was  of  Tarquinian  blood  and  lineage 
and  it  was  evident  that  the  attachments  of  clanship 
were  the  strongest  feelings  of  his  heart.  It  is  pal- 
pable that  he  did  not  think  the  aged  king  deserved 
to  lose  his  crown,  for  a  crime  in  which  he  had  no 
share,  and  that  in  his  estimation  the  exile  of  Tar- 
quin's  sons  ought  to  be  rendered  as  light  as  possible. 

♦  i.  n.  1194. 


232 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


These  three  young  men,  who  had  followed  their 
father,  were  guiltless  of  any  crime  or  tyranny,  as  far 
as  we  know,  and  they  were  much,  we  might  almost 
say  devotedly,  beloved  by  such  of  the  Patricians  as 
had  been  their  companions.  All  these,  indeed, 
were  of  the  same  way  of  thinking  with  Collatinus  ; 
and  Dionysius*  tells  us  that  a  number  of  the  prin- 
cipal families  emigrated  and  followed  Tarquin. 
Livy  bears  the  same  testimony  in  describing  the 
battle  of  llegillus. 

Brutus  regarded  Collatinus  as  a  complete  clog 
upon  all  his  plans,  and  he  was  resolved,  at  all  ha- 
zards, to  get  rid  of  him.     He  accordingly  put  him- 
self into  a  violent  rage  when  Collatinus  expressed 
his  opinion   that   the  old   kings  effects  should   be 
given  up  to  him  as  a  matter  of  justice.     He  op- 
posed it  resolutely,  and  said  he  perceived  that  Rome 
could  never  be  free  as  long  as  any  of  the  Tarquinii 
remained  in  it,  their  sense  of  crime  was  so  weak, 
and    their   love  of  tyranny  so  strong;    and    that, 
therefore,  the  only  method  of  breaking  the  chains 
of  long  subjection,  which  hung,  and  would  continue 
to  hang,  upon  the  minds  of  his  countrymen,  as  long 
as  they  had  any  influence  among  them,  was  for  the 
whole   clan    to    retire  beyond   their   territories, — a 
movement  which  he  offered  many  talents  to  facili- 
tate.    It  is  more  than  likely  that  he  represented  to 
Collatinus  the  certainty  of  an  immediate  rupture  with 
Tarquinia,  and  the  painful  necessity  he  would  then 
be  under  to  spill  the  blood  of  his  own   kindred. 

♦  vi. ;  Livy  ii. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.         233 

Certain  it  is,  he  used  some  arguments  of  persuasion 
with  his  colleague  beyond  the  haughtiness  and 
irascibility  of  his  own  temper,  which  induced  that 
chief  to  take  up  his  franchise  and  seek  an  abode  in 
Laviniura,*  whither  he  retired,  settling  himself  and 
his  clients  honourably  and  peaceably  beyond  the 
jurisdiction  of  Rome. 

He  could  not  return    into    Etruria,  because  he 
would   not  willingly  confirm  the  taunts  and  suspi- 
cions   of    Brutus;    and    unless   he    had   taken  up 
arms  against  those  who  professed  themselves,  and 
who    felt   in    heart    and   soul    that    they  were  the 
avengers  of  his  wife's  death   and  his  own  honour, 
he  could  not  return  to  Tarquinia,  the  cradle  of  his 
house  ;  because  that  state,  with  Caere  and  Veii,  had 
already  espoused  the  cause  of  his  deadly  foe.     Pro- 
bably all  the  leading  Patricians  of  his  name  soon 
joined  him,  and    finally    the   whole   clan    left   the 
Roman  states,  fixing  themselves  in  Tusculum  La- 
viniuraf   and  Laurentum.      Their  place  was  sup- 
plied by  the  Claudii,  with  their  chief,  Appius  Clau- 
dius, from  Regillum,  in  Sabina ;  and  their  lands  were 
near  Crustumerium,  along  the  river  Anio.  Whether 
they  changed  homes  now,  or  at  the  time,  as  is  more 
probable,  when  Tarquin  himself  sought  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Latins  some  years  later,  no  history  ac- 
quaints us ;  but,  as  there  was  a  strong  Tarquinian 
party  in  Rome  for  upwards  of  ten  years,  we  are  in- 
clined to  believe  the  latter. 

After  the  exile  of  Collatinus,  Marcus  Horatius 
•  Livy.  ^  Niebuhr. 


I 


234 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


was  associated  with  Brutus,  and  ambassadors  came 
from  Carthage  to  conclude  with  the  new  govern- 
ment a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce,  which  was 
engraved  upon  stone  in  the  Forum,  and  upon  tables 
of\rass,   which  were  kept  at  the  capitol.      This 
treaty  shows  us  that  Rome,  when  she  banished  the 
Tarquinii,  was  by  no  means  an  inconsiderable  naval 
power ;    but,  on  the  contrary,  that  she  sent  forth 
her  ships  from  Ostia  in  company  with  Agylla  and 
the  other  states  of  Tyrrhenia,  and  that  she  had,  as 
her  subjects  or  allies,  all  the  Tyrrhene  ports  almost 
as  far  as  Cuma  *    In  this  Carthaginian  treaty,  Rome 
is  permitted  to  trade  with  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Sicily, 
Carthage,  and  the  whole  of  Africa,  from  the  Bay  of 
Carthage,  westward,  as  far  as  the  pillars  of  Her- 
cules.     Rome  is  bound  not  to  interfere  with  the 
trade  of  Egypt ;  and  Carthage,  on  these  conditions, 
promises   to  respect  the   trade  of  Ardea,  Antium, 
Cerceii,  Terracina,  and  Aricia,  promising  to  make  no 
conquests,  and  build  no  forts,  in  these  small  states, 
and  to  keep  faith  with  them,  even  should  they  cease 
to  he  dependencies  of  Rome.     This  is  a  most  remark- 
able passage.     It  is  a  tacit  acknowledgment  of  the  in- 
fluence of  Tarquin  with  the  Latin  and    Turrhene 
Latin  states,  and  of  the  uncertainty  of  Rome  as  to 
which  party  these  states  would   favour,  whilst  she 
hoped  that  this  generous  consideration  of  their  in- 
terests might  bind  them  to  herself.     It  seems,  in- 
deed, as  if  she  had   so  Air  succeeded  that  they  felt 
themselves,  in  the  present  emergency,  bound  rather 
to  assist  the  Romans  than  the  dethroned  monarch  ; 

♦  Nieb.  i.  about  n.  IIS3. 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.      235 

and  that  at  first,  they  embraced  the  cause  of  the 
sacred  city,  though  a  few  years  afterwards  they 
changed  their  sentiments.  After  Porsenna  had  re- 
duced Rome,  they  all,  as  with  one  accord,  shook  off 
her  yoke,  or  alliance,  and  Aricia,  the  most  powerful 
state  in  Latium,  went  over  to  the  other  side,  and 
espoused  the  quarrel  of  Tarquin. 

The   embassy  of  the    Carthaginians,  must  have 
been    a   very   great    blow  to  the    aged    monarch, 
as    acknowledging  the  authority  of    the  new  go- 
vernment,  and    as   giving   security   to   it   by   sea. 
When  his  ambassadors  found  that  his  restoration 
was  out  of  the  question,  they  either  still  lingered  in 
Rome,  pleading  his  cause,  or  they  returned'' to  it  in 
order  to  take  up  the  argument  of  Collatinus,  and 
demand   his  property.     The  Senate   were  so   con- 
vinced  of  the  justice  of  this  claim,  that  they  ordered 
the  goods  of  Tarquin  to  be  valued  and  granted  tohim  ; 
but  Brutus   was  determined  that  his  riches  should 
not  leave  Rome,  as  he  was  sure  that  they  would  be 
employed    against    her.      The    ambassadors    very 
quickly  gave  him  the  cause  of  displeasure  that  he 
wished  for  and    sought,  by   plotting  for  Tarquin^s 
return  and  reinstatement,  with  those  of  the  Patri- 
cians, and  even  with  those  members  of  the  Senate, 
who  regretted  his  misfortunes,    or  who    preferred 
him  to  the  first  Praetor,  which  Niebuhr  believes  was 
the  case  with  all  the  Luceres.     His  return  would 
indeed   have  been   death   to  Brutus,  Lucretius,  Va- 
lerius, and  all  who  had  aided  them  ;  yet  Brutus's 
own  nearest  relations  were  amongst  the  number  of 


iti 


236 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


the  keenest  conspirators.    The  Aquillii,  a  powerful 
noble  house,  and  the  Vitelli,  his  wife's  family,  and, 
what  was  worse  than  all  this,  even  his  own  two 
grown  up  sons,  Titus  and  Tiberius,  friends  and  com- 
panions of   the   young   Tarquinii,   were    foremost 
amongst  those  who  were  resolved  to  overturn  his 
authority  ;  and  they  took  an  oath  over  the  body  of 
a  human  victim,  in  presence  of  Tarquin's  heralds, 
to  bring  the  old  king  back.     A  slave  heard  them, 
and  wisely  made  the  monstrous  secret  the  price  of 
his  own  liberty.     He  confided  it  to  Valerius,  head 
of  the  Tities,  who,  next  to  Brutus,  was  the  most 
powerful  and  influential  man  in  the  city  ;  and  Va- 
lerius had  all  the  conspirators  arrested  and  brought 
to  trial.    The  young  Junii  would,  not  unnaturally, 
have  a  feeling  of  kindness  towards  a  family  which, 
in  their  eyes,  had  loaded  their  father  with  honours, 
and  whose  benefits  he  had  always  returned  with  an 
unreasonable  and  implacable  hate.     But  the  stern 
and  haughty  father  burned  with  irrepressible  indig- 
nation when  he  found  that  his  own  children  had 
dared  to  have  an  opinion  differing  from  his  own, 
and  that  they  had  taken  part  with  a  family  which 
bad   degraded  him  and  them.      Yet  we  have   no 
proof  that  this  degradation  was  not  perfectly  just. 
Russia,  even  now,  could  show  her  Brutuses  towards 
her   present   emperor;    and   with    respect   to   the 
harshness  and  bigotry  of  parents  towards  their  own 
children,  whom  they  would  far  rather  see  in  their 
graves  than  of  a  different  opinion  to  themselves, 
Encrland  could  show  no  small  number  also.     Po- 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       237 


litics  and   religion   in   every   age   have   had   such 
votaries. 

Brutus  is  only  singular,  in  that  he  has  been  ad- 
mired for  his  deed,  because  poetry  has  attributed  to 
him  motives  for  it  which  he  never  knew.     Brutus 
had  no  ideas  of  liberty  that  were  inconsistent  with 
his  own  supreme  command.     This  he  had  craved 
for  himself,  and   purchased,  as  it  were,  at  an  im- 
mense cost,  from  the  oracle  at  Delphi.     He  suc- 
ceeded Tarquin.     He  remained  first  Praetor,  with 
the  title  of  Rex,  till  his  death,  and  the  debtors  and 
the   lower  people,    were   more  ground   under  the 
freedom  which  he  established,  than  they  had  ever 
been  under  the  kings,  excepting  only  in  the  matter 
of  the  great  public  works,  which  appear  to  have 
been  of  a  calibre  altogether  anti-Roman,  and  which 
were  never  attempted  under  the  republic. 

When  the  conspirators  were  brought  out  for 
judgment,  Brutus,  instead  of  delegating  the  matter 
to  his  colleague,  enthroned  himself  on  the  judg- 
ment seat,  and  coolly  ordered  the  lictors  to  execute, 
as  traitors,  his  own  children,  whilst  he  looked  on. 
Then  descending  in  his  pride  and  gloom,  he  told 
Valerius  to  spare  the  others  if  he  could.  Livy,* 
who  loves  to  paint,  says,  "  Quum  inter  omne 
tempus  pater,  Vultusque,  et  os  ejusspectaculoesset; 
eminente  animo  patrio  inter  publicge  penae  minis- 
terium."  Men  may  indeed  have  looked  at  him, 
but  both  Dionysiust  and  Plutarch  say  that  he 
showed  not  the  slightest  emotion.  His  own  sons 
bad  rebelled  against  hiuj,  and  stood  up  for  the 
*  ii-  5.  f  V.  210. 


238 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


1 


family  he  detested,  and  whom  he  had  sworn  to 
extirpate  and  ruin  ;  therefore,  in  his  eyes,  they  de- 
served to  die.  These  were  his  feelings,  and  dark 
and  fonatical  minds,  in  the  days  of  the  Inquisition 
and  of  the  Covenanters,  have  often  nourished  the 
same  with  full  as  much  intensity,  and  have  mis. 
taken,  as  the  llomans  did,  the  passions  of  a  demon 
for  the  spirituality  of  a  saint. 

Cicero  says  that  Brutus  left  one  son,  Lucius,  or 
Lucumo  Junius  Brutus,  who  was,  according  to  a 
tradition,  which  has  the  authority  of  Plutarch,  the 
ancestor   of  that    Patrician  who   murdered   Julius 
C«sar.     The  Romans  had  several  examples  after- 
wards  of  fathers  who  condemned  their  sons  to  death. 
The  Consul  Horatius,  if  he  did  not  actually  do  so, 
still  acted,  with  regard  to  his  son,  in  the  spirit  of 
Brutus    at  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus  ;  Cassius,the  father  of  the  great  Spurious 
Cassius,  is  accused  of  a  similar  act  of  patriotism  ;  the 
Consul  Aulus  Posthuuius,  in  the  second  war  with 
Veil    executed  his  son  and  several  others  ;    not  to 
mention  the  national  laws  which  placed  it  in  the 
option  of  every  father,  when  a  child  was  born,  whe- 
ther it  was  to  live  or  not,  and  those  which  autho- 
rized a  father  to  sell  his  sons,  if  he  chose,  over  and 
over  again,  into  slavery. 

With  regard  to  this  act  of  Brutus,  it  may  not  be 
uninteresting  to  record  the  opinions  of  two  of  the 
most  illustrious  writers  of  ancient  and  modern  times. 
Virgil  gives  him  credit  for  patriotism,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  ascribes  to  his  conduct  the  baser  motive  of 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.       239 

love  of  popular  applause.  "  Vincit  amor  patrise, 
laudumque  immensa  cupido ;"  while  Machiavelli, 
looking  on  the  transaction  with  the  eye  of  a  politi- 
cian, considers  him  as  not  having  had  the  liberty  of 
choice,  but  as  having  been  absolutely  compelled  to 
this  act  of  cruel  severity  by  the  principle  of  self- 
preservation. 

All  tlie  conspirators  against  Brutus  and  his  govern- 
ment were  put  to  death,  and  their  families  degraded, 
as  the  Junii  had   been  before,  and  as  is,  in  every 
country,   the   right   punishment    of  treason.     The 
Aquillii  and  Vitellii  were   not  only  Patricians,  but 
men  of  senatorial  dignity.     The  ambassadors  were 
spared,  only  their  mission  failed,  and   the  goods  of 
Tarquin,  so  far  from  being  restored,  were  put  up  to 
auction  and  their  proceeds  given   to  the  poor.     His 
own   private  lands  were  divided  in   large    portions 
of  seven  acres  each,*  amongst  the  Plebeians,   in 
order  to    make  any  future  restoration   impossible, 
and  a  field  of  his  near  the  Campus  Martius  was  dedi- 
cated  to  the  god  Mars,  and   the  corn  which  grew 
upon  it  thrown   into  the  river,  where,  by  heaping 
itself  upon  a  shallow,  it  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
sacred  isle  in  the  midst  of  the  Tiber.f 

When  Tarquin  found  the  aim  of  Brutus  was  to 
drive  things  to  extremities,  and  utterly  to  expel  all 
his  clan  and  kindred,  as  well  as  himself,  from  the 
Roman  territories,  he  applied  in  earnest  for  succour 
to  Veii  and  Tarquinia,J  and  both  of  these  states  an- 

♦  The  Plebeian's  legal  portion  was  two  acres. 
^  ^^y  ^-  X  Livy,  u.  6. 


I 


240 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURTA. 


\f 


swered  to  his  call,  and  raised  forces  to  try  the  event 
of  war. 

The  king  and  his  son  Aruns,  headed  the  Tuscan 
armies,  and  led  on  the  battle  against  Brutus  and 
Valerius;  and  the  old  legend  says,  that  eleven  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  ninety-nine  of  the  one,  and 
eleven  thousand  three  hundred  of  the  other,  were  left 
dead  upon  the  field  of  battle,  an  oracle  being  required 
to  tell  the  numbers  and  to  decide  the  victory  between 
them.  Aruns  saw  Brutus  wearing  his  father's  crown 
upon  his  helmet,  and  having  the  kingly  purple  over 
his  shoulders.  Unable  to  endure  the  sight,  he  rode 
furiously  towards  him,  calling  him  a  usurper,  and 
after  a  desperate  struggle,  in  which  Aruns  unhorsed 
and  killed  his  foe,  he  sank  to  the  ground  himself,  ex- 
hausted and  mortally  wounded.  Tlie  struggle  for  vic- 
tory continued  obstinate.  Two  of  the  sons  of  Tarquin 
who  commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  Tyrrhenians, 
defeated  the  right  wing  of  the  Romans,  and  were 
on  the  point  of  forcing  their  entrenchments ;  but 
on  the  following  night,  Valerius  surprised  the  Tuscan 
army,  slaughtered  a  great  number  of  them,  and  at- 
tar ked  their  camp. 

The  victory,  however,  remained  undetermined, 
and  each  party  drew  off  their  dead,  Brutus  being 
honoured  with  a  public  funeral,  and  a  year's  public 
mourning.  After  his  decease,  Lucretius  for  the 
Ramnes,  and  Valerius  for  the  Tities,  were  the  two  most 
powerful  Roman  families,  and  one  or  other  of  these 
names  is  always  found  amongst  the  earliest  Praetors. 
But  owing  to  the  distractions  which  followed  for 


SECOND    TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY  IN  ROME.        241 

many  years,  the  Fasti  were  most  irregularly  kept ; 
and,  indeed,  for  several  years,  there  probably  were 
no  Praetors.  Both  Lucretius  and  Valerius  were  at 
the  head  of  the  government  when  Porsenna 
attacked  Rome. 

After  the  battle  in  which  Brutus  fell,  the  Romans 
seem  to  have  contented  themselves  with  keeping 
within  their  own  territory,  and  exposing  theui- 
selves  to  as  little  loss  as  possible.  They  concluded 
a  truce  with  Veii  for  a  few  months,  and  during  this 
time  they  hoped  to  propitiate  the  gods  by  complet- 
ing and  dedicating,  the  great  temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus.  They  looked  upon  it  as  a  happy 
omen,  that  the  king  had  not  left  it  perfectly  finished. 
The  chariot  and  horses  of  terra  cotta,  which  he  had 
ordered  for  the  pediment  from  Veii,  were  manu- 
factured and  ready,  but  had  not  been  delivered ;  for 
whilst  they  were  moulding  them,  the  clay,  instead 
of  shrinking  in  the  fire,  swelled  to  a  very  unusual 
size,  and  the  workmen  being  astonished,  considered 
it  as  a  portent  concerning  which  the  augurs  ought 
to  be  consulted  ;*  the  more  so  as  the  chariot  could 
not  be  withdrawn  without  breaking  up  the  furnace. 
The  Augurs  answered  that  this  chariot  betokened 
power  and  success  to  those  with  whom  it  should  re- 
main, and  the  Veientines  upon  this,  resolved  to 
keep  it  to  themselves.  When  the  Romans  sent  to 
apply  for  it,  they  were  accordingly  answered,  that 
Tarquin,  the  king,  had  commissioned  it,  and  that 
they  would   deliver  it   up   to  Tarquin,  but  not  to 

•  Plut.  in  Pop. 


242 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


those  who  had  driven  him  from  his  kingdom.  With 
this  reply  the  Romans  were  obliged  to  be  contented, 
but  it  so  happened,  that  the  great  Circensian  games 
of  Veii  were  celebrated  a  few  days  after,  when  a  man 
named  Ratumena  received  the  prize  for  the  chariot 
race,  and  was  leading  his  horses  gently  out  of  the 
ring.  They  took  fright,  without  any  visible  cause, 
rushed  with  him  down  the  hill,  and  through  the 
gates  of  Veii,  along  the  road,  and  across  the  fron- 
tiers, and  never  stopped  until  they  reached  one  of 
the  Roman  gates,*  when  they  threw  him  out  and 
killed  him.  The  Romans  named  the  gate  after 
him,  "  Ratumena."  Hereupon  they  again  applied 
for  their  chariot,  and  the  people  of  Veii,  fearing  the 
anger  of  the  gods  for  broken  faith,  surrendered  it. 
This  chariot  was  accordingly  placed  in  triumph  upon 
the  top  of  the  temple. 

The  sacred  edifice  was  now  considered  finished, 
and  the  two  Prajtors  drew  lots  as  to  who  should 
dedicate  it.  The  lot  fell  to  Marcus  Horatius,  whose 
name  was  accordingly  inscribed  upon  its  front ;  but 
Valerius  was  so  angry  at  its  not  falling  to  him,  that 
he  would  not  attend  the  ceremony.  In  high  dis- 
pleasure, he  renewed  the  war  with  Veii,  and  his 
friends  strove  to  prevent  Horatius  from  winning  the 
honour  which  had  fallen  to  his  share,  by  sending 
him  a  message  that  his  son  was  dead.  With  all  the 
sternness  of  Brutus,  and  with  a  religious  enthusi- 
asm as  powerful  as  Brutus's  indignant  pride,  he 
answered,  "  It  concerneth   not  me,  cast  away  the 

*  Plin.  viii.  42. 


SECOND   TARQUINIAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.      243 


body."  He  then  struck  in  the  nail  of  the  lustrum,* 
from  which  the  Romans  ever  after  counted  the 
date  of  their  republic,  and  in  the  set  form  of 
words,  terminated  the  dedication.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  this  ceremony  inspired  the  Romans  with 
strong  hope  as  an  omen  for  good.  The  foundation  of 
this  celebrated  building  was  laid  in  an  augury  of  its 
becoming  the  head  of  Italy,  with  Terminus  and 
Juventus  enclosed  within  its  walls;  and  it  was 
completed  in  an  augury,  which  predicted  to  its  pos- 
sessors a  career  of  rapid  victory  and  success. 

The  Roman  people  now,  indeed,  required  every 
excitement  to  hope,  and  every  omen  which  might  por- 
tend good  fortune ;  for  a  dark  hour  was  drawing  nigh, 
and  one  over  the  shame  and  confusion  of  which, 
their  annals  have  carefully  extended  the  thickest 
veil. 

Tarquin,  not  finding  the  aid  of  Caere,  Veii,  and 
Tarquinia,  sufficient  for  him  against  his  former  sub- 
jects, with  their  Latin  and  Tyrrhenian  allies,t  went 
in  person  as  a  suppliant,  to  his  great  northern  rival, 
Lars  Porsenna,  King  of  Clusium,  the  bravest  and 
most  magnanimous  sovereign  and  warrior  of  his 
age,  and  asked  his  mighty  assistance  against  the 
Romans,  in  order  to  reinstate  him  on  his  throne. 

There  are  certain  points  in  history,  where  events 
big  with  the  most  momentous  consequences,  and  re- 
plete with  the  mostinteresting  illustrations  of  national 
greatness,  seem  peculiarly  to  demand  attention  to 

*  Livy  vii.  3. 

t  ITie  people  of  Antium,  Circeii,  &c.  &c. 

M   2 


244 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


minute  detail,  in  order  to  trace  out  the  one,  and  to 
elucidate  the  other.  Such  an  epoch  in  Etruscan  his- 
tory is  the  period  which  we  are  at  present  considering. 
Such  an  epoch,  in  the  first  instance,  was  the  reign 
of  Lucius  Tarquinius  the  Ancient,  in  Rome,  when 
the  political  struggles  of  contending  parties  seemed 
to  have  reached  their  cuhiiinating  point.  At  that 
time,  we  had  the  great  states  of  the  northern  and 
southern  divisions  of  the  Rasenan  league,  opposed 
to  each  other.  Then  the  popular  party,  in  various 
Lucumonies,  were  dissatisfied  with  the  exclusiveness 
of  aristocratic  sway,  and  sent  forth  a  mighty  army, 
which,  under  Cale  Fipi  and  Mastarna,  traversed 
Etruria,  seeking  dominion,  and  baftted  in  the  search. 
Next  we  had  presented  to  our  view  their  strife  for  the 
sacred  border  city,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber, 
which,  after  a  struggle,  carried  on  with  varied  suc- 
cess, was  ultimately  compelled  to  admit  this  power- 
ful body  within  her  walls,  and  to  receive  it  as  an  in- 
o-redient,  in  her  own  government.  Following  this, 
an  arrangement  seems  to  have  been  made  between 
the  two  contending  elements  of  disunion  in  the 
Etruscan  Commonwealth,  by  which  Rome  became, 
as  it  were,  a  peace-offering  to  the  contentions  of 
both  parties,  and  an  outlet  for  the  discontented 
spirits  which  had  fermented  in  the  states  of  the 
League. 

But  in  endeavouring  to  trace  out  these  events, 
the  historian  has  to  grope  amid  mists  and  uncer- 
tainties, and  to  draw  conclusions,  often  it  may  be, 
hasty  and  insufficient,  from  the  most  defective  mate- 


SECOND    TARQLIMAN    DYNASTY    IN    ROME.      245 

rials.     Inferences  must  be  deduced  from  hints,  and 
an  immense  and  glowing  landscape  appears  to  be 
seen  obscurely  and  rapidly  through  a  narrow  chink. 
The  vastness  and  the  beauty  of  the  historical  field 
is  dimly  visible  and  appreciated,  "  Men  are  seen  as 
trees  walking,*'  but  all  is  confused,  and  the  darkness 
is  scarcely  illuminated  by  a  gleam  of  light.     In  at- 
tempting to  follow  out  the  connexions  of  this  history, 
we  are  frequently  tempted  to  throw  away  the  pen  in 
despair,  from  a  sense  of  the  scanty  materials  which 
now  remain,  and  of  our  inability  to  do  them  justice; 
and  we  often  cannot  help  sighing  for  the  lost  books 
of  Claudius,  which  at  least  would  have  afforded  us 
more  light   than   the  works  of  authors  who  only 
make   incidental    mention  of  Etruscan    history,  in 
treating  of  the  affairs  of  other  countries.     It  may 
seem  to  many  of  our  readers  that  some  apology  is 
due  for  dwelling  so  much  on  the  events  of  Roman 
history,  which,  they  will  say,  are  already  sufficiently 
known  to  them,  from  other  and  better  sources.    But 
unjust  as  Rome  has  been  to  Etruria,  and  anxious  as 
were  her  citizens  to  extinguish  the  renown   of  that 
great  people,  to  whom  they  originally  owed  their 
religion,  their  civil  institutions,  and  their  glory ;  it  is, 
nevertheless,  to  the  page  of  her  history  that  we  must 
apply,  as  the  only  lamp  we  have  to  guide  us  in  our 
path,  however  fitful  may  often  be  its  glimmerings 
upon  our  painful  and  unsatisfactory  research. 

The  historian  is  now,  alas !  only  enabled  to  behold 
as  through  a  crevice,  the  vast  and  misty  field  of 
Etruscan  greatness,  and  he  finds  that  crevice  in  the 


246 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


walls  of  ruined  Rome,  which,  when  they  were  first 
erected,  enclosed  little  more  than  a  border-fort  of 
mighty  and  dominant  Tyrrhenia.  Thus  much  it 
seemed  needful  to  say,  in  order  to  disarm  the  critic* 
who  might  otherwise  complain,  that  in  taking  up  a 
volume  professing  to  treat  of  Etruria,  he  found  it  but 
an  enlarged  repetition  of  the  oft- told  tale  of  Roman 
story. 


I 


247 


CHAPTER  XI. 

LARS    PORSENNA. — END    OF   TARQUIN.'^ 

A.  TARa.  678  TO  692 ;  a.  c.  509  to  497. 

The  importance  of  the  epoch  considered— Tarquin  seeks  aid  from 
Lars  Porsenna,  of  Clusium — His  motives  for  assisting  him — 
Porsenna  elected  Embratur  of  the  League — Gathering  of  the 
Etruscans  from  "  the  lays  of  ancient  Rome" — Feat  of  Hora- 
tius  Codes— Blockade  of  the  city  and  its  sufferings  from 
famine— Attempt  on  the  hfe  of  Porsenna  hy  Caius  or  Mucius 
— Destruction  of  Roman  navy — Ignominious  submission  of  the 
city — Story  of  Cleha — Coolness  between  Porsenna  and  Tarquin 
—Tarquin  takes  refuge  with  Mamilius— Siege  of  Aricia  by  Aruns 
Porsenna — Aricia  applies  for  aid  to  the  Cumans — ^Victory  by 
Aristodemus — Death  of  Aruns  Porsenna — ^Tyranny  of  Aris- 
todemus  at  Cuma — Porsenna's  victory  in  Volsinia — His  mag- 
nificent tomb  at  Clusium— State  of  parties  and  popular  feel- 
ing at  Rome,  in  favour  of  Tarquin — War  with  the  Latins, 
headed  by  Tarquin  and  Mamilius — Battle  of  Regillus,  and 
defeat  of  Tarquin— Death  of  Tarquin  at  Cuma. 

"  Lars  Porsenna  of  Clusium, 
By  the  nine  gods  he  swore. 
That  the  great  house  of  Tarquin 
Should  suffer  wrong  no  more. 

♦  Authorities  :  Livy  ii.  ;   Dionys.  Halic.  v.  and  vii. ;  Plut.  in 
Pop. ;  Ant.  Hist.  xi.  and  xvi. ;  Niebuhr's  Rome. 


248  HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 

By  the  nine  gods  he  swore  it. 
And  named  a  trysting  day. 
And  bade  his  messengers  ride  forth, 
East  and  west,  and  south  and  north. 
To  summon  his  array. 

Macauley^s  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome. 

An  epoch  in  Etruscan  history,  even  more  replete 
with  interest  than  any  of  which  we  have  formerly 
treated,  is  the  period  at  which  we  have  now  arrived, 
when  the  power  of  Tarquinia  received  a  shock,  froni 
which  it  never  recovered,  Rome  being  entirely  with- 
drawn from  the  protection  of  that  proud  Lucumony  : 
and  the  supreme  command  of  the  Rasenan  League, 
being  vested  in   the  great  rival  state   of  Clusium! 
The  actors  in  the  stirring  events  of  this  period,  Tar- 
quinius  Superbus,  Brutus,  Valerius,  and  above  all 
Lars  Porsenna,  are  names  familiar  to   us,  from  our 
earliest  recollections  of  history.     And  though  we 
possess  but  a  meagre  outline  of  knowledge  concern- 
ing the  events  of  their  lives,  and  the  relations  in 
which  they  stood  to  each  other,  they  excite  in  us  a 
livelier  interest  than  Celes  Vibenna,  or  Mastarna, 
of  whom,  the  very  existence,  as  well  as  the  fortunes', 
belong  to  the  province  of  the  antiquarian,  rather  than 
to  that  of  the  ordinary  historian. 

The  obscurity  of  Etruscan  history  grieves  us 
especially  in  the  days  of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  and 
Lars  Porsenna;  because,  if  we  possessed  a  more 
detailed  knowledge  of  its  events,  we  should  be  in- 
troduced at  once,  to  an  acquaintance  with  the  mutual 
political  relations  of  the  different  states,  and  their 


L.    PORSENNA.       END    OF    TARQUIN. 


249 


I 


individual  arrangements.  This  was  a  time  when  the 
springs  of  government  were  developed  by  action, 
and  when  the  different  members  of  the  Leagrue 
were  actively  engaged  in  crossing  each  other's  path, 
in  the  business  of  war  and  diplomacy.  It  was  one 
of  those  moments  of  great  national  excitement, 
wherein  the  political  progress  of  a  people  advances 
njore  in  a  few  years,  than  during  a  century  of  ordi- 
nary tranquillity.  And  could  we  but  obtain  an  in- 
sight into  it,  much  would  be  gained  for  the  under- 
standing of  the  past,  and  the  development  of  the 
future,  over  which  a  mist  now  hangs,  which  we  can 
but  imperfectly  penetrate. 

Tarquinius  Superbus  was  driven  from  his  throne, 
and  was  now  pleading  his  own  cause  at  Clusium  : 
but  even  had  he  been  permitted  to  end  his  days  in 
power  and  prosperity,  it  is  still  probable  that  at  the 
close  of  his  reign,  we  should  have  had  a  confused 
account  of  hostilities,  in  which  all  the  Lucumonies 
of  the  Rasenan  League  were  implicated,  similar  to 
the  state  of  matters  during  the  last  years  of  the 
reign  of  Lucius  Tarquinius  the  Ancient.  Niebuhr 
believes,  that  even  had  Sextus  not  been  a  villain, 
nor  Brutus  an  ambitious  avenger  of  his  family 
wrongs,  and  had  the  old  king  remained  free  from 
violence  at  home,  he  would  still,  in  any  case,  have 
ended  his  days  in  strife  and  warfare.  He  would, 
j)robably,  have  had  to  defend  himself  as  an  enemy, 
against  that  great  prince,  at  the  foot  of  whose 
throne  he  was  now  glad  to  seek  shelter  as  a  suppli- 
ant, Lars  Porsenna  of  Clusium.     We  know  that  at 

M  5 


250 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  very  time  of  his  expulsion  from  Rome,  Tar- 
quin  was  busily  engaged  in  warlike  preparations, 
and  even  in  actual  war.  And  it  is  most  probable 
that  he  burned  with  hostile  feelings  towards  his 
great  northern  rival,  who,  as  ruling  that  state  which 
was  the  political  competitor  of  Tarquinia,  was  natu- 
rally the  opponent  of  the  exclusive  aristocratic  party, 
which  looked  up  to  Tarquin  as  its  head.  If  things 
were  so,  he  must  have  made  a  truce  with  his  great 
enemy,  immediately  upon  the  commencement  of  his 
troubles,  or  the  forces  of  the  southern  states  could 
not  have  been  so  quickly  turned,  as  we  find  them  to 
have  been,  against  the  revolted  city. 

Should  it  be  asked,  why  did  Porsennaassist  theTar- 
quinian  party  in  Rome,  if  he  belonged  to  a  different 
political  side,  and  if  he  was  so  decidedly  opposed  to 
their  interests  in  the  League  ?  it  may  be  replied, 
that  within  the  League,  he  was,  indeed,  opposed  to 
them,  and  sought  their  subjugation.  But  the  object 
of  Brutus  and  the  republican  faction,  was  altoge- 
ther to  emancipate  Rome  from  Etruscan  influence. 
And  although  Porsenna  was  ready  to  maintain  the 
cause  of  Clusium  against  the  preponderance  of  Tar- 
quinia, yet  he  was  not  prepared  to  suffer  the  Rase- 
nan  influence  to  be  quite  destroyed,  in  the  great 
border  city  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber ;  and  Rome 
to  become  not  only  free  from  kingly  sway,  but  from 
Etruscan  domination.  Though  Lars  Porsenna  might 
be  a  foe  to  the  Tarquinians,  he  was  a  Rasenan,  one  of 
"  the  mighty  Turrheni,  worthy  to  have  lived  in  the 
days  of  the  demi-gods,"  and  as  such  he  was  ever  ready 


L.    PORSENNA.      END   OP  TARQUIN. 


251 


to  turn   his   powerful  arm  against   every  foreign 
enemy  of  his  country. 

When  he  saw  the  brave  old  Tarquin  supplicating 
his  aid,  that  prince,  so  venerable  for  age,  so  renowned 
for  his  magnificent  works,  and  so  dreaded  for  his 
warlike  deeds,  his  heart  relented,  and  he  resolved  to 
give  him  succour.  Porsenna  considered  that  Tar- 
quin had  been  hardly  and  unjustly  used,  and  he  did 
not  understand  a  rebel  Latin  Plebeian,  lording  it 
over  all  the  Patricians,  and  electing  himself  to  the 
supreme  authority.  Moreover,  if  Tarquin  was  to 
suffer  for  the  crimes  of  his  son,  Junius  Brutus, 
whose  life  and  property  he  had  spared,  ought,  long 
ago,  to  have  suffered  for  the  treason  of  his  father. 
Porsenna,  thought  that  he  was  the  very  last  man, 
who  should  have  raised  his  hand  against  the  old 
king,  and  as  he  could  at  first  only  know  Tarquin's 
version  of  the  tale,  he  was  roused  to  the  strongest 
indignation,  and  was  spurred  on  to  the  most  deter- 
mined vengeance.  At  the  General  Diet  of  Vol- 
tumna,  he  caused  himself  to  be  elected  captain  of 
the  League,  (Embratur,)  with  all  the  accustomed  in- 
signia of  royal  authority,  and  he  assumed  the 
supreme  command. 

One  of  Macaulay's  lays  of  ancient  Rome  gives  a  most 
lively  and  spirited  description  of  the  assembling  of  the 
forces  by  Lars  Porsenna,  and  of  his  march  to  Rome. 
It  is  as  eminently  beautiful  as  it  is  probable,  and  it 
is  composed  so  entirely  in  the  spirit  of  the  ancient 
bards,  that  we  are  sure  our  readers  will  thank  us  for 
transcribing  it.     Part  of  it   must   be   true   in  the 


252 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


nature  of  things,  and  we  are  indebted  to  it,  for  a 
correct  and  poetical  enumeration  of  the  names  of 
the  twelve  states,  and  their  chief  cities.  It  gives  a 
far  more  graphic,  as  well  as  musical  account  of  their 
proceedings,  than  any  we  could  have  written  after 
the  most  laborious  study,  and  with  the  most  anxious 
wish  to  represent  for  once,  an  animating  and  inte- 
resting picture  of  the  finest  scene  in  all  Etruscan 
history.  Next  to  Tarchon,  we  know  of  no  Tyrrhe- 
nian who  could  compare  with  Lars  Porsenna.  He  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  descendant  of  one  of  the 
heroes,  who  came  over  with  the  great  Rasenan 
leader  and  lawgiver,  because  his  name,  that  of 
Purs-n-e,  is  found  in  the  ancient  tombs  of  Egypt* 
His  was,  therefore,  one  of  the  oldest  families  in 
Etruria,  and  he  had  the  prestige  of  birth,  as  well  as 
the  influence  of  talent  and  magnanimity,  to  make 
him  honourable  in  the  eyes  of  his  nation. 

"  East  and  west,  and  south  and  north,  his  messengers  ride  fast. 
And  tower,  and  town,  and  cottage  now,  have  heard  the  trumpet's 
blast. 

Shame  on  the  false  Etniscan,  who  hngers  in  his  home. 
When  Porsena  of  Clusium  is  on  the  march  to  Rome. 

**  The  horsemen  and  the  footmen,  are  pouring  in  amain. 
From  many  a  stately  market-place,  from  many  a  fruitful  plain— 
From  many  a  lonely  hamlet,  which  hid  by  beech  and  pine. 
Like  an  eagle's  nest,  hangs  on  the  crest,  of  purple  Apennine. 

"From  lordly  VoUaterrae,  where  scowls  the  far-famed  hold. 
Piled  by  the  hands  of  giants,  for  the  God-like  kings  of  old,— 
From  sea-girt  Populonia,  whose  sentinels  descry 
Sardinia's  snowy  mountain-ridge,  fringing  the  southern  sky  ; 

•  Rosellini. 


L.   PORSENNA.       END    OF   TARQUIN. 


253 


"  From  the  proud  mart  of  Pisa,  queen  of  the  western  waves. 
Where  ride  Massiha's  triremes,  heavy  with  fair-haired  slaves  ; 
From  where  sweet  Clanis  wanders,  through  corn  and  wine  and 

flowers. 
From  where  Cortona  lifts  to  heaven,  her  diadem  of  towers. 

"  Tall  are  the  oaks  whose  acorns,  drop  in  dark  Auser's  rill : 
Fat  are  the  stags,  that  champ  the  boughs,  of  the  Ciminian  hill. 
Beyond  all  streams  Clitumnus,  is  to  the  herdsman  dear. 
Best  of  all  pools,  the  fowler  loves,  the  great  Volsinian  mere. 

"  But  now  no  stroke  of  woodman,  is  heard  by  Auser's  rill ; 
No  hunter  tracks  the  stag's  green  path,  up  the  Ciminian  hill ; 
Unwatched  along  Clitumnus,  grazes  the  milk-white  steer ; 
Unharmed  the  water-fowl  may  dip,  in  the  Volsinian  mere. 

"  The  harvests  of  Arretium,  this  year  old  men  shall  reap ; 
This  year,  young  boys  in  Umbro,  shall  plunge  the  struggling 

sheep ; 
And  in  the  vats  of  Luna,  this  year,  the  must  shall  foam 
Round  the  white  feet  of  laughing  girls,  whose  sires  have  marched 

to  Rome. 

**  There  be  thirty  chosen  prophets,  the  wisest  of  the  land. 
Who  alway  by  Lars  Porsena,  both  morn  and  evening  stand. 
Evening  and  morn  the  Thirty,  have  turned  the  verses  o'er. 
Traced  from  the  right,  on  linen  white,  by  the  mighty  seers  of  yore. 

"  And  with  one  voice  the  Thirty,  have  their  glad  answer  given ; 
*  Go  forth,  go    forth,    Lars  Porsena;    go  forth,  beloved  of 

heaven ; 
Go  and  return  in  glory,  to  Clusium's  royal  dome. 
And  hang  round  Nortia's  altars,  the  golden  shields  of  Rome.' 

"  And  now  hath  every  city,  sent  up  her  tale  of  men ; 

The  foot  are  fourscore  thousand,  the  horse  are  thousands  ten. 

Before  the  gates  of  Sutrium,  is  met  the  great  array, 

A  proud  man  was  Lars  Porsena,  upon  that  trysting  day. 


254 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


L.    PORSENNA.      END   OF   TARQUIN, 


255 


"To  eastward,  and  to  westward,  have  spread  the  Tuscan  bands ; 
Nor  house,  nor  fence,  nor  dovecote,  in  Crustumerium  stands ;  * 
Verbenna,  down  to  Ostia,  hath  wasted  all  the  plain ; 
Astur  hath  stormed  Janiculum,  and  the  stout  guards  are  slain. 

"  And  nearer  fast  and  nearer,  doth  the  red  whirlwind  come  • 
And  louder  still,  and  stiU  more  loud,  from  underneath  that  roU- 
ing  cloud. 

Is  heard  the  trumpet's  war-note  proud. 
The  tramphng,  and  the  hum. 

"And  plainly,  and  more  plainly,  now  through  the  gloom  appears. 
Far  to  left,  and  far  to  right,  in  broken  gleams  of  dark  blue  light. 

The  long  array  of  helmets  bright. 

The  long  array  of  spears. 

"And  plainly ,  and  more  plainly,  above  that  glimmering  line. 
Now  might  ye  see  the  banners,  of  twelve  fair  cities  shine ; 
But  the  banner  of  proud  Clusium,  was  highest  of  them  all. 
The  terror  of  the  Umbrian,  the  terror  of  the  Gaul. 

"  Fast  by  the  royal  standard,  o'er  looking  all  the  war, 
Lars  Porsena  of  Clusium,  sat  in  his  ivory  car. 
Whilst  all  his  Tuscan  army,  right  glorious  to  behold, 
Came  flashmg  back  the  noon-day  Ught,  rank  behind  rank,  Uke 
surges  bright. 

Of  a  broad  sea  of  gold." 

History  tells  us  that  the  Romans  drew  in  all  their 
outposts,  and  fortified  themselves  as  they  best  could 
in  this  struggle  for  life  and  death.     They  had  allies' 
as  the  treaty  of  Carthage  proves,  but  not  many,  for 
the  Sabines,  and  the  greater  number  of  the  Latins 
considered  their  treaties  to  be  binding  with  Tarquin 
bimself,  their  old  and  victorious  general,  rather  than 
with  his  revolted  dominions,and  during  his  life  they 


would  not  make  any  alliance  with  the  republic. 
Porsenna*  met  with  no  opposition  on  his  march 
and  his  very  name,  like  that  of  Alexander,  or  Napo- 
leon, seems  to  have  inspired  a  terror,  that  took  away 
the  capability  of  resistance.  He  ravaged  the  coun- 
try, and  drove  out  the  garrisons,  he  possessed  himself 
of  the  Janiculum,  and  lodged  his  own  troops  within 
its  fortress.  And  now,  in  spite  of  oracles  and  prodi- 
gies, and  deaf  to  the  Plebeian  prayers  for  liberty  and 
grace,  he  bore  down  upon  the  sacred  Pons  Sublicius, 
and  resolved  to  cross  it  into  the  holy  city. 

The  Romans  regarded  themselves  as  lost,  if  that 
bridge  was  taken.  Three  men,  therefore,  one  for  each 
tribe,  supporting  Horatius  Codes,  the  Plebeian,^ 
a  knight  noted  for  his  valour,  agreed  to  keep  guard 
upon  it  at  all  hazards,  until  their  flying  troops  should 
have  passed  over.  All  the  men  escaped,  and  last  of 
all,  the  captains  of  the  Patrician  tribes  followed 
them,  leaving  Codes  alone.  Porsenna  saw  and  ad- 
mired him.  Codes  lept  into  the  stream,  commending 
himself  to  the  river  god,  and  gained  the  opposite 
bank  in  safety.  Livy's  prayer  is  too  beautiful  to  be 
omitted.  "  Tiberine  Pater.  Te  sancte  precor.  Haec 
arma  et  hunc  militem,  propitio  flumine,  accipias." 

"  O  holy  father  Tiber,  to  whom  the  Romans  pray, 
A  soldier's  life,  a  Roman's  arms,  take  thou  in  charge  this  day.*' 

He  was  crowned,  carried  to  the  temple  of  Sethlans, 
and  publicly  rewarded.   Notwithstanding  his  valour, 
however,  neither  Codes,  nor  any  of  his  colleagues, 
*  Livy  ii.  9.  t  Niebuhr, 


! 


2.56 


HISrORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


could  re,)ulse  or  dislodge  I'orsenna.  He  took  pos- 
session of  both  banks  of  the  Tiber,  blockaded  the 
city,  and  threatened  the  Romans  with  starvation. 
A  dreadful  famine  began,  within  the  beleaguered 
walls,  to  alleviate  which,  Cuma  ventured  to  send 
them  succour,  but  from  the  moment  that  the  blockade 
was  complete,  this  source  of  supply  was  cut  off. 

The  senate  remitted  the  taxes  to  the  poor,  and 
did  all  they  could  to  unite,  and  gain,  the  favour  of 
the  comn.on  people;  but  the  famine  increased,  and 
was  stronger  to  disunite,  than  all  their  efforts  to  in- 
spire hope  and  union  were,  to  give  them  courage.   In 
frantic  despa.r  this  body  then  took  the  n.ean  and 
barbarous  resolution,  of  attempting  Porsenna-s  life, 
and  nddmg  themselves,  by  treachery,  of  an   enemy 
M^hom   they  could  not  vanquish  by  open  force.     A 
knight,  by  name  Caius.*  who  could  speak  Etruscan, 
put  on  the  enemy's  colours,  and  crossed  the  river. 
He  knew  that  it  was  pay-day.  after  the  troops  had 
been  reviewed,  and  therefore  that  he  could  enter 
^le  tent  along  with  the  many  who  would  be  assem- 
bled  there^  Moreover,  such  multitodes  of  the  slaves 
from  free  Rome  had  deserted  to  the  enemy's  camp 

hIV    ??"■  T'*^  "*"  ^"^  admittance  difficult.' 

He  did  not  know  Porsenna  personally,  but  he  saw 

on  a  raised  seat  a  very  richly  dressed  officer,  who 

was  paymg  the  troops,  and  he  never  doubted  that 

-e  was  tl^  king.     He  approached  him.  drew    l 

dagger  suddenly,  and  plunged  it  into  his  body.     It 

happened  to  be  Porsenna's  secretary,  which  probably 

•  Nieb.  i.  n.  1207.  By  some  authors  he  is  called  Muciu.. 


L.    PORSENNA.      END   OF   TARQUIN. 


257 


implies  some  confidential  officer  in  high  command.* 
This  unfortunate  man  expired,  but  the  guards  in- 
stantly seized  the  assassin,  and  brought  him  before 
the  king.  Porsenna  was  close  to  his  domestic  altar, 
upon  which  a  fire  burned,  and  he  asked  Caiusf  if  he 
couhl  bear  the  torments  to  which  he  had  made  himself 
amenable  ?  Caius,  without  flinching,  put  his  hand 
into  the  fire,  and  held  it  there,  until  Porsenna,  in 
magnanimous  admiration,  desired  him  to  withdraw 
it,  and  said,  that  such  a  spirit  had  nothing  to  fear 
from  him. 

We  doubt  not  that  in  this,  and  in  almost  all  the 
romantic  stories  of  the  Roman  heroes,  there  is  a 
vast  deal  of  fanciful  tradition.  But  we  know,  from 
the  lips  of  the  late  Sir  John  Malcolm,  that  such  an 
action,  under  violent  excitement,  is  far  from  impro- 
bable. Upon  his  putting  the  same  question  to  a 
young  Indian  widow,  she  raised  with  her  hand  a  bar 
of  red-hot  iron,  held  it  before  his  face  and  smiled. 
The  credible  parts  of  heroic  stories  are  as  often  dis- 
believed, as  the  incredible,  of  inconsistent  dates  and 
distances,  are  passed  over  without  a  doubt. 

When  Caius  found  himself  not  only  safe,  but 
treated  with  an  honour  to  which  he  had  little  claim, 
he  told  Porsenna  that  three  hundred  Romans,  be- 
sides himself,  were  all  bound  by  oath  to  take  that 
prince's  life ;  and  he,  therefore,  out  of  gratitude, 
advised  him  to  make  peace   with  a  people  whose 

*  In  Egypt  and  Assyria,  the  king's  secretaries  were  princes  of 
the  blood. 

t  He  afterwards  received  the  augmentation  to  his  name  of 
Scaevola. 


II 


258 


HISTORY   OP  ETRURIA. 


foS/K  ""■**''  ^"^  ^""^  '"^'"•"'-'J  senators,  pre- 
ferred  becom,ng  assassins  to  yielding   their    pre 
ent  power  and  who  were  as  incVble'of  aplckt: 
mg  virtue  ,n  an  enemy,  as  he  was  of  mistakfng  and 

=eTs:r&;::  ^^^"  ---'''  ^^-  -'•-  ^^  ^^ 

Porsenna  did  not  follow  the  advice  of  Cains-  he 

of  Std  Ta    '"•^"  -J^^^'  ^^'^  ''^"^^^  tL  sLi'p 
ot  Cere  and  Tarqu.n.a  into  the  Tiber,  thus  prevent- 
ing any  suppl  es  by  sea,  and  the  wretched  rZ^ 

Tnd   bv   '7.?^  ""'  .""  ^''^^  '"'''  -'hout  resefve 

.nan    ^«  A  M      T'       "'"  '^^  ^'""^^  ^^  ^his  grea 
•nan.       a,1  ,n  heaven  and  earth-all  their  temples 
and  sacred  utensils,  all  their  lands,  and  all  tE 
houses,  themselves  and  all  they  called  their  own  " 
were  la.d  at  the  feet  of  Lars  Porsenna.     By  the 
laws   ofTages   and  of  Italy,   if  he   showed  them 
mercy,  one-th.rd  of  their  lands  were  forfeited  to  the 
conqueror   and  the  other  two-thirds  were  received 
back  on  the  payment  of  tribute  and  acknowledg- 
ment  of  sovereignty. 
The  Roman  senate  returned  to  him  the  crown  and 

ZSll!      "'!;""  -o'-d,+ which  the  first  T^' 
quin  had  received  from  Etruria,  and  the  ten  Plebeian 

Deare'd"  f      ";."'  ^^  "^^"  ^*«'  "^  ^"i.  '■ap- 
peared from  the  map  of  Rome.     The  colonies  of 

Tarqum  were  also  destroyed,  and  Signia  was   not 
re  established  until  after   the  victory  of  Regillus 
Porsenna  made  the  Romans  yield  all  their  arm!,  a^d' 
forbade  them,   as    the   Philistines    once    did    the 
*  Tacit,  iii.  72.  t  Dion.  v.  8. 


L.  PORSENNA.   END  OF  TARQUIN. 


259 


Israelites,  to  have  any  iron  within  their  gates,  except 
for  purposes  of  agriculture.*  He  then  victualled  the 
city,  where  his  corn  was  sold  by  public  auction,  as 
"  the  goods  of  King  Porsenna,"t  and  he  demanded 
twenty  hostages,  ten  from  the  "  Decern  Primi"  of 
the  Ramnes,  who  were  the  first  of  the  Roman  Sena- 
tors, and  ten  from  the  Decuriones  of  the  other  tribes. 
He  required,  that  not  only  men,  but  that  hostages 
should  be  delivered  to  him  of  the  women  and  children 
also,  and  Valerius's  daughter,  Valeria,  or  Clelia, 
was  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  ladies. 

During  the  siege  of  Rome,  Porsenna  had  gradu- 
ally cooled  towards  the  Tarquins ;  and  if  he  was,  as 
MUIler  and  many  other  historical  antiquarians  be- 
lieve, the  head  of  that  party  which  desired  to  give 
greater  privileges  to  the  Plebeians,  it  was  natural 
that  he  should  not  assimilate  long,  with  a  man  whose 
only  acknowledged  law  was  his  own  will.  When 
the  city  had  surrendered,  he  refused  to  reinstate  him 
on  the  throne,  unless  the  Romans  should  themselves 
re-elect  him ;  and  Tarquin  was  so  irritated,  that 
he  fell  on  the  hostages  as  they  were  going  to  Por- 
senna's  camp,J  and  wounded  some  of  them.  Clelia, 
or  Valeria,  having  had  a  horse  provided  for  her  by 
Porsenna,  rode  to  his  camp  for  assistance,  and  Aruns, 
Porsenna's  gallant  son,  came  out  to  repulse  the 
treacherous  attack. 

Clelia,§  soon  after,  used  this  very  horse  to  break 
her  parole  with  Porsenna,   and  swam  across  the 

•  Plin.  xxxiv.  14.         f  Livy  ii.         X  Plin.  xxxiv. 

§  Dion.  V. 


260 


HISTORY    OF   ETRUKIA. 


L.   PORSENNA.      END   OP   TARQUIN. 


261 


Tiber  into  Rome,   inducing  some  of  the  other  hos- 
tage  Jadies,  with  no  belter  regulated  minds  than  her 
own,  to  bear  her  company.     Valerius,  exceedingly 
terrified  at  this  rash  and  fiaithless  step,  sent  them  all 
back  again,  and  Porsenna  is  made  to  declare,  that 
the  deed  of  Clelia   exceeded   that  of   Codes   and 
Cams.      In   senselessness  alone,  can  we  see  how 
she  surpassed  the  brave  Codes,  or  the  wrong-headed 
Cams.     Breaking  the  faith  of  treaties  could  excite 
no    man's  admiration,    and    therefore    we  do    not 
bdieve  this  speech  of  the  Clusian  Lar,  at  least  not 
as  applicable  to  her  crossing  the  Tiber,  though  we 
give  full  credit  to  his  chivalrous  and  generous  treat- 
ment of  all  the  Roman  ladies,  and  to  his  capability  of 
honouring  in  women,  as  well  as  in  men,  all   those 
qualities  which  bearthe  stamp  of  heroism.  Certainly, 
the  Romans  themsdves  being  both  judges  and  re- 
laters,  earth  never  boasted  of  a  more  exalted  cha- 
racter than  Lars  Porsenna  of  Clusium ;  all  that  he 
says,  purposes,  and  does,  bears   the   impress   of  a 
lofty  soul.     Whilst  among  their  own  chosen  heroes 
and  selected  examples,  one  is  ungrateful  to  his  bene- 
factor, and  inexorable  to  his  children ;  another  stoops 
to  be  the  assassin  of  his  noble  foe,  and  affirms  that 
the  whole  Senate  approve  of  his  deed  ;  and  a  third, 
the  representative  of  their  women,  with  a  childish 
reckless   insubordination,    exults    in    a    breach  of 
faith  which  compromised  her  people ;  we  see  Por- 
senna, admiring  the   men    who   first  checked   the 
career  of  his  conquering  troops  upon  the  Janiculum, 
forgiving  the  man  who  conspired  his   destruction, 
and  pitying,  with  a  fatherly  tenderness,  the  giddy 


woman  whose  senseless  conduct  might  have  proved 
the  ruin  of  every  soul  and  every  house,  within  the 
already  subject  and  devoted  Rome. 

The  very  majesty  and  gallantry  of  Porsenna's 
nature,  and  his  consciousness  of  the  magnanimity 
with  which  he  had  behaved  to  Tarquin,  taking  his 
side  from  a  sense  of  right,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  his 
party  feelings,  and  even  at  the  risk  (as  he  thought) 
of  continuing  the  overgrown  dominion  of  Tarquinia  ; 
the  very  disinterestedness  and  moral  grandeur  of  his 
conduct,  made  him  the  more  unable  to  brook,  the 
insolent  and  unwarrantable  violence  of  Tarquin,  to- 
wards the  hostages.  He  was  indignant  at  his  infringe- 
ment of  their  inviolable  character,  and  his  inter- 
ference with  the  line  of  conduct,  which  Porsenna 
thought  proper  to  adopt  towards  Rome.  The  Lar 
resented  all  this  so  loudly,  that  Tarquin,  highly 
offended  and  in  disgust,  renounced  his  assistance — 
believing  himself  also  independent  of  it;  for  he  was 
sure  of  many  of  the  Latins,  and  he  found  that  the 
Sabines  likewise  were  willing  to  put  themselves 
under  his  command.  He  therefore  attacked  the 
Tuscans,  as  general  of  the  Sabines,  and  maintained 
a  war  with  them  for  four  years ;  but  as  this  people 
grew  weary  of  their  want  of  progress,  and  ceased  to 
be  hearty  in  thecause  of  Tarquin,  who  must  have  pro- 
mised them  advantages  they  saw  no  chance  of  gaining, 
he  withdrew  from  them,  leaving  them  to  obtain  the 
best  terms  they  could  for  themselves,  and  went  to 
his  own  son-in-law,  Mamilius,  the  Prince  of  Tuscu- 
lum.    With  the  help  of  this  chief,  who  seems  to  have 

7 


262 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


L.    PORSENNA.       END   OF   TARQUIN. 


263 


been  greatly  beloved,  Tarquin  regained  his  former 
influence  over  the  Latins,and  their  thirty  states  took 
up  his  cause,  resolving,  not  only  to  reinstate  him,  but 
to  stop  the  conquering  career  of  Lars  Porsenna. 

This    illustrious    prince  was   recalled   home,  to 
oppose  a   timely   barrier    to    the  Gauls;    and'  he 
seems  henceforward  to  have  declined  any  farther 
interference  with  the  central  Italian  wars, and  to  have 
wished  to  finish  his  days  in  peace.     According  to 
the  invariable  tone  of  Etruscan  story,  his  son  Lu- 
cumo  must  have  remained  as  governor  of  Clusium 
when  he  marched  to  Rome,  and  Aruns,  who  accom- 
panied  him,  was  a  younger  member  of  the  family. 
When  the  Latins  had  assembled  their  forces,  Por- 
senna placed  one  half  of  his  army  under  the' com- 
mand   of    this   young   prince,   and    bade    him  to 
go  against  them  and  win  laurels  for  himself,  pro- 
mising him  the  government  of  the  towns  he  con- 
quered.    He  was  at  first  successful,  for  he  besieged 
Aricia,*  then  a  powerful  city,  with  both  an  army 
and   navy  at   its   command ;    he  thoroughly  dispi- 
rited his  enemies,  and  he  thought  himself  certain  of 
soon  reducing  the  town  by  famine,    when  he  was 
checked,  because  in  their  extremity,  the  senate  of 
Aricia  remembered  their  old  and  useful  ally  at  Cuma, 
and  had  recourse  to  his  assistance. 

Aristodemus,  the  distinguished  warrior  who  had  de- 
feated the  Tuscan  host  from  Etruria  Nova,  twenty 

years  before,  was  now  lying  idle  within  his  city  walls  ; 

and  the  Aricians  thought  that  if  they  could  obtain  his 

aid,  he  might  very  possibly  defoat  the  Tuscans  again. 

*  Dion.  vii. 


i  I 


At  any  rate,  his  troops  would  not  feel,  as  theirs  did, 
that  they  contended  with  an  invincible  foe.     When 
the  ambassadors  of  Aricia  arrived  at  Cuma,  they 
found  the  governors  of  that  city  very  anxious  to  get 
rid  of  Aristodemus,  and  of  a  large  band  of  turbulent 
and  discontented  spirits  who  were  attached  to  him. 
They  therefore  willingly  granted  the  required  help, 
and  sent  him,  with  two  thousand  bold  and  needy 
soldiers,  by  sea,  to  seek  for  glory  in   the  wars  of 
Latium.     They  were,  however,  really  more  desirous 
of  the  destruction  of  Aristodemus  and  his  followers, 
than   of   their   success.      They  sent   them   in  ten 
Triremes,  which   they  knew  not  to  be  sea-worthy, 
and  they  never   doubted   that   if  he    escaped  the 
waves,  he  would  full  beneath  the  sword  of  Aruns. 
They  knew    not,  or  they  forgot,  a  proverb  which 
had    been    long  current  in   the,  East,   that    "He 
who  diggeth  a  pit  for  another,  shall  fall  into  the 
midst   of  it   himself.'*      Aristodemus  was  perfectly 
aware  of  their  design,  and  conducted  himself  with 
the  courage  and  resources  of  a  desperate  man. 

He  arrived  in  safety  at  Aricia,  and  contrived  not 
to  enter  the  port  until  night,  so  that  Aruns  was  not 
aware  of  his  arrival.  He  landed  under  cover  of 
darkness,  and  when  he  made  his  successful  encamp- 
ment known  to  the  besieged,  he  urged  them  to  take 
Aruns  by  surprise,  and  to  make  a  sortie  upon  him 
at  break  of  dawn.  The  Aricians  did  so,  but  their 
courage  was  not  equal  to  the  emergency.  When 
the  Tuscan  trumpets  sounded,  and  their  spears  were 
in  arrest,  the   often-defeated   Latins   turned   their 


264 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


L.    PORSKNNA.      END   OP  TARQUIN. 


265 


backs  and  fled,  nor  did  they  think  themselves  safe 
until  hid  within  their  walls,  and  the  gates  shut  even 
against  the  friendly  Greeks,  who  had  come  to  their 
assistance. 

Aristodemus  had    now    the  whole  brunt  of  the 
battle  to  bear  alone.     But  the  Tuscans  were  in  con- 
fusion, and  before  they  could  recover  themselves, 
and  at  all  ascertain  the  numbers,  or  the  nation  of 
this   new  enemy,  which  seemed   to  have  dropped 
from  the  clouds,  he  singled  out  Aruns,  challenged 
him  to  personal  combat,  and  left  him  dead  upon  the 
field.     This  ended  the  battle,  and  relieved  Aricia. 
Many  Tuscans  were  taken  prisoners,  many  fled,  and 
the  leaders  made  a  truce,  and  afterwards  a  peace, 
with  the  Latins,  which  lasted,  like  that  of  Rome, 
for  thirty  years.     Such  of  the  Tuscan  army  as  did 
not  return  home  upon  the  peace,  spent  the  winter 
in  Rome,  to  recruit  themselves,  and  many  of  them 
settled    there   permanently    in    the    Vicus   Tuscus, 
marrying  and  becoming  a  part  of  the  Luceran  tribe. 
Aruns  was   honourably  buried  at  Aricia,   and  Por- 
senna  erected  a  tomb  to  his  memory,  which  may 
still  be  seen  there.     It  stands  without  the  gate,  and 
consists  of  ^ve  pyramids  upon  one  base,  being  in 
miniature  the  same  sort  of  edifice  which  his  father's 
was  on  a  larger  scale;  and  the  magnitude  of  each 
tomb  was  in  proportion  to  its  brave  tenant's  fame.* 
Aristodemus,  according  to  the  tale,  left  Aricia 
almost  as  soon  as  he  could  regain  his  vessels,  carry- 
ing with    him   his  captives  and    booty,   for   which 

*  Cicero  xxi. 


freight  he  probably  borrowed  some  of  the  better- 
conditioned  ships  of  his  allies.  Having  made  the 
port  of  Cuma,  he  revealed  to  his  men  the  treachery 
of  the  Senate ;  he  set  his  prisoners  free ;  he  distri- 
buted his  treasures  and  plunder  amongst  these  two 
parties,  and  then  induced  them  all  to  swear,  that 
they  would  avenge  him  of  his  domestic  foes  in  anyway 
that  he  should  command.  Aristodemus,  after  this,  as- 
sembled the  unworthy  rulers  who  had  sent  him  out 
upon  the  Arician  expedition,  in  order,  as  he  said,  to 
give  them  an  account  of  his  mission,  and  to  surrender 
up  to  them  his  spoil.  But  no  sooner  were  they  col- 
lected in  the  senate-house,  than  he  gave  the  signal, 
and  his  men  put  them  all  to  death.  The  people 
then  elected  him  their  sole  commander,  and  the 
Turrheni,  whom  he  had  restored  to  liberty,  gave  him 
their  votes  along  with  the  natives,  and  settled  as 
citizens  amongst  his  subjects  at  Cuma. 

All  that  we  know  further  of  the  acts  of  Lars 
Porsenna  is  the  legend,  that  at  a  subsequent  period 
during  his  reign,  he  was  called  into  Volsinia,  in 
order  to  deliver  the  people  from  a  horrid  monster, 
named  Volta,  which  he  did  by  bringing  lightning 
down  upon  him.*  We  cannot  but  believe  this 
lightning  to  have  been  the  flashing  of  his  own 
arms,  and  that  the  monster,  was  neither  wild  beast, 
nor  civil  war,  nor  pestilence,  nor  famine,  but  pro- 
bably some  rebellious  and  tyrannous  chief,  like  our 
own  Wolf  of  Badenoch, — some  invader  from  Tar- 
quinia,  perhaps,  whom  he  subdued. 

♦  Pliny  ii.  53. 

N 


266 


HISTORY    OF  ETRURIA. 


On  bis  final  return  to  Clusium,  Lars  Porsenna  built 
biniself  an  enormous  and  most  splendid  monument, 
sometbing  like  tbe  labyrintbine  tombs  of  tbe  kings  of 
Egypt.  For  a  time  it  was  one  of  tbe  wonders  of  tbe 
world,  and  now,  like  tbe  site  of  Troy,  tbe  walls  of 
Tyre,  tbe  gardens  of  Babylon,  and  tbe  Pbaros  in 
tbe  Mediterranean — all  of  tbera  works  of  similar 
calibre — it  bas  vanisbed  ;  and  tbougb  four  labyrintb 
tombs  at  Cbiusi  pretend  to  be  Porsenna's,  not  one 
as  yet  bas  establisbed  its  claim.  Pliny  gives  us  the 
account  of  tbis  singular  and  colossal  building  from 
a  lost  work  of  Varro's ;  and  many  autbors  believe 
tbat  Varro  actually  saw  wbat  be  describes,  and  tbat 
the  incredible  part  of  bis  narrative  arises,  from  bis 
having  written  afterwards  from  memory,  with  much 
confusion  and  exaggeration.  Each  side,  be  tells  us, 
was  three  hundred  feet  long,  and  fifty  feet  high, 
within  which  measurement,  Porsenna  constructed 
an  inextricable  labyrinth.  Upon  tbe  base  stood 
five  pyramids :  one  in  tbe  centre,  and  four  at  tbe 
angles,  each  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  bigb,  and 
tapering  to  the  top,  where  they  were  covered  by  a 
cupola  of  bronze  ;  above  tbis  cupola  rose  four  other 
pyramids,  each  one  hundred  feet  bigb,  and  above 
tbese,  again,  another  story  of  ^we  pyramids,  also  of 
extraordinary  altitude.  Perhaps  we,  who  never 
saw  the  tower  of  Babel,  are  not  very  competent 
judges  of  what  was  possible  to  ancient  builders.  It 
is  likely  that  we  might  have  denied  tbe  Cloacae  of 
Rome,  and  tbe  walls  of  Fiesole  and  Volterra,  bad 
tbey  existed  only  in  description. 


L,  POSENNA.   END  OF  TARRQUIN. 


267 


But  to  continue.  The  Romans  said  tbat  when 
Porsenna  returned  to  Cbiusi,  he  left  his  tents 
to  sbelter,  and  his  provisions  to  feed,  those  who 
bad  been  ruined  by  the  siege.  We  are  amazed  that 
tbey  did  not  claim  a  victory  over  him — a  la  Napo- 
leon, in  tbe  Russian  campaign— and  tbat  tbey  did 
not  boast  of  baving  driven  Aruns  to  Aricia,  and  tbe 
great  king  back  to  his  home  in  disgrace.  His 
mercy  to  tbem  was  so  great  and  so  unexpected,  tbat 
tbey  have  actually  acknowledged  him  to  be  a  hero, 
and  they  erected  to  him  a  bronze  statue  in  the 
Comitium,  along  with  their  own  seven  kings.  Ser- 
vius*  tells  us  tbat  when  Porsenna's  peace  was 
proclaimed,  games  were  held  to  celebrate  it,  at 
which  time  tbe  Tuscans  came  into  tbe  city,  strove 
with  the  Romans,  and  carried  off  the  crown.  He 
forgets  tbat  no  Patrician  on  either  side  could  ever 
contend  in  the  Italian  games. 

Rome  remained  in  absolute  subjection  to  Por- 
senna until  bis  death,  and  then  was  free  from  tbe 
treaty  she  bad  made  with  him.  Her  annalists  bave 
not  told  us,  wbat  is  most  probable,  tbat  for  many 
years  she  was  forced  to  keep  a  Tuscan  garrison  in 
the  capitol,  and  that  when  Porsenna  was  no  more, 
tbe  same  Senate  which  had  sanctioned  his  death 
would  unscrupulously  have  sanctioned  theirs,  could 
it  bave  done  so  with  safety. 

Porsenna  emancipated  Rome  altogether  from  tbe 
Tarquinian  rule,  and  restored  her  to  be  tbe  small, 
free,  sacred,  and  neutral  state  whicb  she  was  at  tbe 


♦  Mn.  xi.  134. 


N 


268 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


beginning ;  probably  believing  that  in  so  doing  he 
re-established  the  balance  of  power  in  Italy.  Rome 
was  again  independent ;  and  yet  the  only  memorial 
we  have  from  her  own  historians  of  this  important 
event,  is  contained  in  the  single  allegorical  phrase, 
that  "  Hercules  enabled  her  to  become  so."  After  an 
intentional  confusion  of  years,  filled  with  nothing, 
we  suddenly  find  her  with  her  Praetors  restored,  so 
that  their  succession  can  be  traced ;  her  Patricians 
and  Plebeians  at  constant  and  almost  annual  variance 
with  each  other ;  and  all  the  coast  towns  again  in- 
dependent. Her  history  then  proceeds  in  an  un- 
broken, though  often  inverted,  line  ;  and  we  find 
with  surprise,  for  almost  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years,  that  she  is  an  inconsiderable,  struggling, 
oligarchical  state,  confined  within  the  ancient  limits 
of  Romulus  and  Numa. 

During  the  time  of  Porsenna's  dictatorship, 
Niebuhr  conceives  Etruria  to  have  reached  the 
summit  of  her  greatness  both  by  land  and  sea, 
notwithstanding  the  two  defeats  which  we  have 
mentioned,  the  one  at  Alalia,  and  the  other  at 
Cuma.  Porsenna  brought  his  fleet  up  the  Tiber 
without  any  resistance,  and  Anaxilaus,  of  Rheguim, 
at  the  foot  of  Italy,  stationed  armed  vessels  to 
blockade  the  straits  against  the  Tuscan  corsairs.  At 
this  time  Etruria  sent  forth  large  fleets  upon  dis- 
tant naval  expeditions,  and  Vulci  was  allowed  to 
trade  with  Utica  and  Leptis  in  Africa,  and  Cades, 
in  Spain,   also  with  Sardinia  and    Corsica,  which 

♦  i.  n.  394. 


L.    PORSENNA.       END    OF   TARQUIN. 


269 


were  subject  to  Carthage,  but  which  were  either 
conquered  from  her  in  the  space  of  fifty  years  after, 
or  ceded  to  the  Tuscans  ;  for  in  the  year  b.  c.  453, 
and  of  Tarquinia  734,  these  islands  belonged  wholly 
to  Etruria.  Aristotle,  in  his  Politics,  (iii.  9,)  notices 
the  frequent  treaties,  for  mutual  protection,  between 
Carthage  and  the  Etruscan  states.  What  a  loss 
we  have  sustained  in  the  destruction  of  those  books 
in  which  he  wrote  upon  their  laws  and  constitution  ! 

After  the  death  of  Porsenna,  and  the  restoration 
of  independence  to  Rome,  the  Tarquinian  party  still 
had  friends  in  the  city ;  and  ten  years  after  the  exile 
of  the  old  king,*  both  Praetors  were  strongly  in  his 
favour,  and  wished  him  or  his  clan  to  be  recalled. 
The  people,  too,  began  to  say  that  they  loved  the 
king  better  than  the  Patricians,  and  the  slaves  and 
debtors,  a  very  numerous  body,  evinced  their  senti- 
ments by  being  willing  to  join  the  exiled  Romans 
in  their  attempts  to  seize  upon  the  capitol.  We 
should  now  perhaps  cease  to  speak  of  Rome,  as  at  all 
connected  with  the  governments  of  Etruria,  for  when 
she  rose,  shorn  of  her  greatness,  from  the  feet  of  the 
mighty  Porsenna,  and  after  his  death,  she  reclaim- 
ed her  freedom,  and  Etruria  allowed  the  claim,  and 
maintained  with  her  a  strict  peace  ;  but  we  cannot 
resist  a  few  more  words  on  the  fate  of  Tarquin,  with 
whom  ends  the  rule  of  all  the  Tuscan  princes  over 
the  cities  of  the  Priscan  Latins. 

The  Dictator  who  was  appointed  against  the  Tar- 
quinian party  was  Titus  Lartius,t  (the  Lar  Titus,)  for 
six  months,  without  any  appeal  or  any  responsibility, 

*  Nieb.  i.  n.  1240  ;  Arnold  i.  p.  144.  f  lb. 


270 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


L.    PORSENNA.      END    OP   TARQUIN. 


271 


and  he  did  his  work  to  the  satisfaction  of  those  who 
had  appointed  him.    Tarquin  never  degraded,  exiled, 
or  ruined,  more  vigorously,  or  ruthlessly,  or  irrespon- 
sibly, than  the  Roman  Dictator,  and  there  is  a  dark 
history  of  nine  Patricians*  who  were  burnt  to  death 
for  treason  about  this  time.    How  dreadful  must  have 
been  the  government  that  originated  so  much  crime, 
and  the  discontent  that  necessitated  such  fearful  pun- 
ishment !    It  told  too  ill,  for  the  bards  to  make  itth<» 
subject  of  a  eulogy,  and  in  most  Roman  histories  it 
sleeps  in  silence.     Publius  and  Marcus,  two  clients 
of  the  Tarquinii,  made  common  cause  with  the  op- 
pressed to  seize  the  capitol,  and  fire  the  city  ;  but 
the  plot  was  discovered,  and  the  ringleaders  were 
crucified,  Marcus  and  Publius  escaping.     The  next 
year   they  and  the  debtors  agreed  to  master  the 
ramparts  and  gates,  to  massacre  the  Patricians,  and 
to  let   in   Tarquin.     At    this    time    Sulpitius,    the 
consul,  was  actually  treating  with  the  Latins  for  the 
restoration  of  Tarquin,  but  when  he  discovered  the 
plot  he  broke  off  the  treaty,  decoyed  Publius  and 
Marcus  to  a  conference,  and  destroyed  them. 

Rome  had  sufficiently  recovered  herself  for  the 
Latins  now,  to  request  the  assistance  of  the  Tuscans 
against  her  ;t  but  Etruria  maintained  the  peace  she 
had  sworn,  and  left  Tarquin  to  carry  on  his  cause  as 
he  best  could,  in  his  adopted  country.  The  Latins 
then  made  an  alliance  with  the  Volsci,  and  the 
Romans  created  a  Dictator  to  force  on  their  levies 
and  to  lead  their  army  into  the  field  ;  for  the  Poor 
and  the  debtors  refused  to  serve,  and  said  they  hadra- 
♦  Nieb.  ii.  n.  265.  f  Dion.  v. 


ther  leave  the  city,  and  settle  elsewhere.     The  great 
object  of  the  Dictator  was  to  attack  the  enemy  be- 
fore the  two  nations  should  have  joined.     This  he 
effected,   and    the    Romans,  with  their  allies,  met 
Tarquinius,  with  his  brave  body  of  exiles,  and  the 
Tusculans,  under  his  son-in-law  Mamilius,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Latins,  at  Regillus,  a  lake  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Tusculum,  now  dry,  and  called  Labicum,  or 
Cornufelle.     Here  the  battle  raged  from  sun-rise  to 
sun-set,  the  leaders  on  one  side  being  the  old  king, 
who  was  soon  wounded  and  drawn  out  of  the  fray, 
his   son-in-law,    Mamilius, — "  prince  of  the   Latin 
name,"  but  ruling  what  was  in  its  origin,  a  colony  of 
Tuscans — and  Lucius  Tarquinius,  with  the  exiles  ; 
on  the  other  side  were  the  Dictator,  Aulus  Postu- 
mius,  (his  name  Aulus  belonging  to  the  Luceres,) 
Valerius,  first  of  the  Titles,  and  Titus  Herminius, 
one  of  the  leaders  who  stood  with  Codes  on  the 
bridge,  whilst  the  garrison  of  the  Janiculum  escaped 
over  it. 

The  whole  account  of  this  battle  is  taken  from  an 
epic  poem,  in  which  all  the  leaders  fight  hand  to 
hand,  and  kill  each  other.  Their  discipline,  arms, 
and  order  of  battle,  seem  to  have  been  equal,  and 
Lucius  Tarquinius  was  on  the  point  of  carrying  the 
day,  and  perhaps  a  second  time  of  subduing  Rome,  as 
Porsenna  had  done  already,  when  the  Dictator 
threatened  to  pierce  through,  every  man  who  turned 
in  battle,  offered  rich  rewards  to  the  bravest,  vowed 
a  temple  to  Castor  and  Pollux,  and  finally  declared 
that  two  men  on  white  horses  were  those  Divinities 


I* 


u 


272 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


L.    PORSENNA.       END   OF   TARQUIN. 


273 


come  to  encourage  them  in  the  field ;  and  he  thus 
inspired  his  troops  with  a  confidence  and  an  enthu- 
siasm which  could  not  be  resisted.  Lucius  was 
slain,  the  Romans  gained  the  day,  and  the  poor  old 
king,  seeing  his  cause  entirely  lost,  left  Tusculum, 
and  took  up  his  franchise  with  his  friend  Aristo- 
demus,  the  tyrant  of  Cuma,  in  whose  palace  he  soon 
after  died,  at  the  age  of  ninety,  fourteen  years  after 
his  exile  from  Rome. 

As  he  left  Aristodemus  the  heir  to  all  his  wealtli, 
we  presume  that  his  sons  were  dead ;   but  Niebuhr 
tliinks   that   his   followers   and    grandsons,  joined 
afterwards  with  the  Sabine  Herdonius,  in  his  at- 
tempt to   seize  the  capitol,  and  it  was  very  many 
years,  probably  some  generations,  before  these  men 
could  submit  to  their  destiny  in  quiet.     They  had 
been  Patricians  in  Rome ;  they  were  Erarians  with- 
out vote,  or  at  the  best  Plebeians,  in  every  otlier 
land  ;  and  the  liberty  which  Brutus  established  had 
for  its  object,  the  Senate,  the  Patricians,  and   the 
Curiae  alone.     Tarquin  was  scarcely  dead,  when  the 
Roman  Plebs  deemed  it  better  to  leave  the  beloved 
city,  than  to  submit  to  the  tyrannous  liberal  govern- 
ment established   there;    and  had  peace   not  been 
re-established,  the  Patricians  were  prepared  to  have 
taken  in  the  Isopolite  inhabitants  of  Fidene,  Cere, 
and  various  other  allied  cities,  to  supply  their  place. 
From  the  triumph  of  Lars  Porsenna,  to  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  seven  years'  war  with  Veii,  there  was 
peace  with  Etriiria  for  thirty  years.     But  the  Ro- 
mans were  now  both  an  independent  and  a  separate 


nation,  with  strong  exclusive  national  feelings, 
which  kept  them  apart  from  all  others ;  and  the 
Tuscans,  whether  under  the  name  of  Rasena,  Tus- 
cans, Etrurians,  or  Tyrrhenians,  or  under  the  autho- 
rity of  a  Lucumo,  or  an  Aruns,  never  governed  them, 
nor  ever  attempted  to  govern  them  again,  except- 
ing once  in  the  twelve  years'  war  with  Veii. 


N  ;j 


(    I 


1 


274 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    NINE    YEARS*    WAR.* 
A.   TARQ.   695   TO   714.      A.   C.   492   TO  473. 

War  between  Veii  and  Rome  —  Plebs  refuse  to  enlist — 
Battle  between  Tuscans  and  M.  Fabius — Q.  Fabius  and 
Consul  Manlius  killed — M.  Fabius  refused  a  triumph — His- 
tory of  the  Fabii,  taken  from  the  funeral  songs — Virginius  de- 
feated— Fabii  colonize  on  the  Cremera — Their  battles  with 
the  Veientines — Fabii  destroyed — ^Tuscans  take  the  Jani* 
culum,  and  defeat  Servilius — Truce — Meetings  at  Voltumna 
— Menenius  condemned  to  death — Tuscans  and  Sabines  re- 
commence the  war — Peace  for  forty  years — Sea-fight  off 
Cuma — Dechne  of  Tuscan  naval  power — Thank-offerings  at 
Delphi — Dis — Tuscan  Libri  Fatales. 

Etruria  was  at  peace  with  the  rest  of  Italy,  after 
the  taking  of  Rome  by  Porsenna,  for  thirty  years. 
These  thirty  years  were  reckoned  at  ten  months 
each,  and  therefore  made  only  twenty-five  of  our 
years,  at  the  expiration  of  which,  war  was  again 
commenced.     During  the  season  of  quiet,  Rome,  in 

Authorities  :  Livy  ii.  42 — 51 ;  Dion.  viii.  ix. ;  Niebuhr  i.  ii. ; 
Arnold's  Rome  i. ;  Univ.  Hist.  xvi.  95,  &c.  &c, ;  Diod.  Sic.  xi. 


THE    NINE    YEARS     WAR. 


275 


the  year  of  Tarquinia  695,  was  afflicted  with  a 
dreadful  famine,  and  could  obtain  effectual  help 
from  Etruria  only,  which  supplied  her  with  corn, 
and  enabled  her  government  to  satisfy  the  famish- 
ing people,  and  to  avert  a  revolution  until  times  of 
plenty  returned.  Civil  convulsions  were  often  threat- 
ened by  their  discontent  at  the  non-allotment  of  the 
conquered  lands.  The  Cumaeans  were  very  willing 
to  have  sold  them  corn,  but  Aristodemus  the  tyrant, 
seized  the  supplies,  and  said  that  they  belonged  to 
him,  and  came  from  the  magazines  of  Tarquin.  Two 
years  later  than  this,  Rome  had  for  Praetors 
Aquilius  Tuscus  and  Sicinnius  Sabinus,— a  Tuscan 

and  a  Sabine. 

At  length,  in  the  year  of  Rome  271,  or  of  Tar- 
quinia 705,  war  broke  out  between  Rome  and  Veii. 
The  territories  of  Veii,  during  this  time  of  peace, 
had  often  been  a  place  of  refuge  to  the  Roman  mal- 
contents and  turbulent  nobles,  such  as  the  sons  of 
Cinciunatus  and  others,  and  it  is  very  possible  that 
the  Roman  Consuls  and  leaders,  who  began  this  con- 
test, may  have  had  many  private  piques  to  revenge. 
The  Romans  were  the  first  aggressors,  in  order  to 
employ  and  control  their  own  Plebeians,  and  the 
war  lasted,  very  unexpectedly  to  themselves,  nine 
years,  and  oftener  brought  disaster  to  them  than 
glory.  The  two  Consuls,  Caeso  Fabius  and  Sp. 
Furius,  led  out  the  troops  against  the  Veientines,* 
and  were  completely  defeated,  the  men,  as  the 
Romans  pretend,  not  choosing  to  fight.     According 


iii 


1 

1 


276 


HISTORY    OF   ETRVRIA. 


to  one  account,  they  threw  away  their  arms,  and 
abandoned  their  camp,  which  of  course  was  taken 
by  the  Tuscans.  They  were  obliged  to  retreat 
within  the  city,  and  their  enemies  followed  them  to 
the  very  gates,  and  took  an  immense  deal  of  booty, 
which  must  have  consisted  of  prisoners,  horses,  arms, 
and  camp  accoutrements,  for  the  Romans  having  no 
land  unravaged  on  the  other  side  of  the  Tiber,  there 
was  no  other  sort  of  booty  to  take. 

Winter  of  course,  put  a  stop  to  hostilities  on  both 
sides;  and  the  next  year  the  war  was  so  unpopular 
in   Rome,  and  so  evidently  unnecessary,  that  the 
Plebs  refused   to  enlist,    and    the    Consul  Furius 
could  do  nothing.     Rome  probably  stood  a  block- 
ade on  the  Etruscan  side,  and  was  obliged  to  con- 
tent herself  with   acting   on  the  defensive.      The 
heights  of  the  Janiculum,  and  the  Vatican,  were 
both  hers,  both  well  fortified,  and  would  be  sufficient 
to    keep   a   small   invading   army  in   check.     We 
gather,  however,  from  the  continuance  of  the  war, 
and  from  the  Romans  not  even  pretending  to  any 
advantage,  this  year  and  the  next,  that  the  cam- 
paigns  terminated  honourably  and  successfully  for 
Veii. 

The  Roman  Plebs,  of  whom  all  the  infantry  then 
consisted,  had  been  for  many  years  most  shamefully 
used  by  the  Patricians.  When  they  conquered  any 
lands  in  battle,  these  lands  ought  by  law,  to  have 
been  divided  in  certain  portions,  to  all  the  men  who 
had  distinguished  themselves;  and  this,  or  a  speci- 
lied  share  in  the  booty  gained,  was  the  reward  and 


THE    NINE   YEARS     WAR. 


277 


the  profit  which  they  expected,  when  the  campaign, 
or  rather  when  the  conflict  in  which  they  were  en- 
gaged, was  terminated.  But  ever  since  the  death 
of  Tarquinius  Superbus,  the  Patricians  had  ga- 
thered all  the  booty  into  their  own  treasury,  and 
had  refused  to  divide  the  lands ;  the  Plebs  were 
therefore,  as  it  were,  fighting  for  the  advantage  of 
the  Patricians  only,  and  this  they  refused  to  do  any 
lonirer.  We  hear  of  no  such  unfairness  in  Etruria. 
There  is  no  instance  of  her  troops  refusing  to  fight, 
no  instance  of  their  running  away  from  their  ge- 
nerals, and  no  accusation  against  them,  that  they 
did  not  use  their  arms  bravely.  The  men  of  Veii 
alone,  were  able  at  this  time,  to  defy,  and  defeat 
Rome,  and  to  confine  her  within  her  own  small 
territory,  without  aid  from  the  other  principalities. 

Manlius  Fabius,  and  Cincinnatus,  next  com- 
manded the  Roman  forces,  consisting  of  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  the  Veientines  gave  them  a  sig- 
nal defeat.  Manlius's  tent  was  struck  by  lightning, 
which  induced  him  to  quit  his  camp,  whereupon  the 
Etruscans  immediately  seized  it,  and  a  second  time 
possessed  themselves  of  all  the  booty  of  the  Romans. 
The  next  year,  the  Roman  troops  were  able  toadvance 
as  far  as  Veii,  but  perhaps  this  expression  only  means 
that  they  found  an  opportunity  to  march  a  very  few 
miles  from  their  own  gates,  as  the  Etruscan  army, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  seems  always 
to  have  come  down  into  the  plain.  The  Roman 
cavalry  contrived  to  break  the  Etruscan  line,  but 
the  infantry  were  seized  with  a  panic,  and  would 


278 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE   YEARS     WAR, 


279 


not  follow.  Veil  now  expected  to  subdue  them, 
and  Rome  was  in  such  imminent  danger  that  the 
reserve  troops  and  the  city  militia  were  called  out, 
and  all  the  men  that  could  be  spared,  were  sent  in 
by  the  colonies,  the  subject  towns,  and  the  allies.* 

In  the  fourth  year  of  this  war,  the  Fabii  being  no 
longer  the   ruling  house  amongst   the    Patricians, 
with  the  rank  and  power  of  Consul  secured  to  them, 
resolved  to  be  the  ruling  house  in  opposition,  and  to 
become   the  patrons  and  protectors  of  the  Plebs. 
They  may  have  boasted  noble  minds,  who,  in  any 
case,  would  have  insisted  upon  justice  to   the  op- 
pressed party,  but  certain  it  is,  that  they  did  not 
take  that  side,  until  they  were  otherwise  reduced  to 
an  equality  with  their  brother  Patricians,  and  until 
ambition  pointed  it  out  to  them,  as  the  only  path  in 
which  they  were  sure   of  distinction    and    power. 
This  year,  Marcus  Fabius,  whose  change  of  sen- 
timents was  not  known,  and  Cneius  Manlius,  led 
forth  the  legions,  and  Livy  says,  they  could    ad- 
vance no  further  than  the  gates  of  Rome,  where 
the  Tuscans  lay  encamped   to  oppose  them.     The 
generals  dared  not  trust  their  men  to  do  anything 
more,  than  prevent  the  enemy  from  occupying  the 
city,  and  they  hoped  that  their  disgraceful  inactivity 
and  the  taunts  of  their  foes,  would,  in  time,  provoke 
the  troops  beyond  endurance,  and  irritate  them  to 
avenge  personal  insults,  upon  those  whom  they  could 
not  otherwise  be  induced  to  fight.     The  Tuscans,  at 
first,  prepared   for    battle,    but    seeing    that    the 

♦  Dion.  ix. 


Romans  kept  resolutely,  and  as  they  very  justly 
thought  timidly,  within  their  trenches,  the  cavalry 
came  and  defied  them  every  day,  and  after  a  while, 
added  every  epithet  they  could  think  of,  to  rouse  the 
angry  feelings  of  the  Romans,  and  to  force  them 
into  action.     The   combined   endeavours   of   their 
enemies  and  commanders,   at   length    took  effect. 
The  Roman  soldiers  were  stung  almost  to  madness 
at  being  called  "  cowards,  and  less  than  women,"  and 
clamoured  to  be  led  into  the  field.   But  both  Consuls 
affected  to  distrust  them,  a  defeat  at  the  gates  of  Rome 
would  have  been  the  ruin  of  the  city,  and  they  there- 
fore persisted  upon  keeping  on  the  defensive.     The 
men  then   threatened   to  mutiny,  and  elect  other 
leaders,  who  were  not  afraid  to  try  them,  and  the 
Consuls  then  pretended  to  yield,  only  requiring  every 
man  to  renew  his  military  oath,  and  to  swear  that 
on  this  occasion,  he  would  conquer  or  die.    This  was 
most  willingly  acceded  to,  every  cohort  took  it,  and 
then  the  troops,  being  thoroughly  resolved  and  ex- 
cited, were  led  forth  to  battle. 

The  Fabii  distinguished  themselves,  beyond  all  the 
other  Romans,  by  prodigies  of  valour,  a  tacit  tribute 
to  the  military  talents  and  manly  courage  of  their 
adversaries.  "  They  fought,"  says  Livy,  "  hand  to 
hand,  and  sword  to  sword,"  yet  Quintus  Fabius,  the 
general's  brother,  was  killed  by  the  Tuscan  to  whom 
he  was  opposed,  and  who,  of  course,  is  represented 
as  a  giant.  The  Romans,  according  to  their  own 
account,  were  panic-struck  at  the  death  of  this 
great  hero,  and   were  on  every  side  giving   way, 


'•m-m 


fvt^ 


280 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE    YEARS     WAR. 


281 


when  Marcus  Fabius  leaped  over  the  body,  kept  off 
the  advancing  Tuscans  with  his  buckler,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  infusing  fresh  courage  into  his  own  men. 
Caeso  Fabius  and  himself,  reminding  the  soldiers  of 
their  oath,  rushed  desperately  forward  with  their 
spears  in  rest,  and  the  legions,  ashamed  to  desert 
them,  followed  once  more,  and  completely  routed 
that  part  of  the  Tuscan  army  to  which  they  were 
opposed. 

M.  Manlius,  meanwhile,  was  engaged  with  the 
other  wing  of  the  Tuscan  forces,  but  there  also 
Rome  was  unsuccessful,  his  men  were  beaten,  he 
was  wounded  and  obliged  to  retire  to  his  own  camp  ; 
and  Veii  would  have  gained  a  brilliant  day  ;  had  not 
M.  Fabius  at  this  most  critical  juncture  sent  to  tell 
his  colleague  of  his  own  success,  and  thus  rallied 
his  dispirited  men,  and  enabled  them  to  maintain 
their  former  ground.  During  the  action,  whilst  the 
main  bodies  were  engaged,  and  fortune  still  favoured 
the  Tuscans,  their  general  sent  a  detachment  to 
attack  the  Roman  camp,  but  as  Manlius,  with  a 
body  of  troops  was  so  unexpectedly  obliged  to  re- 
turn to  it,  succour  arrived  in  time  to  prevent  its 
being  taken.  Dionysius,  however,  says,  that  the 
camp  was  taken,  and  that  the  Triarii  who  guarded 
it,  were  driven  back  to  the  Pretorium,  but  that 
whilst  the  Tuscans  were  engaged  in  plundering, 
Manlius  retook  it,  and  saved  the  Roman  honour. 
He  repulsed  his  enemies,  but  in  the  heat  of  the 
contest,  he  himself  was  killed.  M.  Fabius  succeeded 
in  securing  both  his  body  and  that  of  his  own  bro- 


ther, and  having  drawn  off  his  troops  in  order,  of 
course  claimed  a  victory,  which,  however,  all  the 
sequel  belies. 

Niebuhr  judges  that  the  account  of  this  campaign, 
and,  indeed,  of  all  the  Fabian  part  of  the  nine 
years'  war,  is  taken  from  the  funeral  eulogies  of  the 
Fabian  house,  in  which  it  was  necessary  that  they 
should  appear,  when  they  appeared  at  all,  as  heroes  and 
conquerors.  Whatever  was  not  consistent  with  these 
characters,  was  by  custom  and  courtesy,  buried  in 
oblivion,  and  a  few  poetical  licenses,  such  as  deeds  of 
supernatural  courage,  and  the  accounting  for  a  lack 
of  triumphs,  by  the  imputation  of  supervirtuous 
motives,  was  considered  in  those  days  perfectly  law- 
ful. The  valour  of  the  Tuscans,  we  must  observe, 
has  no  such  colouring,  for  it  is,  in  every  instance, 
not  the  testimony  of  friends,  but  of  foes.  M.  Fabius, 
though  he  says  in  the  annals  of  his  house,  that  he 
gained  a  complete  victory,  yet  had  no  triumph  ;  and 
the  bard  further  tells  us,  that  the  reason  of  this  was, 
his  excessive  sorrow  for  the  death  of  his  brother, 
killed  by  the  great  giant,  whom  he  afterwards  made 
to  run  away.  The  Senate  offered  him  a  triumph, 
but  his  sensibility  was  so  delicate,  that  he  declined 
it,  both  for  himself  and  for  his  whole  army,  doubt- 
less because  the  giant  was  still  alive!  Dionysius 
says,  that  he  was  refused  a  triumph,  and  that  he 
entered  Rome  in  mourning. 

But  though  Marcus  chose  such  a  singular  method 
of  honouring  his  brother's  memory,  and  celebrating 
the  vengeance  he  had  taken  for  his  death,  he  did 


^jutt 


282 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE   YEARS     WAR. 


283 


not  neglect  his  purpose  of  protecting  the  Plebeians 
and  gaining  their  favour.  He  persuaded  many  of 
the  rich  and  influential  Patricians  to  join  him,  and 
he  had  all  his  wounded  common  men,  distributed  in 
different  palaces,  to  be  cared  for  and  cured,  an  act 
which  secured  him  the  hearts  of  themselves,  of 
their  kindred,  and  of  all  who  took  an  interest  in 
them,  especially  every  soldier,  who  might  any  day 
find  himself,  amongst  the  poor  and  suffering.  If  the 
Tuscan  infantry  was  composed,  (as  Niebuhr  believes,) 
not  of  the  Plebeians,  but  of  the  clients  of  the  differ- 
ent houses,  they  must  have  been  taken  care  of  in 
this  very  manner,  and  their  steadiness  and  bravery 
may  have  had  its  weight  in  inspiring  Manlius  with 
this  idea,  or  in  confirming  an  idea  already  con- 
ceived. 

Livy*  says,  that  Veii  was  assisted  in  this  nine 
years'*  war,  by  auxiliaries  from  all  the  states  in 
Etruria,  and  that  the  leading  men  in  each  Lucu- 
mony  debated  the  probability  of  subduing  Rome  by 
means  of  the  dissensions  of  her  own  people.  She 
was  several  times  so  very  nearly  subdued  by  intestine 
discord,  that  her  preservation  appears  to  us  to  have 
been  solely  owing  to  the  opportune  truces  which  she 
twice  made  with  the  armies  of  Veii.  The  year  fol- 
lowing Quintus  Fabius*s  death,  Caeso  came  forward 
as  protector  of  the  Plebs,  and  asscrter  of  their 
military  rights,  in  virtue  of  which,  they  elected  him 
as  one  of  the  Consuls,  and  he  was  sent  to  command 
against  the  Equi,  whom,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Latins,  he  repulsed.  It  is  strange,  if  he  conquered  the 

*  ii.  44. 


Veien tines  during  the  preceding  campaign,  that  he 
should  not  have  been  sent  against  them  again  ;  but, 
doubtless,  his  grief  for  his  brother's  death,  and  that 
of  the  Consul  Manlius,  and  his  horror  of  the  giant, 
made  him  prefer  the  other  command.  Virginius 
led  forth  the  legions  opposed  to  Veii,  and  was  so 
rash  in  his  proceedings  against  them,  that  the  army 
would  have  been  utterly  destroyed,  had  not  Caeso 
arrived  in  time  to  save  it,  and  to  cover  its  retreat 
within  the  city  walls.  He  had  encamped  his  troops 
upon  the  side  of  a  hill,  and  allowed  the  Tuscans  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  top,  so  that  his  retreat 
must  have  been  very  like  a  disgraceful  flight.  Vir- 
ginius was  no  match  for  the  giant  and  the  Generals 
of  Veii;  and  the  Romans,  not  then  being  able  either 
to  win  them  to  peace  or  to  repress  their  incursions, 
were  obliged  to  content  themselves  with  calling 
them  bandits,  and  acting  wholly  on  the  defensive. 
Indeed  this  was  a  very  critical  time  for  the  Romans. 
The  Equi  and  Volsci  threatened  them  and  their 
Latin  allies,  with  a  desperate  and  protracted  war  on 
the  one  side,  whilst  Fidene,  only  five  miles  from 
their  gates,  and  Veii  only  twelve,  were  continually 
assaulting  them  on  the  other. 

They  were  in  great  straits,  and  both  Patricians 
and  Plebeians  equally  exulted  in  representing  Caeso 
Fabius,  as  coming  forward  with  all  his  clan,  and 
offering  themselves  as  willing  martyrs  for  their  sal- 
vation. Caeso  thought  that  if  he  could  succeed  in 
establishing  a  strong  fort,  and  settling  a  small  colony 
within  the  terrritories  of  Veii,  and  not  very  far  from 


284 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


that  city,  it  would  keep  the  Etruscan  forces  in  suffi- 
cient check  to  prevent  their  beleaguering  Rome,  and 
that  it  would  prove  a  perpetual  thorn  in  their  sides, 
as  well  as  an  assistance  to  his  own  nation.  Niebuhr 
conceives,  that  he  who  had  condemned  Sp.  Cassius,* 
and  had  once  been  the  haughtiest  of  the  Patricians, 
now,  that  he  had  made  himself  head  of  the  Plebs, 
had  become  so  hateful  to  his  own  order,  that  Rome 
was  no  longer  a  home  for  him  and  his  house. 

Caeso  being  of  a  noble  character,  would  neither 
turn  against  his  country,  by  forwarding  the  views  of 
her  enemies ;  nor  would  he  retire  into  a  useless 
exile.  He,  therefore,  risked  the  sacrifice  of  every- 
thing for  the  sake  of  the  proud  consciousness  that 
he,  the  misunderstood  one,  was  the  Defender  of 
Rome  in  the  teeth  of  her  foes.  We  may  doubt  his 
ever  having  been  offered  a  triumph,  for  a  victory, 
which  at  best  was  but  an  escape  from  defeat; 
but  we  cannot  refuse  our  tribute  of  admiration  to 
his  gallantry  and  patriotism,  in  going  forth  with  all 
he  held  most  dear,  in  order  to  defend  his  country  in 
her  hour  of  peril,  from  the  vaunting  and  dangerous 
forces  of  so  powerful  a  state  as  Veii. 

It  appears  from   Livy,  that  all  the  Patricians  of 

the  Fabian  house,  having  been   prepared  by  Caeso, 

then  Consul  and  their  chief,  they  attended  him  to  the 

*  Valerius  Maximus  says,  that  Sp.  Cassius  was  put  to  death, 
Brutus  like,  by  his  own  father.  But  the  Romans  had  by  this 
time  ceased  their  violent  admiration  of  this  species  of  patriotism, 
though  as  it  sprung  from  precisely  the  same  spirit,  it  appears  to 
us  equally  worthy  of  commendation  and  commemoration  with 
the  other. 


THE    NINE    YEARS     WAR. 


285 


«^ 


Senate,and  waited  at  thedoor, until  they  should  know 
the  result  of  his  proposal,  and  the  resolution  of  the 
Fathers  thereupon.  When  the  Senators  began 
mournfully  to  enumerate  the  difficulties  with 
which  they  had  to  contend,  Caeso,  to  their  amaze- 
ment, stood  forth,  saying,  that  Veii  required  not  so 
much,  armies  sent  against  her,  as  some  place  of 
strength  acquired  within  her  frontiers,  and  that  this 
object  ,he  and  his  clan  would  undertake  to  gain,  and 
to  keep  by  their  own  strength,  and  at  their  own  ex- 
pense,  leaving  the  (so-called)  republic  to  send  her 
legions  elsewhere.  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  this 
offer  excited  enthusiastic  thanks,  and  was  immedi- 
ately accepted,  for  it  relieved  the  city  of  a  terror 
which  had  weighed  upon  it,  and  which  it  knew  not 
how  to  meet.  Caeso  must,  after  this,  have  gone  up 
to  the  Capitoline  temple,  and  have  offered  prayers 
and  sacrifices  in  his  consular  robes,  and,  probably, 
the  heads  of  his  tribe  accompanied  him.  It  was' 
not  until  this  ceremony  had  been  gone  through,  that 
he  could  put  on  his  general's  paludamentum'  and 
head  any  expedition. 

"  The  next  day,"  says  Livy,  "  the  Fabii  took  arms 
and  assembled  in  the  place  appointed.  The  Consul 
coming  forth  in  his  military  dress,  saw  his  whole 
clan  assembled  in  the  court-yard,  drawn  up  there  in 
order  of  march,  and  being  received  into  the  centre, 
he  commanded  them  to  set  forward.  Never  did  an 
army,  smaller  in  number,  nor  more  dignified  by 
fame,  and  by  the  admiration  of  all  men,  march 
through  the  city.  Three  hundred  and  six  warriors, 
all  Patricians,  all  of  one  name,  not  one  of  whom  at 


.  M 


M 


286 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


any  time,  the  Senate  could  have  judged  unfit  for  the 
highest  commands,  went  forward,  threatening  de- 
struction to  the  people  of  Veii,  by  the  strength  of  one 
single  family."  Only  one  Fabius  is  known  to  have 
remained  in  Rome  when  the  clan  left,  and  he  is 
supposed  to  have  retired  to  Maleventum.  He  was 
Consul  ten  years  after. 

A  crowd  attended  them,  consisting  partly  of  their 
own  relations  and  acquaintances,  who  revolved  great 
things  in  their  minds,  and  knew  no  medium  either 
in  their  hopes  or  in  their  anxieties,  and  partly  of 
those  excited  by  public  zeal,  and  carried  away  by 
esteem  and  admiration.  "  Go  in  strength,  go  in  hap- 
piness," they  cried ;  "  may  your  success  be  propor- 
tioned to  your  undertaking.  Hope,  henceforward, 
for  consulships  and  triumphs,  for  every  reward  and 
every  honour."  As  they  passed  tlie  Capitol,  the 
citadel,  and  the  other  temples,  whatever  gods  occur- 
red to  the  eyes  or  mind  of  the  beholder,  he  prayed 
that  they  would  make  that  band  prosperous  and 
happy,  and  soon  restore  them  to  their  friends  and 
country.  But  their  prayers  were  made  in  vain.  The 
unfortunate  men  went  out  by  the  right-hand  gate  of 
the  Porta  Carraentalis,*  afterwards  called  the  Porta 
Scelerata,  and  came  to  the  river  Cremera,  where 
they  found  a  convenient  situation  for  a  fort.  This 
building  they  surrounded  with  a  double  ditch,  and  as 
they  also  erected  towers  at  certain  distances,  it  would 
appear  to  have  had  a  wall. 

Dionysius*  tells   us,    that    the  Fabii   left   with 
^ye  thousand  followers,   many  of  whom  Niebuhr 


THE    NINE    years'   WAR. 


287 


IX. 


judges  to  have  been  Plebs,  married  into  the  clan, 
but  how  they  came  to  pursue  their  way  so  peaceably, 
and  how  they  were  permitted  by  the  Tuscans  to  build 
and  settle,  and  fortify  themselves  so  close  to  Veii, 
we  cannot  understand.     The  spot  they  are  said  to 
have  occupied  is  only  three  miles  from  one  of  the 
gates  of  the  city,  and  all  their  operations  must  have 
been  seen  from  the  ramparts.     Caeso  Fabius  must 
surely,  in  some  degree,  have  imitated  the  conduct  of 
Sextus  Tarquinius,  when  he  fled  to  Gabii,  though 
the  Romans  have  not  liked  to  retain  the  memory  of 
such  a  resemblance.  He  must  have  represented  him- 
self as  flying  from  Rome,  having,  in  disgust  with  his 
order,  and  with  its  injustice  and  endless  dissensions, 
quitted  her  for  ever  ;  and  he  must  have  asked,  under 
cover  of  peace,  leave  to  take  refuge  with  her  ene- 
mies. This,  it  appears,  was  granted,  and  no  disturb- 
ance whatever  given  to  him  and  his  five  thousand 
men,  during   the  time  requisite  for  them,  to  build 
and  fortify   dwellings   for    themselves,   within    the 
dominions  of  Veii.     What  makes  this  more  certain, 
is,   that   the   fort  was   situated  between   Veii  and' 
Fidene,    therefore  Caeso  would   have  had  foes  on 
each  side  to  contend  against,  had  he  been  supposed 
hostile.     Moreover,  though  Livy  continually  talks 
of  Caeso  defending  or  ravaging  the  frontiers,  as  if  the 
Cremera   had  been  the   boundary  of  the   Roman 
lands,  Veii  at  this  time  possessed  the  whole  country 
between  the  Janiculum  and  her  own  walls.  Livy,  in 
Claudius's  speech,  (v.)  calls  the  Fabii  Colonists.' 
Fabius  and  his  band  were  presumed  at  the  very 


I 


M 


h 


288 


HISTORY    OF    KTRURIA. 


least,  to  be  neutral,  if  not  friends  and  allies.     But 
the  spirit  of  Caeso  was  that  of  the  great  Tarquin, 
when  he  quitted  Tarquinia.     He  resolved  to  extend 
the  might  and  influence  of  his  country,  though  she 
was  no  more  a  home  to  him.     The  event,  indeed, 
was  different.     Tarquin  reigned  for  sixteen  years  in 
the  border  fortress  of  the  Tiber,  under  the  name  of 
another,  and  then  annexed  that  fortress  to  the  Etrus- 
can league.      Fabius  too  soon  showed  his   hostile 
views,    and    when   called    to   account   for   it,   and 
attacked  by  the  troops  of  Veii,  was  obliged  to  solicit 
succour  from  Rome.     The  Etruscans  besieged   his 
fort  on  the  Cremera,  as  soon  as  they  perceived  the 
mistake  of  which  they  had  been  guilty,  and  the  Con- 
sul Lucius  Emilius  was  obliged  to  come  with  all  the 
legions  under  his  command,  and  to  fight  without 
delay  on  his  behalf     The  Roman  cavalry  obliged 
the  Tuscans  to  fall  back   upon   their  camp,  at  the 
Saxa  Rubra,  and  Livy  says,  to  sue  for  peace.     This 
peace,  the  Romans,   as  usual,   graciously   granted, 
and  then  their  feeble  antagonists  repented  of  it,  and 
renounced  it,  before  the  Roman  guard   was  with- 
drawn from  the  Cremera.  The  strangest  accusation  ! 
as  it  would  surely  have  been  much  safer  for  them,  to 
have  renounced  the  peace  after  the  guard  was  with- 
drawn.    The  Tuscans  had,  probably,  granted    the 
Romans,  the  same  sort  of  peace  before,  when  Caeso 
relieved   the    camp    of   Manlius,    and    they   were 
obliged  to  withdraw.      Had  they  really   sued   for 
peace,  would  the  Romans  have  retired  so  instantly, 
and  without  imposing  severe  conditions,  or  taking 


THE    NINE    years'    WAR. 


289 


any  hostages?      AVhereas,    they  seem  to  have  re- 
turned to  Rome  with  the  utmost  speed,  and  to  have 
left  the  Fabii  to  defend   themselves  as  they  could 
Dionysius*  adds  to  this  account,  that  Emilius  took 
the  Tuscan  camp,    in   which   he    found    so    much 
plunder  as  to  enrich  his  troops  for  a  long  time  and 
tliat  though  he  granted   his  enemies  peace,  it'  was 
upon  condition   that  they  should  supply  his  army 
with  two  months'  corn,  and  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
war  for  half  a  year.     He   believes  also,  that  they 
tulhlled  these  conditions,  and  nowhere  accuses  them 
of  breaking  the  six  months'  truce.    We  shall  simply 
observe,    that    the   Tuscan   treasures,  which    they 
trusted  out  of  their  fortified  city,  could  be  of  very 
httle  worth,  and  that  no  general  dared  ever  to  divide 
anything  amongst  his  troops,  until  it  had  first  been 
valued  by  the  Quaestors,  and  allotted  by  the  Patri- 
cians. 

The  Fabii,  after  the  battle  fought  for  them  by 
Emilius,  were  left  alone,  and  these  brave  men 
(who  yet  were  but  men,  excepting  in  the  funeral 
songs,)  are  said  not  only  to  have  skirmished  with 
their  enemies  continually  and  successfully,  but  to 
have  fought  several  pitched  battlesf  with  all  the 
forces  of  Veii,  and  always  to  have  been  victorious, 
bhame  on  the  legions  before  and  after  them,  not  to 
have  annihilated  the  Veientines,  when  one  sin-Ie 
clan  found  victory  over  them  such  an  easy  a'^nd 
certain  matter !  The  Veientines,  it  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed,   ran   away    in    these    pitched    battles,    for 

t  Livy. 


IX. 


290 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


neither  they  nor  the  Fabii  appear   to   have    lost 
a  single  man. 

As  Livy  says  immediately  after,  that  when  they 
retreated,  it  was  with  pretended,  oftener  than  with 
real  fear,  it  gives  us  the  impression,  that  the  armies 
of  Veii  considered  their  battles  with  the  five  thou- 
sand and  their  three  hundred  and  six  officers,  as  a 
sort  of  military  exercise  or  game  at  play.  How- 
ever, they  tired  at  last  of  being  always  beaten  in 
the  plains  of  no  very  wide  extent,  which  lie  between 
the  hei"-hts  of  Veii  and  the  fert  of  the  Cremera, 
placed  by  Italian  antiquaries  at  La  Valca ;  and  they 
resolved  to  try  if  cunning  might  not  be  more  suc- 
cessful against  an  enemy  whom  they  in  vain  en- 
deavoured to  subdue  or  dislodge  by  force. 

Cattle,  it  seems,  was  the  grand  prize  contended 
for  by  hostile  colonies  and  armies  in  those  days,  and, 
indeed,  between  the  gates  of  Veii  and  those  of 
Rome  nothing  but  pasture  could  have  remained  in 
this  war,  as  the  Tuscans  had  effectually  destroyed 
the  labours  of  the  Roman  agriculturists,  and  the 
Romans  those  of  the  Tuscan.  When  Caeso  sent 
out  foraging  parties,  the  Veientines  began  to  drive 
the  cattle  in  their  way,  the  peasants  ran  off  to  save 
themselves,  and  the  troops  of  Veii  pursued  their 
accustomed  amusement  of  trying  who  could  reach 
their  quarters  soonest.  At  length,  the  Fabii  con- 
ceived their  enemies  to  be  panic-stricken  and  half- 
witted, and  themselves  invincible,  and  they  followed 
and  seized  the  cattle  without  any  precautions  to 
prevent  themselves  from  being  surprised.     In  this 


THE   TEN    years'    WAR, 


291 


manner,  they  were  one  day  led  to  a  distance,  passing, 
without  observing   them,    several    parties   of    the' 
enemy  who  were  lying  in  ambush  in  a  wood ;  and 
by  the  time  they  had  seized  their  prey,  they  were 
thunderstruck  to  see  that  they  were  completely  sur- 
rounded by  armed  men— by  Tuscans !  not  one   of 
whom  ran  away,  or  seemed  in  the  least  afraid  of 
their  never-failing  success  or  superhuman  prowess. 
We  may  well  believe  that  they  were  staggered  at 
such  a  prodigy.     They  seem  even   to    have   been 
alarmed   at  the  superior  numbers   of  the   enemy ; 
whence   we   must   suppose   that   in    the    previous* 
pitched  battles,  the  parties  had  always  been  equal, 
and  for  the  first  time,  the  Fabii  felt  that  they  had  to' 
fight  for  liberty  and  life.     They  formed  themselves 
into  a  wedge,  and  forced  a  passage  through   their 
enemies;  they   then  gained  an  ascent,  which  was 
opposite  to  them,  aad  hoped  there  to  defend  them- 
selves until  darkness  should  cover  them.     But  the 

Tuscans,  havingsuddenly  recovered  their  intellectual, 
as  well  as  their  martial  equality  with  the  Romans,' 
sent  a  body  of  troops  to  an  eminence  still  higher,' 
which  commanded  them,  and  they  were  again  placed 
between  two  bodies  of  soldiers,  by  each  of  which  they 
were  outnumbered.  We  cannot  doubt  that  they 
fought  bravely,  and  now  both  they  and  the  Tuscans 
strewed  the  field  with  dead.  All  the  three  hundred 
and  six  Patricians  were  killed,  with  the  exception  of 
one  boy,  who  is  said  to  have  escaped  to  Rome. 

Many    authors,   however,  doubt   this,   and   say, 
that  the  Messenger  who    announced  in  Rome  the 

o  2 


^^T  i 


( 


292 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE    years'   WAR. 


293 


annihilation  of  this  brave  clan,  was  simply  a  colo- 
nist from  the  Creraera ;  that  he  was  one  of  the 
clients,  and  therefore  called  one  of  the  Fabii.  The 
only  Patrician  who  remained  of  the  family,  did  not 
throw  up  his  Roman  franchise,  though  it  is  supposed 
that  he  had  left  his  castle  on  the  Quirinal,  and 
lived  in  displeasure  at  Maleventum.  Aul.  Gellius,* 
says,  that  the  Fabius,  who  withdrew  himself  from 
his  brethren,  was  a  man  of  resolute  character, 
and  in  the  prime  of  life,  that  he  was  the  father  of 
the  o-reat  Maximus,  and  that  he  was  elected  Consul 
ten  years  after  the  slaughter  of  the  Cremera. 

Dionysius  gives  a  different  version  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  Fabii  were  destroyed,  and  one  which, 
though  not  nearly  so  consistent  with  our  way  of 
thinking,  both  Niebuhr  and  Arnold  judge  to  be  the 
most  probable,  when  referred  to  ancient  times  ;  and 
the  most  consonant  with  the  feelings  of  an  Italian  of 
former  days.  Dionysius  says,  that  when  the  period 
arrived  at  which  the  Fabii  were  accustomed  to 
sacrifice  to  their  patron  Lar,  in  their  own  temple  on 
the  Quirinal,  the  three  hundred  and  six  Patrician 
warriors  left  their  fort  for  this  purpose,  believing  that 
the  reverential  feelings  of  the  Tuscans  were  a 
sufficient  guard  against  their  being  attacked  on  so 
sacred  an  occasion.  In  order  to  reconcile  this  with 
the  common  sense  of  mankind,  we  must  suppose  a 
general  superstition,  that  the  anger  of  the  gods 
visited  every  man  who  attacked  another  whilst  en- 
gaged in  this  sacred  mission.  Otherwise  the  act  of 
the  Fabii,  in  going,  without  a  guard  as  they  are  re- 

*  xvii.  21. 


presented  to  have  done,  was  one  of  foolhardiness  and 
bravado.  If,asNiebuhrand  Arnold  believe, they  kept 
their  annual  feast  so  very  sacred,  they  must  have  gone 
and  returned  in  safety  the  preceding  anniversary,  for 
theyhad  now  been  twoyears  on  the  Cremera:  butsuch 
a  happy  issue  to  their  first  expedition  could  be  no  se- 
curity to  any  thinking  mind  for  the  success  of  the 
second,  except  on  the  supposition  of  a  prevailing  opi- 
nion as  to  their  inviolability  while  thus  engaged. 

Dionysius   makes  them  reason  on  the  certainty 
that  they  could  not  be  attacked,  consistently  with 
the  laws  of  civilized  nations.      On  the  other  hand, 
the   Romans   confute  this,  by    bringing  Menenius 
to   trial  for   not  assisting  them,  whereas,  had   the 
belief  in  peculiar  divine  protection  on  such  occa- 
sions been  general,  Menenius  could  not  have  sup- 
posed them  to  be  in  danger ;  and  though   he  was 
encamped  only  four  miles  from   them,  when  they 
were  enclosed  by  the  Tuscans  and  fighting  for  their 
lives,  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  send  a  messenger 
who  could  give    him  warning    of    their  situation. 
We  cannot  believe  that  the  Tuscan   ambush  ever 
came  in   sight  of  Menenius;  and  it  is  much  more 
difficult  to  understand  the  supineness  of  the  men 
left  behind  at  the  Cremera,  who,  if  they  had  marched 
out  to  assist  their  masters,  would  have  placed  the 
troops  of  Veii  between  two  bands  of  desperate  and 
despairing    enemies,   and   would    have    occasioned 
amongst  them  a  frightful  slaughter,  even  had  they 
failed  to  achieve  a  victory.     It  is  true  that  these 
men  could  not  be  tried,  as  they  were  all  prisoners 


/si 


294 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE    YEARS     WAR. 


295 


in  Veii,  but  the  trial  and  sentence  of  Menenius, 
which  we  believe  to  have  been  perfectly  just,  seem 
to  us  to  have  been  quite  as  inconsistent  with  the 
sacrifices  on  the  Quirinal,  as  with  the  pitched  battles 
and  uninterrupted  victories  of  the  Fabian  clan,  re- 
corded by  Livy. 

A  descendant  of  the  man  who  retired  to  Male- 
veritum,  Fabius  Dorso  by  name,  eighty  years  sub- 
sequent to  this  period,  burst  from  the  Capitol,  when 
besieged  by  the  Gauls,  went  through  a  portion  of 
the  enemy's  camp,  and  ascended  the  Quirinal  to  the 
temple    of  his   fathers,  where    he   offered    up  the 
annual  sacrifice  to  the  Lar  of  his  house.     All  the 
circumstances  of  this  feat  were,  however,  as  con- 
trary  as  possible  to  those  attending  the  expedition 
we   are  now  discussing.      Fabius  Dorso  went  out 
alone,  unarmed,  from  the  beleaguered  citadel  of  his 
own  people,  and  passed  through  foes  who  were  oc- 
cupying his  own  soil ;  he  was  dressed  in  his  priestly 
garments,  and  the  instruments  of  sacrifice  were  in 
his  hands.     It  would  have  been  equally   unmanly 
and    impious    to  have   done   him   any   harm ;    and 
Livy  says  that  the  Gauls,  astonished  at  his  appear- 
ance, were  restrained  from  hurting  or  opposing  him, 
by  their  reverence  for  the  gods.     What  prejudice 
could  one  man,  undistinguished  but  for  this  act  of 
religious   heroism,   do    them?      How    different    in 
every  particular  were  the  three  hundred  and  six 
noted, and  dangerous  Fabian  warriors!  For  twoyears 
they  had  been  a  check  upon  their  enemies,  in  whose 
land  they  had  stationed  themselves.     They  marched 


to  Rome  through  ground,  not  one  foot  of  which  had 
ever  been  their  own  ;  in  military  array,  fully  armed, 
and  quite  prepared  to  attack  an  adversary,  though,  it 
seems,  not  to  be  attacked  by  one.  Had  they  gone, 
like  Fabius  Dorso,  clothed  in  white,  with  the  en- 
signs of  the  priesthood  in  their  hands,  we  are 
morally  certain  that  they  would  have  pursued  their 
journey  uninjured, — no  Tuscan  would  have  lifted  a 
spear  against  them.  They  would  not,  indeed,  have 
been  permitted  to  return  and  re-establish  themselves 
on  the  Cremera,  to  work  mischief  at  their  will,  to 
Veii.  They  would,  in  all  common  sense,  have  been 
shut  up  in  Rome,  and  forced  to  remain  in  the  city 
of  their  beloved  temple ;  but  so  far  from  seeking 
their  destruction,  we  are  sure  that  none  of  their 
enemies  would  have  dared  to  look  upon  them  with 
other  sentiments  than  those  of  reverence. 

Several  meetings  at  Voltumna  are  mentioned  by 
Dionysius  during  these  transactions,  and  two  of 
of  them  are  curious.  In  the  first,  Veii  entreats  the 
League  to  help  her  in  her  endeavours  to  destroy 
the  Cremera  fort,  which,  she  says,  nullifies  the  im- 
portance of  the  state  as  a  barrier  against  Roman 
encroachments.  The  Diet,  upon  this,  will  not 
order  levies,  but  permits  auxiliary  troops  to  hire 
themselves  to  the  Veientine  government.  In  the 
second  meeting  alluded  to,  the  states  order  Veii 
peremptorily  to  destroy  the  Fabian  fort,  or  they 
will  expel  her  from  the  Tuscan  League ;  and  it  is 
upon  this,  that  she  exerts  her  cunning,  and  roots  out 
the  colony.* 

♦  Anc.  Hist  xvi.  96* 


k 


296 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE    years'   WAR. 


297 


The  fort  of  the  Fabii  was  destroyed,  and   the  five 
thousand  who  had  occupied  it  for  two  years,  were 
either  made  to  perish  with  it,as  deceiversand  traitors, 
which  is  most  probable,  or  taken  into  Veii,  and  re- 
duced   to  slavery.      A   Roman  could  conceive   no 
greater  horror  than  to  be  sold  as  a  slave  to  the 
Etruscans,  and  yet  they  treated   their  slaves  with 
far  more  indulgence  than  the  Romans,  who  judged 
of  slavery  from  what  they  knew  of  it  in  their  o'^wn 
homes.     The    fate  of  the  Fabii    was   so    lamented 
that    no    Roman    would    ever    pass    through    the 
right-hand  gate  of  the   Porta  Carmentalis    after- 
wards, but  came  in  by  the  side,  at  what  is  now  the 
Macel  dei  Corvi.     They  changed  the  name  of  the 
portal  to  ^'Scelerata/'  and  they  marked  the  day  of 
their  exit,  in  the  calendar  as  unlucky  to   Rome  for 
ever. 

As  soon  as  the  disastrous  catastrophe  was  known 
in  Rome,  the  Consul  Menenius  was  despatched  with 
all  his  disposable  troops  to  revenge  the  slaughter 
of  this  gallant  band,  or  rather,  as  Niebuhr  beli'eves, 
of  this  lately  settled  colony,*  including  women  and 
children,t  besides  the  soldiers  and  Patricians  of  the 
Fabii.  How  astonished  the  ever-victorious  Romans 
must  have  been,  when  those  very  men  whom  Caeso 
had  vanquished  in  every  pitched  battle,  contrived  to 
drive  Menenius  back  into  their  city,  and  actually 
to  take  possession  of  the  Janiculum,  driving  out  the 
garrison  which  was  their  protection,  beyond  the 
Tiber.     Rome  was  now  threatened  with  famine  as 

♦  Vol.  ii.  n.  432.  f  Aul.  Cell,  and  Dion.  ix. 


well  as  siege,  and  had  no  other  resource  but  to  recal 
Horatius,  the  other  Consul,  from  the  Volscian  war. 
Miracles  were  surely  common  in  those  days,  which 
at  one  time  could  make  three  hundred  and  six  men 
(as  Livy  would  intimate)  more  than  a  match  for  all 
the  troops  of  Veii,  and,  two  years  afterwards,  could 
make  those  feeble  troops  the  terror  of  all  the  forces 
of  Rome  and  her  Latin  allies. 

The  Tuscans,  once  more  in  possession  of  the  Jani- 
culum, crossed  the  Tiber,  and  engaged  their  ene- 
mies close  to  the  temple  of  Hope,  without  the  walls; 
and  a  second  time,  they  canie  still  nearer,  even  to 
the  Colline  gate,  when  the  Romans,  making  every 
effort  that  shame  and  despair  could  inspire,  gained 
some  small  advantage.  They  weakened  the  forces 
of  their  foes  by  slaughter,  and  managed  to  keep 
them  from  entering  the  sacred  city.  This  slight 
success  restored  to  the  men  sufficient  courajre  to 
prevent  their  shrinking,  as  they  had  previously 
done,  from  encountering  the  Tuscans,  whom  they 
had  begun  to  believe  under  the  special  protection  of 
Fortune.  The  Consuls  were  changed,  yet  still  the 
Tuscan  army  could  not  be  dislodged,  and  they 
ravaged  the  Roman  lands  on  all  sides.  At  length 
the  very  stratagem  they  had  used  to  rid  themselves 
of  the  Fabii  was  employed  against  themselves,  and 
succeeded.  In  their  turn,  they  were  so  accustomed 
to  see  the  enemy  fly  before  them,  and  retreat  within 
the  walls  or  the  camp,  the  moment  their  bands  ap- 
peared, that  they  became  careless.  The  Romans 
drove  some  of  their  cattle  to  a  distance,  in  the  line 

o  5 


Ii  ^ 


298 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


of  the  Tuscan  foragers,  and  then  placed  themselves 
in   ambush  on  the  way.     The   Tuscans  were  sur- 
prised, and  the  greater  part  of  them  cut  off.     The 
Tuscan  general,  whose  name  no  Latin  historian  has 
condescended  to  preserve,  and  which    Sylla  com- 
mitted to  tlie  flames,  crossed  the  Tiber  without  de- 
lay, and  assaulted  the  camp  of  Servilius,  but  he  was 
repulsed,  and  obliged  to  retire  again  within  his  own 
lines.      Servilius,  elated  with  this  success,  crossed 
the  river  in  his  turn,  and  encamped,  in  bravado,  at 
the  foot  of  the  Janiculum.     All  Rome  must  have 
rejoiced  at  this  feat,  and  have  thought  themselves 
at  length   delivered,   for   drowning   men  catch    at 
straws;  and  they  were  in  such  distress  for  want  of 
food,  which  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  obtain 
whilst  the  Tuscans  commanded  the  Tiber,  that  Livy 
says  they  were  obliged  to  hazard  the  most  danger- 
ous expedients  in  order  to  obtain  relief.     This  he 
considers  a  legitimate  apology  for  Servilius's  rash 
attempt    upon. the  Tuscan   camp,  from   which   he 
was  repulsed  with  so  great  a  loss  as  quite  to  nullify 
his  former  victory,  and  he  and  his  army  were  only 
saved  from  destruction,  by  the  timely  arrival  and  as- 
sistance of  his  colleague,  Virginius. 

Livy  adds  a  most  extraordinary  sentence,*  viz., 
"  that  the  Tuscans  were  now  enclosed  between  two 
armies,  one  behind  and  the  other  before,  and  were 
thus  all  cut  to  pieces ;  so  that  a  fortunate  act  of 
rashness  brought  the  war  to  a  conclusion."  Where 
could  Virginius  have  been,  to  come  in  the  rear  of 

•  Livy  ii.  51. 
10 


THE   TEN    years'    WAR. 


299 


the  Tuscans  ?  The  history  implies  either  that  he  was 
encamped  on  the  lands  of  Veii,or  that  he  had  gained 
the  fort  of  the  Janiculum,  and  took  the  Tuscan 
camp,  whilst  they  were  below,  following  up  their 
victory  over  Menenius.  This  is  one  of  the  many 
passages  in  which  the  historian  has  thought  fit  to 
throw  a  veil  over  the  transaction  he  records,  or 
professes  to  record,  by  giving  it  in  a  very  few  words, 
and  ending  in  the  usual  chorus  of  "Vivat  Roma!" 

It  is  plain  that  the  shameful  defeat  of  Servilius 
had  led  him  in  flight,  to  that  side  of  Rome,  beyond 
the  Fossa  Cluilia,  on  which  Virginius  was  en- 
camped ;  and  on  that  supposition  the  Tuscans  would 
be  far  from  their  own  lines,  and  may  have  been 
enclosed  between  the  cohorts  of  Virginius  and  the 
reinforcement  of  veterans  which  Rome  could  send 
forth  to  prevent  their  return. 

Whatever  the  truce  may  have  been  with  Veii,  it 
lasted  only  a  year,  whilst  the  defeat  of  Servilius  was 
regarded  with  so  much  soreness  as  to  be  made  the 
subject  of  a  prosecution  by  his  own  countrymen, 
from  which    he    narrowly   escaped    with    his    life! 
Virginius  claimed  no  triumph,  and  gained  no  ho-* 
nours,  and  the  truce  must  have  been  a  mere  cessa- 
tion of  arms  for  a  few  months,  as  the  Romans  did 
not  even  pretend  to  any  compensation  or  advantage. 
Menenius  was  judged  during  the  leisure  afforded  by 
this  truce,  and  put   to   death,  for   not  having   at- 
tempted to  save  the  Fabii.     We  think  his  condem- 
nation perfectly  just,  but  if  the  Fabii  had  indeed 
triumphed  over  the  Veientines  in   every  previous 


300 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


conflict,  and  in  pitched  battles,  we  do  not  see  what 
cause  Menenius  could  have  had,  to  suppose  them  in 
any  such  extreme  danger  on  the  day  of  their  exter- 
mination. The  Romans  made  further  use  of  this 
truce  to  victual  their  famishing  city  from  Campa- 
nia ;  the  sea  and  the  Tiber  now  being  open  to  their 
vessels  and  those  of  their  allies. 

When  the  war  recommenced,  Veii  had  made  an 
alliance  with  the  Sabines,  who  were  then  at  enmity 
with  Rome.  The  Sabines  brought  their  men  into 
the  dominions  of  their  new  allies,  and  encamped 
under  their  walls,  where  the  Romans,  united  to  the 
Latins  and  Hernicans,  attacked  them  unexpectedly, 
and  threw  them  into  disorder.  One  of  the  gates  of 
Veii  was  taken,  and  a  desperate  fight,  with  much 
confusion,  took  place  within  the  ramparts,  but  the 
Romans  were  soon  driven  out,  and  in  their  turn, 
threatened  with  an  overthrow.  The  general  now 
ordered  the  cavalry  to  charge,  which  they  did  with 
such  vigour  that  the  Tuscans  and  their  allies  were 
repulsed,  and  the  day  recovered ;  so  that  the  Ro- 
mans, keeping  their  ground,  boasted  that  in  one 
day  and  in  one  fight,  they  had  been  victorious  over 
their  two  most  powerful  neighbours.  They  make 
no  mention  of  the  Latins  and  Hernicans,  who 
formed  two  thirds  of  their  troops ;  and  as  the  gal- 
lant Consul  gained  no  advantage,  and  had  no 
triumph  for  his  glorious  victory,  it  leads  us  to  sus- 
pect that  they  were  the  troops  by  whose  means 
chiefly,  he  obtained  it. 

Next  year  the  Romans  again  appointed  half  their 


THE    NINE    years'    WAR.  39! 

armies  to  defend  them  against  the  dreaded  Veil- 
but  as  both  states  were  willing  for  a  peace,  one  was 
concluded    for  forty   years.     It   is    s'aid    that   Vei 
agreed  to  give  a  sum  of  money  to  the  Roman  army 
and  to  supply  them  with  corn.     This  last  condition 
we  do  not  doubt,  in  the  sense  of  allowing  the  Ro 
mans  now,  to  supply  themselves  from  the  uninjured 
agriculture  of  the  western  side  of  that  fertile  staTe 
From  the  abundance  of  corn  which  such  a  condSn 
presumes  in  Veii,  and  the  continued  want  of  it    n 
Rome,  we  see  that  the  Tuscans  kept  the  command 

whilst  they  distressed  their  enemy,  they  could  al 
ways  supply  themselves.     In  this  nine  years'  war 

a?;:  ::  r  "^^'r'  at  the  end  of  it,  both  partis 
as  to  territory  and  power,  were  in  the  same  condi- 
tion  as  at  the  beginnino-.  ^°^' 

TUSCAN   MARITIME   AFPAIR8. 

We  must  now  take  a  slight  review  of  the  naval 
power  of  the  Tuscans.     We  have  already  observed 

t  !  ?h  '°r  ^'T  '*  ^"'^  •'"""  «"  *•>«  decline;  not 
that  they  themselves  were  sensible  of  this  declen- 

theirs    and   all  the  coast  of  Italy  bowed  to  their 
flag,  from  the  thirty-ninth  to  the  forty-fifth  degree 

frorn  P    r  P"™  '*'''^'"  '"  ^""^  -'^  Marsilia,Tnd 

but  o.^'  ."■='""'  '"  ^*'*^'""'  ^°d  Aquibia- 
but  other  nations,  and  especially  their  near  neigh- 

bours,  the  Italian  Greeks  and  the  Sicilians,  wte 
beconiing  equal  to  them,  and  equality  is  not  supe- 
rmnty.    The  Etruscans  were  still  great  at  sea,  but 


^1 


i 


302 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    NINE    YEARS*    WAR. 


303 


they  were  no  longer  unrivalled,  much  less  looked  upon 
as  invincible.     Nevertheless  the  long  peace  which 
all  their  ports  seem  to  have  enjoyed,  and   perhaps 
the  late  successful  Veientine  war,  appear  to  have 
influenced   them    about   this   time   (in    the   Olym. 
76,3)*    to   believe   that   they   had    regained    their 
former    strength;     and    upon   some   dispute    with 
Cuma,  they  sent  an  army  against  that  city,  which  was 
repulsed.     They  then  fell  upon  the  Greek  fleet  in 
the  port,  and  engaged  in  a  very  desperate  conflict. 
Fortunately  for  the  Cumaeans,*  they   were  assisted 
and  commanded  by  Hiero,  the  brother  and  successor 
of  Gelo,  the  Tyrant  of  Syracuse  ;    and  the  Tuscans 
sustained  so  complete  a  defeat,  that  all  historians 
look  upon  this  conflict  as  the  ruin  of  their  power  at 
sea  henceforward.     The  talisman  of  Sylla  and  Cha- 
rybdis  was  broken,  and  the   magic  of  their  name, 
which  had  once  caused  every  Greek  vessel  to  hide, 
or  fly  in  trembling,  was  dissolved.  The  Greeks,  from 
this  period,  when  they  write  of  the  Turrheni,  speak 
of  them,  with  affected  disdain,  as  pirates,  and  they 
exempt  from  this  accusation  Caere  only,t  where  some 
or  all  of   them    were  Isopolite ;    yet  Niebuhr  and 
Arnold   both  believe   that  their  treaties  and  trade 
with   Carthage  and  the  states  of  Africa,  continued 
the  same  as  before.     How  proud  the  Greeks  were  of 
this  victory,obtainedoveran  enemy  usually  sodreaded, 

is  proved  by  the  thank-offt^ings  which  they  sent 
to  Olympia.  Pindar  says,  that  this  battle  freed 
tiiem  from  threatened  slavery, J  in  that  it  repulsed 
so  very  powerful  a  body  of  enemies  both  by  land 
*   Diod.  xi.  51.  t  Strabo  v.  2,  3. 


I  Mullcr  i.  ion. 


and  sea.  The  Tuscan  troops  must  have  come  from 
Vultnrnum  and  the  southern  cities,  and  the  fleet 
was  brought  up  from  the  North  to  their  support. 
The  various  historians  who  record  the  battle  and  the 
conquest,  do  not  particularise  the  thank-offerings  after 
it,  but  an  English  traveller  being  at  Olympia,  in  a.d. 
1817,  found  there  a  helmet,  and  on  it  the  inscription, 
HIAPON  O  AEIN0MENE02  KAI  TOI  2YRAK02IOI 
TOI  AI  TYPAN  AnO  KYMA2.* 

"  Hiero,  son  of  Dinomenes,  and   the 

Syracusans,  offer  this   to  Jove,   as   a   part   of  the 
Turrhenian  spoil  from  Cuma." 

If  the  Syracusans,  who  were  merely  allies,  made 
this  offering  for  their  victory,  the  Cumaeans  must 
have  sent  oblations  to  the  temple  also :  and  alono- 
with  arms,  the  ancients  always  offered  gold  likewise, 
either  in  the  shape  of  talents,  or  of  a  crown,  or  bowl, 
&c.,  or  some  other  object  of  so  many  talents  weight. 
Niebuhr  has  declared  that  the  Etruscans  and  Turr- 
heni were  not  the  same  people,  yet  no  writer  has 
ever  doubted  as  to  who  these  Turrheni  were,  though 
they  were  fighting  beyond  most  of  the  Tuscan  settle- 
ments in  the  bay  of  Cuma. 

There  are  many  men  whose  minds  seem  to  have 
received  a  peculiar  tinge  with  regard  to  this  people. 
If  the  matter  of  history  respecting  them  be  defeat, 
or  if  the  work  of  art  be  rough  and  clumsy,  they  im- 
mediately discover  that  the  Turrheni  are  Tuscans ; 

•  The  Greek  inscription  is  here  divided  according  to  the 
words.  Whereas,  in  the  helmet  itself,  which  is  preserved  in 
the  British  museum,  the  words  are  irregularly  run  into  each 
other. 


I' 


304 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUniA. 


but  if  the  matter  be  victory,  or  the  work  of  art  refined, 
they  find  out  that  they  are  the  old  Pelasgi,  Greeks 
settled  in  Italy  before  the  days  of  history.  We  our- 
selves have  heard  these  sentiments  from  the  lips  of 
men  whose  deep  knowledge  of  eastern  excellence, 
especially  of  Egyptian  and  Phoenician  proficiency, 
makes  it  astonishing  tliat  they  should  utter  them. 
They  will  even  gratuitously  settle  Greek  colonies  in 
Etruria,  to  account  for  undeniable  eminence  in  re- 
finement, attached  to  any  particular  district,*  though 
they  have  not  a  single  hint  in  the  whole  range  of 
ancient  authors  upon  which  to  ground  their  theory. 
Muller  believes  that  the  Turrhenian  Pelasgi  in 
South  Etruria,  were  altogether  distinct  from  the 
Greeks.+ 

Persuaded  as  we  are,  that  the  Italian  Turrheni 
were  all  Tuscans,  in  the  same  sense  that  the  Saxons, 
Normans,  Danes,  and  Celts,  now  existing  among  our- 
selves, are  all  British,  we  should,  perhaps,  be  ex- 
pected to  notice  the  various  fates  of  Tusculum, 
Antium,  Terracina,  and  their  other  noted  settle- 
ments, beyond  the  bounds  of  Etruria  Proper.  We 
shall  bestow  upon  them  a  few  words  of  notice  at  the 
end  of  this  history,  but  to  go  far  into  detail,  would, 
we  conceive,  make  this  work  too  wearisome,  and 
distract  the  attention  of  our  readers  too  much,  from 
the  annals  of  the  great  body  of  the  nation. 

Between  the  Greeks  and   Etruscans  there  was  no 
more  war  for  fifty  years. 

TheTuscan  Augurs  would  take  this  particulardefeat 
much  to  heart,  because  it  was  part  of  the  prophecies 

♦  Vulci  for  example.  f  Miiller,  Colonien. 


I 


THE    NINE    years'    WAR. 


305 


of  Tages,  or  at  least  of  the  Libri  Fatales,  that  in  this 
century   their  nation  would  begin  to  decline ;  and 
though  their  doctrine  supplied  them  with  the  salvo 
hat  courage  and  piety  were  able  to  delay,  and  some' 
times  even  to  avert  and  change  the  decrees  of  fate 
ye   such  a  proi^iecy,  if  generally  known,  could  not' 
fail  to  damp  the  spirits  of  their  leaders,  on  every 
recurring  misfortune.     From  the  common  peopT/ 
we  must  suppose,  that  every  such  prediction  was' 
studiously   concealed,  and   that   all   they   knew   of 
he  high  mysteries  of  their  teachers,  was,  that  one 
clay  of  eleven  ages  had  been  granted  by  th;  gol  ^o 
their  nation,  and   that,  therefore,  until  that  period 
was  ended    they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  others 
Nor  had  they  anything  to  expect  for  themselves  ex 
ep  ing  occasional  reverses  when  they  sinned  a'fj 
hat  peace  and  triumph  should  attend  their  steps  "s 
iong  as  they  walked  in  the  statutes,  and  obLTed  tl" 
commandments,    of    their    fircf  J^"^erved  the 

Tarchun  and  Tages.  ^''''    ^^^^^^^ers. 


% 


306 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


LARS    TOLLMNIUS    AND    THE   TWELVE    YEARS'    WAR. 

A.  c.  453;  AN.  R.  300;  an.  tarq.  734. 

Settled  state  of  Etruria  Proper-Sicilians  attack  Corsica  and 
Elba— Romans  consult  the  code  of  Faliscia-  Fragments  of 
Tuscan  laws— Debt— Etruria  free  from  famines  of  Home— 
Revolt  of  Fidene— Lars  Tolumnius— Murder  of  Feciales— War 
between  Veii  and  Rome— Faliscia  joins— Legend  of  Cossus— 
Fidene  taken -Meeting  at  Voltumna-Truce-Fidene  revolts 
—Death  of  LarsTolumnius-Spolia  opima— Romans  defeated 
—Veii  solicits  aid  from  Voltumna-Garrisons  Fidene- Panic 
in  Rome-Fidenians  fight  with  torches-Capitulate— Veil 
concludes  peace  for  twenty  years-Etruria  Nova-Herodotus 
—South  Etruria— Vulturnum  taken  by  C'apys- Tuscans  m 
Athenian  army— Form  the  commercial  population  of  Capua 

Many  years  elapsed  after  the  termination  of  the 
Fabian  war  with  Veii,  during  which  we  know  no- 
thing of  anv  of  the  states  of  Etruria  further  than 
thisrviz.,  that  they  kept  up  their  prodigious  walls 
and  fortifications,  and   their  roads,  of  which  many 

*  Authorities :  Livy  iii.,  iv. ;  Dion,  x.,  xi  ;  Ant.  Hist,  xi.,  xvi. ; 
Nieb.  vol.  i.,  ii. ;  Arnold  i.,  p.  384.  &c. ;  Diod.  xi..  xii. ;  Phn. 
xxxiv. ;  Strabo  xiv. 


THE   TWELVE   YEARS*   WAR. 


307 


traces  remain  to  this  day  in  Tuscany  and  the  Roman 
states;  also,  that  they  continued  their  annual  fairs, 
meetings,  and  religious  processions,  and  that  they 
carefully  attended  to  their  internal  navigation  and 
5  the  wholesome  state  of  their  wonderful  drains  and 

tunnels.     They  still  commanded  the  Tyrrhene  and 
Adriatic  seas,  and  carried  on  a  silent  but  flourishing 
commerce;  and  we  presume  them  to   have  been 
at   peace  with  each  other,  because  we  find   them 
so  on  every  incidental  mention  ;   because  their  poli- 
tical union  was  unbroken,  until  after  the  fall  of  Veii ; 
and  because  their  religious  confederacy  endured  to 
the  very  end,  shall  we  say,  to  the  very   extinction 
of  the   nation  in   the  days  of  Christianity.     Add 
to  this,  that  there  is  no  mention  made  during  this 
period,  of  civil  war  in  Etruria,  in  the  histories  o^f  any 
of  those  countries  known  to  us,  with  which  they  were 
in    constant   intercourse,  such  as  Carthage,  Gaul, 
Grecia  Proper,  or  the  Greco-Italian  towns.°  ' 

In,  or  about  the  year  of  Tarquinia  734,  the  Tus- 
cans had  been  troublesome  and  dangerous  to  the 
Sicilian  ports,   and  the  Admiral  Phayllos  was  sent 
out  with  a  naval  force  to  check  them,  but  his  enter- 
prise was  defeated,  and  his  life   paid   the   forfeit. 
His  successor,  Apelles,  went  with  sixty  Triremes  to 
avenge  his  death  ;*  and  sailed  as  far  north  as  Corsica 
which  he  wasted  with  little  opposition.     He  theJ 
attacked  Aethalia,  i.  e.,  Elba,  with  equal  success, 
and  brought  away  many  slaves  and  much    booty, 
which  he  carried   in  triumph    home.     There  was,' 
*  Muller,  Etrusker,  p.  197 ;  Diod.  xi. 


I 


I 


H 


308 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURTA. 


THE   TWELVE    YEARS     WAR. 


309 


r  I 


however,  no  war  in  consequence,  between  Sicily  and 
any  of  the  states.  The  Tuscans  ceased  to  trouble 
the  island,  and  were  left  unmolested.  Diodorus 
says,  that  they  bribed  the  Greeks  to  keep  away. 

The  year  following  these  events,  the  Romans 
sought  to  alter  and  amend  their  legal  code,  and  to 
compile  their  celebrated  ten  tables,  to  which  two 
more  were  afterwards  added ;  and  for  this  purpose 
tliey  are  said  to  have  sent  into  Greece  to  examine 
the  codes  of  Solon  and  other  renowned  lawgivers. 
They  may,  indeed,  have  sent  such  an  embassy  into 
Greece,  as  well  as  into  Southern  Italy  and  other 
places,  but  Niebuhr  agrees  with  all  other  lawyers 
and  historians  in  testifying,  that  there  is  no  element 
of  the  Grecian  spirit  in  any  fragment  of  those  laws 
which  remain  to  us,  and  that  the  whole  of  them  are 
conceived  in  a  tone  and  temperament,  which  are 
altogether  homesprung.  From  the  researches  of 
Mliller  and  Micali,  it  appears,  that  many  of  theui 
are  Etruscan,  and  that  there  is  a  tradition  of  the 
Quirites  having  sent  into  Etruria,  but  especially 
into  the  Lucumony  of  Faliscia,*  which  enjoyed  a 
peculiar  reputation  at  that  time  for  justice  and 
equity.  The  Roman  Patricians,  who  were  educated 
in  Etruria,  would  know  perfectly  well  how  to  read 
Etruscan,  but  Greek  was  so  foreign  to  them,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  get  Hermodorus,  an  exile  from 
Ephesus,  living  in  Rome,  to  translate  the  Grecian 
laws  into  Latin ;  and  they  considered  his  labour  so 
arduous,  that  they  decreed  him  by  way  of  reward,  a 
*  Ant.  Hist.  xvi.  39,  and  Serv.  /End.  vii. 


statue  in  the  Forum.  As  these  Greek  laws  were  never 
used,  they  seem  to  have  been  regarded  in  the  light 
of  a  literary  curiosity,  and  were,  probably,  con- 
signed with  the  Sybiline  oracles,  to  the  under- 
ground treasuries  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus. 

Arnold*  justly  observes,  that  if  any  of  the  Greek 
cities  knew  that  Hermodorus  had  a  statue  erected 
to  him  in  the  Forum  at  this  period,  they  would  im- 
mediately connect  it  with  the  writing  of  the  twelve 
tables.  Plinyt  gives  an  opposite  account  of  this 
story,  for  he  says,  that  Hermodorus  translated  the 
Roman  laws  into  Greek !  Some  of  the  most  distin- 
guished scholars  amongst  the  Germans,  believe  that 

the  twelve  tables  were  taken  from  the  Tuscans,  because 
they  were  written  iu  a  sort  of  rythm,  and  because 
the  forms  of  words  in  them  was  sacred.  Indeed 
some  of  the  words  themselves  had  such  a  sanctity 
atta  hed  to  them,  that  they  might  neither  be  trans- 
lated, nor  ever  used  in  any  transaction  with  a 
foreigner.^  They  were  like  the  language  of  the 
gods  mentioned  by  Homer,  and  parts  of  them  were 
never  to  be  profaned  by  the  language  of  men. 

We  will  enumerate  a  few  of  the  provisions  of 
these  laws  which  were  Etruscan,  and  which  we  think 
will  prove  interesting. 

"  No  man  might  bury  within  the  walls  of  a  city, 
but  triumphers  only. 

**  When  thepraises  of  a  man's  ancestors  were  sung 
to  the  flute,  the  great  deeds  of  others  were  not  to 
be  disparaged. 

•  i.  p.  254,  et  seq.  f  Plin.  xxxiv.  5. 

I  Arnold  i.  283. 


310 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


"  The  Saturnaliansong  and  Fesciniue  verses,  were 
adopted  as  national,  and  all  poetry  and  history  was 
considered  laudable. 

**  Any  one  seized  as  a  slave,  was  free  till  proved  to 

be  otherwise. 

"  Arson  and  false  witness,  witchcraft,  treason, 
and  injuring  a  neighbour's  corn  by  night,  were 
punished  with  death,  and  the  perpetrators  of  the 
two  last  were  to  be  burnt  alive. 

"  The  clients  were  henceforth  enrolled  amongst 
the  Plebeian  tribes,"  which  we  doubt  not  had  been 
for  ages  the  custom  in  Etruria. 

The  laws  concerning  the  political  rights  of  citizen- 
ship were  singular.  The  Patricians  were  masters, 
fathers,  magistrates,  priests,  and  citizens,*  but  they 
were  not,  in  one  sense,  landowners.f  When  a  man 
died  without  children,  the  clan  inherited  his  pro- 
perty if  a  Patrician,  and  the  tribe  if  a  Plebeian. 
When  land  was  sold,  which  all  uninaugurated  land 
could  be,  tlic  sale  was  legal  without  writing,  pro- 
vided it  took  place  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  and 
before  a  magistrate,  because  the  tables  said,  "  As 
the  tongue  hath  spoken  so  shall  be  the  law."  The 
hio-hest   interest  of  borrowed  money  was  fixed  at 

ten  per  cent  J 

One  very  dreadful  law  adopted  by  Rome,  we  fear 
we  must  attribute  also  to  Etruria.  The  debtor  who 
would  not  pay,  might,  as  a  last  resort,  be  cut  to 

♦  Arnold  i.,  p.  265,  &c. 

fThat  is  to  say,  that  neither  the  Patricians,  nor  yet  the  Ple- 
beians, had  the  absolute  disposal  of  their  property. 
X  Tacit.  Ann.  \\.  IC. 


THE    TWELVE    YEARS*   WAR. 


311 


pieces  by  his  creditors,*  and  such  was  the  foelino-  of 
all  the  Italian  nations,  as  to  the  iniquity  of  a  man 
not  paying  his  just  debts,  or  borrowing  when  he 
knew  he  could  not  repay,  that  all   the   Plebeians 
consented  to  this  law,  though  its  harshness  touched 
them  only,  and  they  (the  sufferers)  pronounced  it  to 
be  just  and  good.     They  thought  that  faith  between 
man  and  man  could  not  be  too  strictly  guarded. 
Would  that  the  aristocracy  amongst  ourselves  had 
more  of  this  high  honour,  and  just  appreciation  of 
the  misery  they  occasion,  when   their  debts  are  un- 
paid.  Would  that  they  considered,  we  might  almost 
say  knewy  that  the  guilt  of  swindling  and  stealing, 
is  as  common  among  themselves  as  among  the  poor, 
and  that  it  ought  to  be  held  in  still  greater  abhor- 
rence, because  all  crime  in  them  is  of  a  darker  hue, 
for  they  cannot  plead  the  same  temptations  in  ex- 
cuse.    Would  that  they  reflected  that  their  negli- 
gence  in  this  particular,  is  the  occasion  of  misery, 
and  bankruptcy,  and  ruin  to  thousands. 

It  is  true  that  all  the  Patricians  in  ancient  Italy 
were  exempt  from  these  laws  of  debt.  They  could 
not  be  imprisoned  nor  destrained,  and  far  less  could 
they  be  cut  to  pieces ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  in  the 
bitterest  invectives  against  them,  they  were  never 
accused  of  being  in  debt  to  the  Plebeians,  nor  of 
causing  the  widow  and  the  orphan  to  pine  in  want, 
or  to  fear  starvation,  because  of  their  heartless  and 
thoughtless  delay  of  payment.  Up  to  this  date,  the 
abundant  treasures  always  at  the  command  of  their 
class,  prevented  their  ever  running  into  debt  neces- 
♦  Arnold  i.,  p.  136,  from  Aul.  Cell.  xx.  l. 


I! 


312 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


sitously,  and  the  public  opinion  of  that  class  pre- 
vented their  ever  doing  so  voluntarily.  The  whole 
Patriciate  came  forward  to  the  assistance  of  its 
distressed  members,  for  they  could  not  conceive  the 
anomaly  of  honourable  swindlers  or  noble  beggars. 
Accordinjr  to  Miiller,  the  Greeks  had  no  intiu- 
ence  over  any  part  of  Central  or  Northern  Etruria, 
until  after  the  laws  of  the  twelve  tables  had  been 
collected,  and  these  laws  have  nothing  Greek  in 
their  contents.  After  this  time,  the  intercourse  be- 
tween Grecia  Proper  and  the  Peninsula  became 
more  frequent,  and  Niebuhr  mentions  treasures  at 
Delphi,  sent  from  Pisa,  Spina,  and  Adria.  To 
these  MUUer  adds  Agylla  and  Alsium. 

About  the  year  of  Tarquinia,  749,*  Rome  was 
afflicted  by  one  of  her  frequent  famines,  and  the 
people  were  rioting  and  crying  for  bread.  This 
calamity  w^as  averted  in  all  the  Tuscan  states,  by 
their  perfect  irrigation,  and  had  Rome  continued 
under  Tuscan  rule,  her  lands  would,  doubtless, 
have  been  put  and  kept  under  a  similar  process. 
During  the  one  hundred  and  five  years  of  the  Tuscan 
kingly  dominion,  there  appears  to  have  been  no  re- 
markable dearth  ;  and  if  there  was,  the  navigation 
of  the  Tiber  and  the  fruitful  plains  of  Veii  and 
Faliscia  were  at  their  disposal.  The  Romans  seem 
always  to  have  applied  to  Etruria  for  succour  when 
not  at  war  with  that  country,  and  now,  as  usual, 
thev  looked  to  her  to  relieve  their  necessities. 

Spurius  Maelius,a  rich  and  distinguished  Plebeian 
knio-ht,  one  of  the  hereditary  first  class  in  the  Cen- 

•  B.  C.  438. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARs'  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.    313 

turies,  imported  from  the  Tuscans  corn  sufficient  to 
satisfy  the  wants  of  his  poor  and  starving  country- 
men.  For  this  good  deed  he  was  put  to  death; 
and  though  the  cause  of  his  condemnation  was,' 
that  the  Senate  imputed  his  liberality  to  wrong 
political  motives,  it  is  yet  by  no  means  improbable, 
that  some  of  the  Tuscan  states  may  have  felt 
offended  at  his  fate. 

The  very  next  year,  Fidene  (which  for  sixty  years 
had  been  a  Roman  colony)  revolted  to  Veii— we 
might  almost  add  the  familiar  expression,  "  revolted 
as  usual  T  for  Fidene,  when  captured  or  dissevered 
from  Veii,  always  revolted  on  the  very  first  oppor- 
tunity.     Tuscan  Fidene,  set  free  by  Porsenna,  came 
agam  into  Roman   chains,  through  her  fidelity  to 
the  Tarquinii.    She  was  vanquished  by  the  Dictator 
Lartius,  and   had  remained  subject  ever  since   the 
death  of  TarquiniusSuperbus;  yet  though  the  colo- 
nists, in  whose  hands  the  whole  governing  power  was 
placed,  and  of  whom  the  whole  garrison  consisted,  had 
had  plenty  of  time  to  consolidate  their  authority, 
the  Fidenians  seem  neither  now  nor  ever,  to  have 
become  accustomed  to   their  yoke.      Fidene  must 
have  been  a  place  of  immense  strength  and  of  con- 
siderable importance,  to  maintain  her  independence 
at  any  time,  as  she  did,  within  five,  or  at  most  six 
miles  of  her  haughty  neighbour,  and  with  no  natu- 
ral  barrier  between  them.     Her  revolt  means  that 
she  drove  out  the  Roman  garrison,  and,  taking  pos- 
session of  her  own  former  rights,  placed  herself  once 
more  under  the  protection  of  her  mother  city  Veii. 


314 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


The  Lar  Tolumnius  was  at  this   time  King  of 
Veii,  and  the  Romans  sent  four  Feciales  to  him,  to 
complain  of  his  favouring  their  rebels,  and  to  de- 
mand satisfaction  in  the  accustomed  form.     Tolum- 
nius most  inexcusably,  commanded  or  advised  some 
of  the  Fidenians  who  were  with  him,  to  seize  the 
Feciales  and  put  them  to  death.   This  was  a  flagrant 
breach  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  Tolumnius  well 
knew  that  a  bloody  war  must  follow.     Livy,  indeed, 
thinks  that  he  wished  for  war,  and  that  his  reason 
for  this  outrageous  deed  was,  to  cut  off  all  hopes  of 
reconciliation  between  Rome  and  Fidene,  so  that 
they  must  fight  until  one  or  the  other  should  be 
destroyed.     He  had  confidence  enough  in  his  own 
strength  to  imagine,  that  of  the  two,  Rome  would 
be  the  victim,  and  his  conduct  evinces  him  to  have 
been   a  man  of  cruel  and   haughty   temper,   and 
utterly  without  principle.     He  had  no  fear  of  his 
own  gods,  for  according  to  the  Tuscan  faith,  such  a 
deed  would  array   them   all   against   him.      It   is 
strange,  that  any  historian,  Latin  or  Tuscan,  should 
have  wished  to  palliate  the  treachery  of  «uch  a  man ; 
yet  Livy  tells  us  that  some  said  he  did  not  command 
the  murder  of  the  Feciales,  but  that  he  was  playing 
at  Tesserae,  and  that  he  used  some  expression  upon 
a  successful  throw,  (such  as  "  Thus  would  I  annihi- 
late all  my  foes,)  which  the  guards  around  him  mis- 
took, and  fancied  was  a  direction  to  them  to  destroy 
the  ambassadors.     This,  Livy  justly  remarks  is  in- 
credible, for  his  thoughts  could  never  have  been  so 
intent  upon  the  game,  as  to  make  him  regardless 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS'  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.    315 

of  the  arrival  of  the  Fidenians,  and  they  certainly 
would  not  come,  prepared  in  their  minds  for  such 
gross  iniquity, 

A  war  to  revenge  the  insulted  Roman  nation,  and 
the  death  of  four  of  her  most  honourable  Patricians, 
was  the  immediate  consequence.     King  Tolumnius 
himself  led  his  troops  into  the  field,  and  fought  a 
hard-contested    battle     with     the    Consul    Lucius 
Sergius  Fidenas.     The  loss  of  the  Romans  was  so 
great,  that  the  Senate  thought  the  Consul  unequal  to 
his  charge,  and  became  also  afraid  of  the  faintino- 
spirits  of  the  people.     They  created  in  haste  Ma"^ 
mercus  Emilius,  Dictator ;  and  L.  Q.  Cincinnatus, 
son  to  the  celebrated  commander  of  that  name,  was 
his  master  of  the  cavalry.     Even  the  veterans  were 
now  called  out,  which  was  never  done,  excepting  in 
cases  of  extreme  danger.     Tolumnius  had  reason  to 
exult  at  the  end  of  the  first  campaign,  in  the  terror 
he  had  struck  into  his  enemies. 

The  Dictator  now  led  forth  a  powerful  army  of 
Romans  and  allies,  and  the  King  of  Veii  retreated 
to  the  heights  between  Fidene  and  the  Anio.  Here 
he  took  up  a  strong  position,  and  remained  in  secu- 
rity until  the  troops  of  Faliscia,  whose  aid  he  had 
solicited,  came  to  his  assistance.  He  then  encamped 
beneath  the  walls  of  Fidene,*  and  the  Dictator  for- 
tified himself  strongly  between  the  two  rivers,  not 
far  from  him. 

As  the  adverse  armies  now  fronted  each  other, 
the  Faliscians  were  very  anxious  to  come  to  an  im-' 

•  Fidene  is  now  Castel  Gubileo. 

p  2 


316 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


mediate  engagement,  especially  as  the  Tuscan  forces 
outnumbered  the  Roman,  but   the  Veientines  and 
Fidenians    considered    it    much    more    prudent    to 
wear  the  Romans  out  by  delay;  probably  suspecting 
a  scantiness  of  provisions  in  their  camp,  and  a  dis- 
position  among   the   men   to    desert.     Tolumnius 
wished  also  for  delay,  but  was  obliged  to  yield  appa- 
rently to  the  Faliscian  general,  and  therefore  he 
said  he  should  give  the  Romans  battle  on  the  mor- 
row.    When  the  morrow  came,  however,  he  always 
discovered  some  unlucky  augury,  or  some  pretext 
for  delaying  the  fight.     This,  instead  of  having  the 
effect  Tolumnius  expected,  restored  to  his  enemies 
and    their   general,  the    courage   they   so   greatly 
needed,  and  at  length  they  became  so  bold,  that  they 
offered  to  attack    the  Tuscans  within  their  lines. 
Tolumnius  then  saw  that  it  was  time  to  act,  and 
placed   his  battle  in   array  in   good   earnest.     He 
ranged  his  own  troops  upon   the  right  wing,  the 
Faliscians  on  the  left,  and  the  Fidenians,  the  cause 
of  the  war,  in  the  centre.     To  these  were  opposed 
in  the  same  order,  the   Dictator,  Quintius  Capitoli- 
nus,  and  the  cavalry.     There  was  a  Roman  fort  in 
the  rear  of  the  Dictator's  camp,  in  which  the  augurs 
were  stationed,  and  he  most  prudently  resolved  not 
to  engage,  until  he  could  assure  his  troops  that  the 
gods  promised  them  the  victory.     He  waited,  there- 
fore, until  the  signal  was  given  from  the  fort,  that 
all  the  omens  were  favourable,  and  then  he  ordered 
the  cavalry  to  rush  upon  the  centre  of  the  enemy, 
charging  them  with  a  loud  shout,  and  the  infantry 


^■^ 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS   WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.    317 

to  follow  up  the  attack.  As  the  Romans  fought 
with  the  confidence  of  success,  they  broke  the 
Etruscan  legions,  and  occasioned  a  temporary  dis- 
order, but  their  cavalry  soon  rallied  and  withstood 
the  enemy,  whilst  Tolumnius,  who,  though  impious, 
was  eminently  brave,  everywhere  restored  the  for- 
tune of  the  day. 

We  suspect,  for  more  reasons  than  one,  that  the 
Romans  were  entirely  defeated  in  this  battle,  but  as 
it  would  not  consist  with  the  majesty  and  invinci- 
bility of  Rome  to  acknowledge  any  defeat  that  was 
not  more  than  compensated  for,  by  a  subsequent  vic- 
tory, the  historians  attach  to  this  account,  the  legend 
of  Aulus  Cornelius  Cossus,  a  Roman  giant,  a  man 
in  all  points  a  match  for  that  Tuscan,  who  in  the 
former  war  killed  the  brother  of  the  Consul 
Fabius.  Livy*  acknowledges  that  the  deed  of 
prowess  which  this  tale  records,  took  place  six  or 
nine  years  afterwards,  and  not  under  the  Dictator 
Emilius.  He  says  that  it  happened  during  the  time 
when  Cossus  was  Consul,  and  we  may  therefore 
fairly  presume,  that  in  this  battle  under  the  Dicta- 
tor,  Cossus  performed  no  wonders,  and  that  until 
his  consulship,  Tolumnius  continued  to  be  the  suc- 
cessful adversary  and  terror  of  the  Romans.  We 
shall  give  the  story  in  its  place,  and  in  that  place 
we  do  not  doubt  its  authenticity. 

During  the  battle  of  Fidene,  in  which  Cossus 
fought,  the  Tuscans  had  sent  a  body  of  men  to 
attack  the  Roman  camp,  probably  not  suspecting  that 
the  veteran  legion  had  been  left  for  its  protection. 

*  iv.  20. 


318 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


Their  commander  manned  the  ramparts  all  round, 
and  stood  on  the  defensive,  until  seeing  the  enemy 
intent  upon  forcing  his  entrenchments,  he  made  an 
unexpected  sally  out  of  the  right  gate,  with  a  body 
of    experienced  and   determined    men,    and   beat 
them   back   to  their  own  comrades.      We  do  not 
know  the  real  events  of  this  campaign,  because  to 
save  the  fame  of  Rome,  the  triumph  of  Cossus,  many 
years  after,  is  attributed  to  the  Dictator  now,  but  it 
is  certain  that  the  next  year,  though  the   legions 
were  sent  into  the  lands  of  Veii  and  Faliscia,  there 
was  no  fighting  beyond  mutual  skirmishes  for  cattle 
and  slaves,  and  not  one  town  of  the  Etruscans  was 
besieged,  though  some  of  them,  and  especially  the 
obnoxious  Fidene,  lay  close  into  Rome.     This  year 
and  the  next,  pestilence  raged  amongst  the  Romans, 
and  in  the  fourth  campaign  of  the  war,  Tolumnius 
led  the  forces  of  Fidene  and  Veii,  heedless  of  infec- 
tion, up   to  the  Colline  gate.      The  Faliscians,  for 
some  cause,  had  withdrawn  their  aid,  and  from  the 
complaints  afterwards  made  of  the  Veientines  at  Vol- 
tumna,  we  suppose  that  cause  to  have  been,  that 
they  did  not  think  they  had  received  a  fair  share  of 

the  spoil. 

When  the  Colline  was  once  more  besieged,  the 
consternation  in  the  city  was  extreme.  The  Consul 
Julius*  dare  not  face  the  foe,  but  drew  up  his  men 
on  the  ramparts  and  walls,  and  the  Senate  was  as- 
sembled for  consultation  in  the  temple  of  Quirinus. 
They  had  no  other  resource  but  the  extreme  one  of 
attain  appointing  a  Dictator,  and  this  was  accord- 

•  Livy  iv.  21. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS*  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.   319 

ingly  adopted.  The  new  Dictator  ordered  every 
man  of  the  Plebeians,  capable  of  bearing  arms,  to 
meet  him  without  delay,  prepared  for  war,  at  the 
Colline  gate,  and  thither  he  went  himself,  carrying 
the  ensigns  taken  out  of  the  treasury.  His  force 
was  so  large  that  the  Tuscans  withdrew  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Nomentum,  and  there  stood  a  general 
engagement. 

This  time  they  seem  really  to  have  been  defeated, 
for  a  part  of  them  was  driven  into  Fidene,  and  that 
city  was  besieged.     In  vain,  however,  did  the  Dic- 
tator try  to  take  it  by  storm  or  famine.     An  abun- 
dant supply  of  corn  was  laid  up  in  their  magazines, 
and  their  military  works,  and  walls,  and  towers,  were 
hopelessly  strong  for  the  belligerent  machines  of  that 
day.      The  Roman   general,  therefore,  thought  of 
the  device  which  had   once  before   succeeded    at 
Fidene,  under  similar  circumstances.  Perhaps  some 
bard  sang  to  him  at  supper  the  adventures  of  Lucius 
Tarquinius,   when    he    was  Tribunus  Celerum  to 
Ancus  Marcius.      At  any  rate  he  adopted  the  same 
plan.     He  carried  on  the  siege  and  made  feigned 
attacks,  at  the  very  time  that  he  was  undermining 
it  from  the  opposite  side  to  his  camp,  having  divided 
his  mining  companies  into  four  bands,  that  they 
might  relieve  each  other,  and  work  night  and  day. 
At   length,  the  task    was   completed    without  ever 
having  been  suspected  by  the  besieged,  and  they  were 
not  roused  from  their  security  until  the  Roman  troops 
were  actually  within  the    town,   when   they  were 
overpowered  and  compelled  to  submit.  The  Romans, 


i 


320 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


instead  of  destroying  this  city,  after  their  usual 
fashion,  simply  re-established  their  garrison,  and 
were  contented  with  leaving  the  walls  and  houses 
of  Fidene  as  they  had  found  them.  This  shows  that 
the  city  surrendered  upon  terms,  and  implies  also  an 
obstinate  and  bold  defence,  by  which  the  Romans 
suffered  great  loss,  and  were  otherwise  unfortunate, 
for  the  Dictator  brought  in  no  spoil,  and  had  no 
triumph. 

Fidene  was,  however,  really  taken,  and  for  the 
present  lost  to  Etruria ;  for  the  states  of  Veii  and 
Faliscia  were  so  dismayed,  that  they  demanded  a 
meeting  at  Voltumna,  to  consult  upon  what  steps 
were  now  to  be  taken  both  for  its  recovery  and  their 
own  safety.  Livy  says  that  they  sent  ambassadors  to 
all  the  twelve  Lucumonai,to  summon  a  full  meeting, 
and  that  the  Roman  Senate  were  so  alarmed  at  the 
probable  resultof  this  assembly,  that  they  again  had  re- 
course to  the  expedient  of  appointing  a  Dictator. 
They  made  more  strenuous  exertions  for  this  campaign 
than  even  for  the  last,  because  they  thought  the 
danger  more  alarming,  having  before  their  eyes  not 
only  the  overwhelming  force  which  Etruria  could 
send  into  the  field,  but  the  probability  that  the 
dreaded  LarTolumnius  would,  on  account  of  his 
superior  talent,  be  the  leader  chosen  to  direct  their 
military  operations. 

The  meeting  at  Voltumna  took  place,  and,  as 
usual,  a  fair  was  held  at  the  same  time,  and  some  of 
the  merchants,  after  the  fair,  repaired  to  Rome. 
What  was  the  amazement  and  joy  of  the  Romans, 


THE  TWELVE  YEARs'  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.    321 

when  they  heard  that  the  great  council  of  Etruria 
had  refused  aid  to  the  King  of  Veii,  alleging  as 
their  reason,  that  he  had  begun  the  war  on  his  own 
private  account,  without  asking  their  consent,  and 
that  they  had  no  idea  of  relieving  him  in  distress, 
when  he  had  kept  aloof  from  them,  in  all  his  pros- 
perous fortunes.     Now,  if  we  are  to  believe  the  ac- 
count of  the  Roman  historians,  we  would  ask,  what 
prosperous  fortune  Tolumnius  ever  had,  in  which  he 
could  have  made  the  members  of  the  League  sharers? 
They  evidently  allude  to  conquests,  and  tribute,  and 
booty ;  but  all  the  histories  of  Rome  which  give  an 
account  of   this  war,  year  by  year,  tell  us,  either 
that  he  fled  before  their  armies,  or  that  he  dared  not 
fight  them,  or  that  he  lay  beleagured  in  his  fortified 
towns.     Are  we   not  right,  then,  in  attributing  to 
him  victory  in  several  of  his  campaigns  ? 

It  would  appear,  that  after  the  fall  of  Fidene, 
tliere  was  a  truce  concluded  between  Veii  and 
Rome  for  one  year,  as  the  princes  of  Voltumna  put 
off  their  final  decision  for  that  time,  and  the 
Romans  were  afflicted  with  one  of  their  usual  pesti- 
lences. As  they  feared  that  famine  would  soon  be 
superadded  to  war,  they  gladly  took  advantage  of 
this  truce  to  send  into  Etruria  for  corn,  and  the  sup- 
plies from  that  country  did  not  fail  them. 

The  next  year  was  made  remarkable  by  the 
Consul,  Aulus  Postumius,  having  his  own  son  be- 
headed for  disobedience  to  his  orders  ;  though  with 
less  pride  of  spirit  than  Brutus,  the  much-lauded, 
had  shown  before  him. 

p  5 


322 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS'  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.   323 


As  soon  as  the  Etruscan  trace  was  ended,  Aulus 
Cornelius  Cossus  was  made  Consul  in  Rome,  and 
was  given  the  charge  of  the  Veientine  war.  This  was 
the  ninth  year  since  it  had  commenced,  and  the 
death   of  the   four  Feciales  was  still  unrevenged, 
for  Tolumnius  continued  to  rule  in  Veii,  and    his 
name  and  prowess  were  the  terror  of  the  Romans. 
Not   only   so,    but   Fidene,    though   colonized    so 
recently,    had    revolted,     and    resumed     her    old 
alliance.       At    first,    many    of    the    sons    of    the 
wealthy  Tuscans,  not  able  to  bear  the  loss  of  their 
freedom,  secretly  withdrew  and  joined  their  coun- 
trymen ;  but  upon  the  Roman  Senate  commanding 
that  all  who  were  convicted  of  defection  should  be 
sent  to  Ostia,  they  openly  rebelled,  flew  to  arms, 
and  killed  and  drove  away  the  new  Roman  settle- 
ment.    They  then  immediately   put  themselves  un- 
der the  protection  of  Veii,  and  received  her  friendly 
troops  with  joy,  into  their  citadel.     The  Romans, 
therefore,  had  now  the  disgrace  and  slaughter  of 
their  colonists  to  avenge,  as  well  as  the  murder  of 
their  ambassadors,  and  they  could  not  have  chosen 
a  more  proper   person  for  their  general,  than  the 
illustrious  Patrician  whose  valour  and  conduct  they 
had  several  times  before  proved,   both  as  military 
Tribune  and  in  other  high  offices  of  trust. 

Cossus  boldly  led  forth  his  troops  against  To- 
lumnius, who  commanded  the  united  forces  of  the 
Tuscans,  and  made  himself  so  remarkable  by  his  en- 
counter with  the  great  though  wicked  king,  that  he 
came  to  be  one  of  the  most  renowned  of  the  Roman 


heroes,  and  Livy*  gives  us  a  detailed  account  of  his 
appearance.  He  was  a  man  of  distinguished  birth, 
and  resolved  by  his  own  achievements,  to  add  to  the 
lustre  of  his  family.  He  was  remarkable  among 
his  countrymen  for  the  extraordinary  beauty  of  his 
countenance  and  figure,  and  still  more  so  for  his 
high  and  noble  spirit,  and  his  superior  bodily 
strength.  This  hero  of  nature's  making  determined 
to  fight  Tolumnius,  hand  to  hand,  and  sought  him  out 
in  battle  the  more  determinedly,  that  wherever  that 
great  general  appeared,  victory  always  followed  him, 
and  the  Romans  fled.  Even  the  cavalry  could  not 
withstand  his  charge.  He  was  everywhere  distin- 
guished, and  everywhere  known  by  his  undaunted 
bearing,  royal  apparel,  and  ceaseless  activity. 

At  length  Cossus  exclaimed  against  him  with  a 
loud  voice,  unable  any  longer  to  restrain  his  indig- 
nation, and  confldeut  in  his  own  strength  and  valour, 
probably  also  in  his  younger  years.f  He  cried  out, 
"  Is  this  he  who  breaks  the  bonds  of  human  society, 
and  violates  the  laws  of  nations  ?  He  has  made  him- 
self a  victim,  and  I  will  slay  him,  and  offer  him  to 
the  Manes  of  our  ambassadors ;  if  it  is  the  will  of 
the  gods  that  any  ties  should  remain  sacred  upon 
earth.**  Saying  this,  he  spurred  forward  his  horse, 
and  closed  with  him,  spear  in  rest.  He  was  the 
only  soldier  in  the  field  worthy  to  engage  in  single 
combat  with  the  Lucumo  of  Veii,  and  after  some 
desperate  fighting,  he  unhorsed  and  killed  him. 

Supposing  the  monarch's  steed  to  have  been  ex- 
hausted and  the  Consul's  fresh,  or  to  have  been  already 


i 


♦iv.  19. 


fiv.  19. 


324 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


! 


wounded,  or  to  have  stumbled,  or  otherwise  failed 
to  his  hand,  no  Roman  bard  or  historian  would  have 
thought  it  needful  to  mention  such  a  trifle.  Tolum- 
nius  falls  the  moment  Cossus  attacks  him,  and  being 
on  the  ground,  Cossus  strikes  him  with  his  shield, 
and  then  pins  him  to  the  earth  and  kills  him.  It  is 
usual  for  troops,  on  both  sides,  to  ride  up  to  the 
assistance  of  their  leaders,  but  though  the  battle  is 
raging,  these  two  chiefs  are  left  quite  alone,  and  for 
so  long  a  time,  that  after  Tolumnius's  fall,  Cossus 
had  leisure  to  cut  off  the  head,  to  strip  the  body, 
and  to  carry  off  the  spoils  without  any  interruption. 
None  of  his  men  fell  a  sacrifice  in  the  endeavours 
of  the  Tuscans  to  revenge  the  fate  of  their  great 
prince.  Cossus,  as  this  legend  tells  us,  stuck  the 
king's  head  on  the  point  of  his  spear,  and  carried  it 
with  him  as  he  galloped  over  the  field  of  strife,  and 
wherever  he  appeared  with  this  trophy,  the  dis- 
mayed Etruscans  gave  way.  The  cavalry,  which 
till  now  was  invincible,  became  horror-struck,  and 
fled,  and  Cossus  pursued  them  even  to  the  limits  of 
their  own  camp,  but  there  his  victory  was  stayed. 

For  this  battle  between  Cornelius  Cossus,  and  To- 
lumnius,  in  the  year  of  Rome  327,  and  not  earlier,  we 
have  the  incontrovertible  authority  of  Niebuhr,  in 
concurrence  with  Livy.  Propertius  says,*  that  Cossus, 
when  he  first  led  forth  the  Romans  in  their  cam- 
paign, besieged  Veii,  and  shook  the  walls  with  his 
battering  rams ;  this  could  only  be  effected  towards 
the  Ponte  del  Sodo.  Tolumnius  appeared  at  the  top 


IV. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS'  WAR  AND  L.  TOLUMNIUS.    325. 

of  the  gate,  and  proposed  a  conference,  upon  which 
Cossus  challenged  him  to  single  combat,  and  having 
conquered  him  in  the  manner  related  by  Livy,  he 
fixed  his  bloody  head  upon  his  saddle-bow,  and  thus 
bore  it  as  a  trophy  through  the  field.  We  do  not 
believe  that  the  Romans  were  ever  able  to  besiege 
Veii  until  they  were  under  the  command  of  Camillus, 
but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Cossus  sent  a  defiance  to 
Tolumnius,  when  the  armies  were  drawn  out,  and 
that  it  was  accepted. 

Notwithstanding  their  defeat  and  irreparable  loss, 
the  camp  of  the  Tuscans  was  not  taken,  and  what 
much  increases  our  surprise,  the  Fidenians  did  not 
assist  to  defend  it,  for  Livy  says,  that  they  escaped 
to  the  mountains,  and  there  were  safe.     We  should 
have  thought  them  more  safe  with  the  men  of  Veii, 
but,  doubtless,  they  knew  best.     Cossus  returned 
to  Rome  with  much  booty,  and  had  a  glorious  tri- 
umph, in  which  the  most  remarkable  and  valued  tro- 
phies, were  the  spoliaopimahe  had  won  from  theTus- 
can  King.     These  were  the  second  ever  taken  by 
Rome,  and  could  only  be  conquered  by  one  general 
from  another.     Cossus  dedicated  them,  as  Romulus 
had  done  before  him,  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Fere- 
trius.  His  was  all  the  honour  of  the  victory  and  the 
triumph,  and  his  dedication,  as  "  Aulus  Cornelius 
Cossus,  Consul,"  was  written  upon  a  linen  breast- 
plate,  and  read  by  August  us  Caesar,  at  the  time  he  re- 
stored the  temple.*   The  people  at  Cossus's  triumph, 

*  Livy  iv.  20. 

p  7 


326 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS    WAR. 


327 


HISTOnV    OF    ETRUniA, 


dedicated  to  Jupiter,  out  of    gratitude,   a   golden 
crown  of  ten  thousand  ases  weight. 

Notwithstanding  this  si^^nal  defeat,  the  Veien- 
tines  are  accused  the  very  next  year,  of  violating 
the  truce,  which  it  seems  they  had  concluded.  Livy* 
says,  they  renewed  hostilities  before  the  proper  term 
had  expired,  and  thus  it  seems  plain,  that  their 
humiliation  had  not  been  so  great  as  the  Romans 
pretend,  though,  no  doubt,  they  were  partly  tempted 
to  this  ungenerous  line  of  conduct,  by  the  belief,  that 
their  enemies  were  little  able  to  resist  them,  from 
the  dreadful  pestilence  which  at  this  time,  raged  in 
the  sacred  city.  The  Romans,  in  order  to  gain 
time,  sent  the  Feciales  to  demand  an  explanation, 
but  Veii  paid  them  no  attention.  However  re- 
luctantly, Rome  was  forced  to  declare  war,  and  three 
military  Tribunes  were  sent  with  the  legions  to  do 
their  worst  against  the  Tuscans.  The  hero,  Cossus, 
staid  at  home,  being  appointed  to  defend  the  city  in 
case  they  should  meet  with  ill  success. 

On  this  memorable  occasion,  in  the  eleventh  year 
of  the  war,  the  Romans  themselves  confess  they 
were  defeated.  The  three  generals  quarrelled,  each 
being  of  a  different  opinion,  and  when  the  Veientines 
attacked  them,  one  gave  the  signal  to  retreat,  while 
the  other  ordered  the  charge  to  be  sounded.  The 
troops,  therefore,  knew  not  what  to  do,  and  were 
thrown  into  inextricable  confusion.  They  at  last 
found  safety  in  their  camp,  and  managed  to  secure 

♦  iv.  30. 


themselves  behind  the  entrenchments,  the  generals 
giving  out  that  the  disgrace  was  greater  than  the 
slaughter.  If  this  were  anything  more  than  a  Napo- 
leon bulletin,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  the  extreme 
terror  of  the  people,  who  seem  to  have  given  up 
themselves  for  lost,  execrating  the  Tribunes,  and 
demanding  a  Dictator,  as  the  only  means  of  safety. 
This  was  the  voice  of  men  who  had  three  times 
seen  the  enemy  repulsed  from  the  Colline  gate,  and 
yet  their  leaders  found  it  impossible  to  calm  their 
apprehensions.  A  Dictator  was  appointed  accord- 
ingly, and  under  him  the  renowned  Cossus  was 
made  master  of  the  horse,  in  order  to  restore 
spirit  to  the  much  disheartened  Romans.  We  can- 
not forbear  remarking,  that  unless  their  enemies 
were  extremely  formidable,  they  must  have  been  at 
the  time,  a  most  chicken-hearted  people. 

Veii,  in  the  mean  while,  rejoiced  in  her  victory, 
but  she  does  not  seem  to  have  been  puffed  up  by  it, 
as  she  immediately  sent  to  the  other  states  of 
Etruria,  entreating  them  to  engage  in  her  quarrel, 
and  when  they  still  declined,  she  endeavoured 
to  attract  to  herself  a  large  force,  by  liberal  pro- 
mises of  booty.  Fidene,  once  more  free,  joined 
heart  and  soul  with  Veii,  and  allowed  the  Veientine 
general  to  make  her  the  seat  of  war.  In  spite 
of  the  Dictator,  here  were  the  armies  of  the  Tus- 
cans again,  within  five  miles  of  Rome.  We  believe 
they  advanced  nearer,  for  the  Roman  troops  were 
all  recalled,  and  encamped  before  the  Colline  gate, 
in  order  to  form  a  barrier  between  the  city  of  the 

10 


» 


328 


HISTORY    OF    ETKURIA. 


THE  TWELVE    YEARS*     WAR. 


329 


Seven  Hills,  and  her  formidable  antagonists ;  and 
the  reserve  legion  was  armed  and-  posted  on  the 
walls.  The  courts  of  justice  were  closed — the 
shops  were  shut,  and  Rome  was  a  camp  rather  than 
a  city. 

In  this  panic,  the  Dictator  had  the  people  called 
together,  and  made  them  a  long  speech,  in  which 
he  enumerated  all  the  former  victories  of  Rome, 
real  and  pretended,  and  dwelt  in  glowing  terms 
upon  the  bravery  of  her  soldiers  and  the  cowardice 
of  all  other  troops.  Having  persuaded  his  men 
that  under  himself  and  Cossus,  they  could  not  fail 
to  be  victorious,  he  went  up  to  the  Capitol  to  offer 
his  sacrifice,  and  then  marched  forth  on  the  road  to 
Fidene.  He  encamped  upon  a  spot  about  fifteen 
hundred  paces  from  the  town,  having  his  right  co- 
vered by  the  mountains,  and  his  left  by  the  Tiber  ; 
and  he  ordered  one  of  his  officers,  with  a  consider- 
able force,  to  post  himself  upon  any  eminence  he 
could  find,  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  citadel.  The 
Etruscans  came  on  full  of  confidence,  in  consequence 
of  their  late  successes,  and  the  Dictator  led  out  his 
infantry  to  meet  them,  entreating  Cossus,  by  his 
bite  triumphs,  not  to  move  with  the  cavalry,  until  he 
should  receive  a  signal  to  do  so  from  him. 

After  some  hard  fighting,  the  fortune  of  the  day 
seemed  to  incline  to  the  Romans,  when  suddenly 
the  gates  of  Fidene  flew  open,  and  a  body  of  men 
burst  forth  which  seemed  to  the  eyes  of  the  asto- 
nished Romans  an  immense  multitude,  bearing  in 
their  hands  burning  firebrands,  and,  in  fact,  per- 


sonating the  evil  genii  of  their  own  mythology. 
The  Romans  thought  they  were  madmen;  and, 
as  a  Lucumo  had  sent  them  forth,  "  as  mad  as  a 
Lucumo  "  became  a  common  phrase  in  Rome.  They 
were  at  first  very  much  dismayed,  and  thrown  into 
disorder,  but  an  unaccountable  shouting  on  their 
own  side,  made  them  believe  that  spirits  were  also 
fighting  for  the  fortunes  of  Rome ;  and  Cossus  at 
that  critical  juncture  advancing  with  the  cavalry, 
rallied  and  turned  them.  The  officer  who  had  been 
sent  behind  Fidene,  saw  from  the  height  on  which 
he  was  posted,  that  the  left  wing  had  been  put  to 
flight,  and  hastened  with  his  reserve  to  overtake 
and  drive  them  back  again,  in  which  he  succeeded. 
He  told  his  troops  that  the  beings  they  so  much 
feared,  were  only  men  like  themselves,  and  that  if 
they  had  courage  and  presence  of  mind  sufficient,  to 
wrest  these  dreaded  and  fearful  looking  weapons 
from  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  they  would  then 
be  able  to  turn  their  own  brands  against  them- 
selves. The  Romans,  recovering  from  their  alarm, 
grappled  resolutely  with  the  fire-bearing  Tuscans, 
armed  themselves  with  the  torches  of  those  they 
slew,  and  in  the  end  gained  a  complete  victory. 

Niebuhr  denies  that  Cornelius  Cossus  was  master 
of  the  horse  in  this  battle,  or  that  he  took  any  share 
in  it,  and  he  also  disbelieves  the  story  of  the  Fi- 
denians  rushing  out  with  torches.  It  was,  however, 
by  no  means  an  unlikely  stratagem  for  the  Tuscans, 
and  the  effect  it  had  upon  the  Romans,  who  took 
them  for  the  demons  they  represented,  was  perfectly 


330 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS    WAR. 


331 


natural.  We  are  only  inclined  to  believe  that  it 
was  a  stratagem  of  the  women — perhaps  the  priest- 
esses—rather than  of  the  men,  and  that  they  ima- 
gined this  method  of  assisting  their  husbands  and 
terrifying  their  enemies.  It  was  surely  not  more  ex- 
travagant, than  the  expedient  of  one  of  our  own  gene- 
rals during  the  last  war,  to  keep  off  the  French, 
when  they  threatened  an  invasion  of  the  Welsh 
coast,  by  lining  the  heights  with  women  in  red 
cloaks,  whom  our  simple-minded  enemies  imagined 
to  be  soldiers.  Robert  Bruce  made  use  of  the  same 
ruse  at  the  battle  of  Bannockburn  with  equal 
success. 

On  the  loss  of  this  battle,  the  Tuscans  were  of 
course  obliged  to  a  precipitate  flight  towards  Veii, 
and  many  a  brave  soldier  was  drowned  in  endea- 
vouring to  cross  the  Tiber.  The  Fidenians  sought 
safety  within  their  city,  but  the  Romans  were  so 
close  upon  them,  that  they  entered  the  town  toge- 
ther, and  both  city  and  camp  were  taken  and  given 
up  to  plunder.  The  Dictator  assigned  by  lot  one 
captive  to  each  Knight  and  Centurion,  and  two  to 
such  as  had  particularly  distinguished  themselves, 
and  the  rest  he  sold  by  auction  into  slavery. 

As  this  was  not  followed  by  any  farther  hostili- 
ties, on  the  part  of  the  Romans  against  the  Tuscans, 
we  learn  that,  notwithstanding  their  success,  they 
feared  to  cross  the  Tiber,  and  that  Veii  was  too  for- 
midable and  too  well  defended,  to  be  looked  upon 
as  their  prey.  Whether  they  offered  a  truce,  or 
that  proud  state  proposed  one,  we  do  not  know,  but 


after  the  death  of  Tolumnius  and  the  second  capture 
of  Fidene,  the  war  was  terminated  by  a  peace  with 
Veii  for  twenty  years.*  Some  writers,  in  order  to 
exalt  still  further  the  glory  of  Rome,  speak  of  a 
naval  engagement  at  Fidene  ;  but  we  need  not  criti- 
cize this,  as  Livy  dismisses  it  at  once,  and  terms  it 
"  a  legend  equally  incredible  and  impossible."  As 
the  final  result  of  this  contest,  Fidene  was  ceded  to 
Rome,  and  again  settled  as  a  colony,  the  Tuscans 
being  all  degraded  or  enslaved,  and  their  lands  dis- 
tributed among  the  conquerors.  It  continued  quiet 
for  eight  and  thirty  years,  but  nothing  could  extin- 
guish in  the  breasts  of  this  people  the  love  of  their 
own  nation  ;  and  in  a.  r.  367,  they  struck  one  last 
expiring  and  vigorous  blow  for  liberty,  which, 
though  it  did  not  end  in  re-union  with  Etruria,  yet 
greatly  altered  their  lot,  and  caused  them  to  be  ad- 
mitted amongst  the  Tribesmen,  and  free  citizens  of 
the  Roman  people. 

During  the  period  of  fifty  years,  which  we  have 
been  considering,  or  over  which  we  have  glanced, 
we  have  heard  nothing  of  Etruria  Nova,  and  there- 
fore conclude  that  country  to  have  remained  in 
peace.  At  any  rate,  no  violent  convulsion  can  have 
disturbed  her,  though  Livy, in  his  account  of  the  many 
various  incursions  of  the  Gauls,  leaves  us  to  fix  some 
of  their  periods,  at  what  time  we  please.  It  is,  how- 
ever, most  likely  that  this  division  of  the  Etruscan 
})eople,  had  enjoyed  a  long  period  of  tranquillity,  be- 
cause the  appearance  of  the  Gauls,  twenty-five  years 

*    A.    R.    330,    A.   TARQ.    764,    B.    C.   423. 


332 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS    WAR. 


333 


later,  on  the  frontiers  of  Central  Etruria,  caused 
such  extreme  alarm,  and  their  encampment  before 
Chiusi,  such  unfieigned  terror  and  surprise.  Hero- 
dotus, who  about  this  date,  visited  Caere,  takes  no 
notice  of  any  wars  in  the  north  of  Italy,  and  must 
have  heard  of  them,  had  any  been  then  raging. 
He  would  gain  his  information  from  the  magnates 
and  merchants  in  the  state  of  Agylla,  and  these  men 
would  learn  at  Voltumna,  all  the  news  which  con- 
cerned the  various  divisions  of  their  nation.  He 
places  the  Celts  in  the  west  of  Europe  beyond  the 
pillars  of  Hercules,  and  speaks  of  a  portion  of  the 
Umbri,  as  then  dwelling  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains 
in  which  the  Inn  and  the  Drave  take  their  rise. 
These  Umbri  had  been  forced  northwards  by  the 
former  Gallic  invasions,  and  the  Gauls  of  Mediola- 
num,  Brixen  and  Verona,  were  at  this  time  quiet 
and  innoxious. 

In  the  South,  of  which  we  have  heard  nothing 
since  the  fatal  battle  of  Curaa,  all  was  not  so  free 
from  trouble.  A  very  few  years  after  the  peace  of 
Veii  had  given  security  to  Etruria  Proper,  the  me- 
tropolis of  southern  Etruria,  the  largest  and 
wealthiest  of  her  cities,  was  taken  by  the  Samnites.* 
This  was  Vulturnum,  afterwards  Capua,  which,  as 
we  have  said  before,  was  the  Tarquinia  of  the  south  ;t 
the  chief  city  of  the  twelve  states  settled  there,  and 
one,  whose  overthrow,  probably  broke  their  union. 
The  Romans,  whose  account  of  the  catastrophe  is 
the   only  one  preserved   to   us,   knew    nothing   of 

•  Diod.  xii. ;  Livy  iv.  37.  f  Vol.  i.  p.  394. 


Southern  Etruria,  and  felt  no  interest  in  her  history ; 
but  from  the  few  lines  in  which  Livy  describes  the 
fate  of  Vulturnum,  we  learn  that  the  Etruscans  of 
Opica,  had  been  for  many  years  at  war  with  the 
Samnites,  and  that  they  were  obliged  to  make  peace 
at  last,  by  admitting  this  tribe  to  a  share  of  their 
lands,  and  also  to  some  kind  of  settlement  within 
the  walls  of  their  city.  The  King  of  Vulturnum 
must  have  been  a  weak  and  foolish  man,  to  have 
complied  with  these  conditions,  nor  is  it  easy  to 
conceive  how  any  people  could  be  induced  to  admit 
its  enemies  within  its  gates.  It  may  be,  that  as 
Isopolites,  they  entered  the  city  in  vast  numbers, 
or  that  a  colony  of  them  came  as  a  band  of  the 
Sacred  Spring,  and  on  this  plea  were  welcomed  to  a 
quarter  of  the  city,  which  would  be  willingly  yielded 
up  to  such  visitors  and  suppliants. 

By  whatever  means  they  made  their  first  settle- 
ment, they  were  now  under  a  leader  called  Capys, 
the  Etruscan  name  for  a  hawk,  which  alone  may 
give  us  an  idea  of  his  military  talents,  and  his  repu- 
tation for  vigilance  and  activity.  The  Samnites  had 
no  share  in  the  government  of  Vulturnum,  but  only 
enjoyed  protection  within  her  ramparts,  under  their 
own  laws  and  discipline.  Capys  being  equally 
ambitious  and  unprincipled,  formed  the  design  of 
possessing  himself  of  the  city,  and  reducing  its  law- 
ful masters  to  subjection.  This  he  could  do  the 
more  easily,  because  the  King  of  Vulturnum  was  a 
man,  who  neglected  every  wise  precaution,  and  who 
was  fonder  of  feasting  than  of  fighting.     The  luxuri- 


334 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


THE  TWELVE  YEARS    WAR. 


335 


9 


'! 


ousnessandindolenceoftheSouth,  bad  produced  their 
effect  on  the  habits  of  the  Etruscan  settlers  there, 
and  they  had  become  by  this  time,  an  essentially 
different  people  from  those  of  the  centre,  and  the 
North.  During  a  festival,  all  the  warriors  of  Vul- 
turnum  had  made  themselves  heavy  with  sleep  and 
food,  and  Capys,  whose  men  were  not  accustomed 
to  such  self-indulgence,  and  who  despised  the 
vices  from  which  they  were  as  yet  free,  fell  upon 
the  Tuscan  Patricians  and  massacred  them. — 
They  then  possessed  themselves  of  the  citadel  and 
the  town,  and  Vulturnum  became  a  Samnite  city, 
and  changed  its  name  to  Capua.  Such  of  the  Tur- 
senian  military  as  escaped,  we  have  strong  presump- 
tion for  believing  joined  their  countrymen  in  the 
Athenian  army,  and  fought  in  the  Peloponnesian 
war.  Thucydides  *  mentions  the  Etruscans  in  that 
army,  and  says,  that  when  Athens  had  resolved 
upon  her  great  expedition  against  Syracuse,  she 
sent  into  Etruria  to  ask  for  help,  whereupon  several 
of  the  maritime  cities,  willingly  took  part  in  the 
quarrel.  They  manned  three  Pentekonteremes,  and 
gave  such  timely  aid  as  to  ward  off  utter  destruction 
from  the  Athenians,  when  their  fortunes  failed, 
towards  the  end  of  the  siege.  Thucydides  says  that 
hatred  to  Syracuse,  induced  the  Tyrseni  of  the  coast 
to  accept  the  offers,  and  join  the  forces  of  the  Athe- 
nians ;t  and  it  was  but  natural,  that  the  fugitives  of 
Vulturnum,  should  seek  employment  and  honour 
by  the  side  of  their  own  countrymen. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Tuscan  population  re- 
♦  vi.  33,  vii.  53,  &c.  f  Miiller  Etrusk.  p.  198. 


niained  in  Vulturnum,  and  kept  themselves  quiet 
under  the  Samnite  rule.  They  seemed  to  have 
changed  their  once  warlike  character  for  the  peace- 
ful habits  of  traders,  selling  to  their  countrymen  and 
to  the  Italian  Greeks,  vases,  purple  mantles,  and 
other  wares,  and  no  longer  seeking  to  lead,  either 
as  statesmen  or  as  warriors.  When  Capua,  the 
Samnite  town,  was,  long  after,  taken  by  the  Ro- 
mans, she  was  as  full  of  purple  and  gold  as  the 
cities  of  Tyre  and  Sidon;  and  the  Etruscans  formed 
the  bulk  of  her  Plebeian  and  ^rarian  population, 
until  she  was  destroyed.  Vulturnum  of  the  Rasena, 
is  supposed  to  have  been  taken  by  Capys,  about 
420  B.  c,  in  the  year  of  Tarquinia  767,  and  its  his- 
tory, short  as  the  fragment  is,  proves  it  to  have 
been  at  war  with  the  Samnites  many  years  before 
that  period. 

Dionysius  calls  this  city  by  the  remarkable  name 
of  Larissa ;  that  very  name  which  Bochart  *  tells 
us,  the  Greeks  gave  to  the  ancient  Resen  after  it 
was  destroyed.  When  Capua,  in  the  course  of  time, 
became  a  prey  to  the  Romans,  they  themselves  said 
it  could  only  be  compared  to  Corinth  and  Carthage, 
and  this,  as  Miiller  observes,  could  not  be  owing  to 
the  Samnites,  for  there  is  no  example  amongst  them 
of  great  cities,  great  refinement,  or  extensive  trade 
and  commerce.  According  to  Miiller,  the  popula- 
tion of  Vulturnum,  at  ihe  time  it  was  seized  by 
Capys,  consisted  of  Tuscans,  as  the  ruling  class,  and 
of  Oscans,  as  the  mass  of  the  people.     The  Oscans, 

♦  Biog.  Sacra. 


t\ 


336 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


« 


as  we  have  before  remarked,  were  the  original  in- 
habitants of  the  whole  country,  before  it  was  con- 
quered by  the  Tuscans,  and  these  two  races  conti- 
nued to  live  together,  down  to  the  latest  trace  we 
have  of  either.  Accordingly,  even  in  the  days  of 
the  empire,  a  dialect  of  Oscan  continued  to  be  the 
language  of  the  common  people  throughout  the 
cities  of  ancient  Opica.  The  Oscan  writing  is  not 
Greek,  but  a  national  modified  Tuscan,  which 
Miiller  conceives  to  be  an  undeniable  proof  of  the 
predominant  Tuscan  influence,  and  of  the  Tuscans 
having  taught  the  ancient  people  all  that  they  could 
boast  of  knowledge  or  civilization. 


337 


j*^ 


I.IBRAKV. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


FROM    A.R.   340   TO     3C0;     A.C.   413   TO   399;      A.T.   774  TO 

794. 
THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF    VEIL* 

Veii  observes  the  truce— Overflow  of   Tiber— Veil  changes  her 
form  of  grovemment— Tlireatens  the  Feciales— Renews  the  war 
—Eighth  Seculum— Rome  besieges  Veii— Takes  Artena— Diet 
of  Vultumna— Prince  of  Veii  aflfronts  the  Diet— Etruria  in- 
dignant—Romans  winter  before  Veii— Troops   complain   of 
cold— Appius  Claudius  insists  on  their  remaining— Tuscans 
raise  the  siege— Assisted  by  Faliscia  and  Capena— Defeat  Ro- 
mans—Siege renewed— Severe  winter— Capenians  repulsed— 
Rise  of  Lake  Alba— Tuscan  Haruspex— National  prophecies 
—Emissarium- Delphic  oracle— Tarquinia  aids  Veii— Faliscia 
calls  a  meeting  at  Vultumna— Diet  permits   troops  to  hire 
themselves— Faliscia  defeats  the  Romans— Rome   in   great 
alarm— Camillus  Dictator— Battle  of  Nepete— Camillus  un- 
dermines the   city— Asks  how  to   dispose  of  booty— Vows 
temple    to   Juno   Vejentina— Veii   assaulted— Capitulates— 
Sacked— Her  greatness  and  opulence— Gods  and  treasures 
removed  to  Rome— Camillus  seeks  the  desolation  of  Veii. 

♦Authorities:   Livy  iv.  48,  &c.  v.  1-23;  Dion,  xii.;  Nieb. 
vols.  i.  ii. ;  Ant.  Hist.  xi.  xvi. ;  Plut.  in  Camil. 


338 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF   VEIL 


339 


♦  I 


i  I 


The  last  war  with  Veii  liad  been  concluded  by  a 
peace  for  twenty  years ;  but   notwithstanding  this, 
the  Romans  continued  in  perpetual  fear,  lest  their 
contests  with  the  nations  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Tiber  should  tempt  the  Tuscans  to  break  it  before 
the  time.     The  year   in  which  A.  Cossus  and  A. 
Cincinnatus  were   associated  in  the  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  sacred  city,  seems  to  have  been  a  spe- 
cial trial  to  their  forbearance,  and  Livy  says,  that 
they   certainly  would   have  attacked    Rome  in  the 
twelfth  year  of  this  peace,  had  not  an  inundation  of 
the  Tiber,  so  injured  their  land,  and  especially  their 
country  seats,  that  they  found  it  more  convenient 
to  remain  quiet.     Veii  could  have  had  but  very  few 
country-seats  upon  the  line  of  the  Tiber,  and  we  do 
not  understand  how  any  injury  done  to  these  could 
have  affected  the  operation  of  her  troops.     Neither 
can  we  imagine,  if  the  Etruscans  remained  tran- 
quilly  at  home,  by  what  means  the  Romans  could 
have  known  that  but  for  this  inundation,  they  would 
have  attacked  them.     We  should  have  thought  it 
much  more  likely  to  have  caused,  than  to  have  pre- 
vented an  invasion  from  the  Veientines,  not  only 
because  their  lands  were  at  all  times  so  much  better 
secured  against  injury  by  water,  than  those  of  their 
rivals,  but  because  any  harm  done  to  Etruria  by  the 
overflowing  of  the  Tiber,  must  have  fallen  with  ten- 
fold greater  force  upon  Rome.     If  at  this  day,  the 
streets,  houses  and  temples,  art'  sometimes  in  danger 
from  the  swellings  of  the  Tiber,  we  wonder  that  in 
ancient  times  they  were  not  half  drowned. 


However  this  may  be,  the  extraordinary  overflow 
to  which  we  have  alluded,  so  cooled  the  military 
ardour  of  the  Etruscans,  that  they  preserved  the  sti- 
pulated peace,  not  only  through  the  year  on  which 
they  had  planned  a  hostile  irruption,  but  for  eight 
years  afterwards,  till  the  original  time  had  fairly  ex- 
pired. Nay,  more,  when  the  Quirites  were  nearly 
perishing  from  one  of  their  usual  famines,  in  the 
A.  T.  778,  the  Tuscans  were  the  most  prompt 
amongst  their  neighbours  to  relieve  their  necessi- 
ties ;  they  sent  them  supplies  from  all  their  ports  on 
the  Turrhene  Sea  ;  and  Livy  says,  the  largest  quan- 
tity of  foreign  corn  which  they  received  was  from  the 
Tiber,  on  account  of  the  very  active  zeal  of  the 
Turrheni. 

At  length  Veii  being  tired  of  taking  fright  at  the 
Tiber  when  it  overflowed,  and  of  sending  food 
to  keep  up  the  strength  of  her  hostile-minded 
rivals,  remembered  that  the  peace  was  at  an  end, 
and  determined  to  recommence  the  former  struggle. 
It  would  appear,  that  after  the  death  of  Lars  To- 
lumnius,  the  Senate  of  Veii  changed  their  form  of 
government  and  tried  Consuls,  as  Rome  had  done, 
after  the  banishment  of  her  kings;  and  with  no  bet- 
ter issue,  for  the  people  continued  discontented  and 
disaffected.  The  year  in  which  the  war  should  have 
recommenced,  Veii  was  in  such  a  state  of  dissension, 
that  her  rulers  would  very  gladly  have  deferred  it 
until  they  were  more  united  amongst  themselves, 
and  they  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome,  to  express 
their  willingness,  on  certain  terms,  to  prolong  the 

Q  2 


340 


HISTORY    OF    ETKURIA, 


•  d   I 


I 


«li 


peace.  Livy  gives  us  to  understand,  tliat  these  terms 
were,  until  they  should  have  settled  their  domestic 
quarrels,  and  be  more  able  and  ready  to  oppose  their 
enemies  with  success. 

The  Romans,  however,  even  in  these  early  times, 
when  Egypt  and  all  the  great  monarchies  of  Asia 
were  crumbling  to  pieces  through  luxury  and  old 
age,  even  in  these  ages  of  poetic  heroism  and 
childish  simplicity,  thought  that  these  terms  were 
rather  unequal,  somewhat  bordering  upon  the  extra- 
vagant; and  therefore  they  sent  four  Feciales  to 
the  Veientine  Senate,  to  declare  that  they  did  not 
as  yet  consider  that  they  had  received  sufficient 
satisfaction  for  the  last  war,  and  that  they  must 
have  other  conditions  proposed,  if  there  was  to  be 
a  continuation  of  friendship  between  them.  What 
must  have  been  their  amazement  when  the  senators 
of  Veii  replied  to  them— that  unless  they  were  con- 
tented with  the  terms  already  offered,  and  left  the 
city  instantly,  they  would  treat  them  as  Lars 
Tolumnius  had  treated  their  predecessors,  the  ambas 
sadors,  in  his  day.  Upon  this  the  Feciales  returned 
without  delay  to  Rome,  and  reported  the  contemp- 
tuous message  to  their  own  Senate,  naturally  giving 
and  adding  to  it,  the  warm  colouring  of  their  own 

offended  pride. 

When  we,  who  live  at  the  distance  of  so  many  cen- 
turies,hcar  or  read  thismessage,  we  feel  our  own  blood 
run  quicker  with  indignation,  and  we  consequently 
expect  the  whole  nation  to  rise  as  one  man,  in  order 
lu  revenge  the  insulted  majesty  of  Rome.     But  this 


THE    SIKGi:    AND    FALL    OF    VEII. 


341 


was  not  the  effect.  The  Senate  treated  the  matter 
with  the  utmost  coolness,  or  at  least  with  the  most 
leisurely  anger,  for  they  merely  ordered  the  military 
Tribunes  to  propose  to  the  people  a  war  with  Veii, 
as  soon  as  they  could  find  a  fitting  opportunity. 
The  tribes  being  assembled,  felt  no  moving  wrath 
ajrainst  Veii,  and  did  not  seem  to  consider  their  own 
honour  at  all  implicated  in  punishing  the  gross 
affront  which  had  just  been  offered  to  their  ambas- 
sadors; on  the  contrary,  they  agreed  that  they  saw 
no  necessity  for  war  upon  that  account ;  that  they 
had  already  as  much  upon  their  hands  as  they  could 
support ;  that  they  required  all  their  strength,  and 
more  than  all,  to  keep  off  the  Volsci,  and  that  they 
believed  the  Patricians  to  be  much  more  dangerous 
enemies  to  them  than  the  Etruscans.  They  also 
objected,  very  particularly,  to  begin  a  quarrel  with 
such  a  state  as  Veii,  which  they  called  "  a  most 
powerful  nation,**  and  which  they  feared  would  soon 
rouse  all  Etruria  to  arms  against  them.  In  short, 
so  strong  was  the  determination  of  the  Romans,  not 
to  draw  upon  themselves  these  dreaded  enemies, 
that  the  Senate  was  obliged  to  defer  the  war,  at  least 
until  the  next  year,  when  the  people  might  be  in 
better  spirits. 

Seven  Saecula  of  Etruscan  time  had  now  run  their 
course,  each  Saeculum  averaging  one  hundred  and 
ten  years.  The  eighth  had  commenced,  and  very 
early  in  its  period,  the  first  history  of  Etruria  was 
written,  being  compiled  from  the  dry  but  carefully 
preserved  pontifical  annals   of  the  various  states, 


342 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


Mi 


and  from  the  names  and  dates  which  marked  their 
principal  temples.  The  Etruscans  were,  doubtless, 
moved  to  attempt  this  species  of  composition  by  the 
success  and  example  of  Herodotus,  whose  writings 
they  could  not  fail  to  know ;  and  it  is  a  carious  fact, 
that  their  literature  received  its  first  great  impulse, 
when  their  political  power,  both  at  land  and  sea,  was 
visibly  on  the  decline. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  Romans  had  taken  Terra- 
cina  and  Anxur,  two  rich  cities  of  the  Turrhene 
Volsci,  and  they  were  thereby  enabled  to  send 
off  colonies,  and  to  give  their  soldiers  a  considerable 
portion  of  booty  ;  but  still  they  were  unequal  to 
organize  a  war  with  Veii,  until  the  Senate  had 
pledged  itself  to  an  unheard  of  concession  towards 
the  army,  viz.,  that  every  Plebeian  who  served  in 
it,  should  receive  pay  all  the  year  round  from  the 
state.  This  measure  caused  such  excessive  joy,  that 
it  opened  at  once  the  eyes  of  the  refractory  tribes 
and  centuries,  and  they  now  clearly  discerned,  what 
before  they  could  not  see,  that  they  had  been  un- 
pardonably  affronted  by  Veii,  and  that  they  must 
exact  from  that  state  a  full  and  ample  satisfaction,* 

Accordingly,  six  military  tribunes  raised  their 
legions,  and  were  able,  by  unusual  good  manage- 
ment, to  cross  the  Tiber,  to  march  over  the  twelve 
miles  which  lay  between  themselves  and  the  capital 
of  their  enemies  without  being  defeated,  and  to  in- 
vest their  strong  and  beautiful  metropolis.  This  is 
full  confirmation  to  us,  that  the  domestic  dissensions 

•  A.  T.  784. 


THE   SIEGE   AND    FAIL    OF   VEII. 


343 


in  Veii  were   of   unusual  violence,  otherwise   her 
troops  would  have  opposed  the  Romans,  as  they  had 
done  upon  former  occasions.  But  the  encampment  of 
the  Quiritary  army  beneath  the  walls  of  Veii,  though 
a  sufficiently  unusual  circumstance  for  the  annals  of 
the  Pontiffs  to  dwell  upon  with  triumph,  was,  in 
fact,  an  occurrence  of  no  more  consequence  than 
the  encampment  of  the  Etruscans  upon  the  Janicu- 
lum  had  been  in  former  wars.     Each  party  had  in- 
vested their  enemies  only  upon  one  side,  and  there- 
fore, whilst  the  others  were  free,  as  was  the  case  at 
Veii,  and  open  to  supplies  and  assistance,  the  attack 
could  be  but  a  temporary  inconvenience,  and  more 
mortifying  by  showing  a  want  of  generalship,  than 
alarming,  by   exposing  them    to    any    formidable 
danger.     It  is  but  human  nature  to  allow  that  some 
of  the  Veientine  Patricians  were  glad  to  see   the 
enemy  on  their  lands,  and  that  though  they  did  not 
assist,  yet  neither  did  they  oppose  them.  They  were 
not  traitors,  but  their  civil  contentions  made  them 
pleased  with  the  distress  of  the  opposite  party. 

At  the  time  when  this  war  was  first  declared  at 
Rome,  and  made  popular  among  her  subjects  and 
allies,  by  the  concession  of  pay,  a  full  meeting  was 
held  by  the  Etruscans  at  the  temple  of  Vultumna, 
to  consult  whether  Veii  was  in  danger  or  not,  and 
whether  the  rest  of  Etruria  was  required  to  give  her 
assistance.  In  the  great  National  Diet,  the  Veientines 
themselves  were  evidently  divided  into  two  parties, 
and  argued  on  different  sides,  for  the  princes  of 
the  other  states  preferred  no  charge  against  them, 


344 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


il> 


and  yet  they  left  the  grand  question  for  which  they 
had  assembled,  undecided.  They  felt  that  should  a 
Lars  Tolumnius  rise  again  amongst  the  great  men  at 
Veii,  she  could  be  in  no  distress,  and  that  the  other 
Lucumonies  might  pursue  their  inland  occupations 
and  commerce,  and  carry  on  their  trade  and  manu- 
factures in  perfect  security. 

During  the  first  and  second  years  of  their  contest 
with  Rome,  their  enemies  did  not  show  themselves 
formidable,  being  able  to  do  little  more  than  keep  up 
the  lines  they  had  made  upon  the  eastern  side  of  Veii, 
but  they  were  fortunate  enough  to  free  themselves 
of  the  Volscian  war,  by  taking  the  town  of  Artena, 
which  gave  rise  to  a  most  desirable  peace  with  that 
people.  Niebuhr  believes  Artena  to  have  been  origin- 
ally Tuscan  town,  built  and  named  whilst  the  Tuscans 
ruled  over  the  Volscian  territory,  and  it  has  some- 
times been  confounded  with  Artena,  one  of  the  four 
towns  anciently  within  the  limits  of  Agylla,  which 
was  destroyed  by  the  Roman  kings. 

The  Romans  felt  their  deliverance  from  this 
war,  as  quite  a  providential  circumstance,  because 
they  and  their  allies  were  now  able  to  turn  all  their 
forces  against  Veii,  at  the  time  it  had  become 
strengthened  by  the  thing  they  most  dreaded,  the 
election  ol*  a  second  Lars  Tolumnius,  a  **  Lucumo 
Superbus,"  or,  in  other  words,  an  imperious  and 
talented  man,  to  be  their  king.  It  seems  as  if  the 
Romans  would  gladly  have  concluded  peace,  but  the 
Tuscans  did  not  choose  it,  for  Livy  lays  the  rancour 
and  animosity  of  the  war  to  their  charge ;  and  says, 


THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF    VEII. 


345 


that  it  was  evident  from  their  conduct  that  one  of 
the  contending  cities  must  be  destroyed. 

The  Veientines  were  tired  of  their  Consuls,  and 
remembering  their  former  victories  under  their 
Kinsrs,  resolved  once  more  to  return  to  the  monar- 
chical  form.  As  this  was  the  government  under 
which  all,  or  almost  all  their  brethren  of  the  League, 
were  flourishing  and  prosperous,  they  could  not 
have  decided  upon  a  better  step,  or  one  more  ac- 
ceptable to  this  aristocratic  confederacy,  but  unfor- 
tunately the  man  they  chose  for  their  Lar  was  of 
so  insolent  a  demeanour,  and  so  overbearing  a  cha- 
racter, that  he  was  generally  disliked  by  his  former 
equals  ;  and  though  his  riches  and  talents  gave  him 
the  pre-eminence  in  his  native  city,  his  haughty 
temper  had  made  him  odious  to  the  princes  of  Vol- 
tumna.  The  ambition  and  arrogance  of  this  proud 
man,  made  him  conceive  that  he  had  a  right  to  be 
elected  High  Priest  of  Etruria,  when  the  grand 
council  met  to  debate  the  affairs  of  this  war;  and 
upon  another  Lucumo  being  preferred,  and  chosen 
to  fill  the  office,  he  resolved  to  exercise  his  ven- 
geance in  a  manner  which  should  be  felt  by  the 
whole  Etruscan  nation.  He  offered  his  handsome 
and  richly-dressed  slaves  in  large  numbers  to  per- 
form in  the  solemn  Circensian,  and  other  sacred 
games,  and  then  in  the  midst  of  them,  when  the 
prizes  were  yet  undecided,  and  the  interest  of  the 
audience  excited  to  the  utmost,  he  rose  from  the 
assembly,  ordered  his  chariot  to  return  home,  and 
commanded  all  his  followers  to  attend  him. 

Q  5 


346 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


This  was  an  insult,  not  only  to  the  majesty  of  the 
assembly,  but  to  the  goddess  of  Concord,  and  to  all 
the  other  gods  and  goddesses  in  whose  honour  the 
games  were  celebrated.  The  Veientine  Prince  was 
execrated  for  his  impiety,  but  his  name,  unlike  that 
of  most  unpopular  sovereigns,  has  passed  into 
oblivion ;  and  no  magnate  of  the  eleven  states 
affronted  by  him  in  their  persons  or  representatives, 
would  hencefortli  hold  communion  with  him.  It  is 
strange  that  the  Veientines  should  have  elected  such 
a  man  to  rule  over  them,  but  great  tyrants  are 
oftener  than  not,  men  of  superior  ability  and  cou- 
rage, and  his  election  was  probably  after  the  fashion 
of  the  three  Etruscan  dynasties,  who,  one  after  the 
other,  had  seized  the  supreme  power  in  Rome,  but 
who  all  professed  to  hold  the  crown  by  the  will  of 
the  people. 

When  the  elevation  of  this  man  to  sovereignty 
was  known  throughout  Etruria,  the  National  Diet 
again  assembled  at  Voltumna,  and  there  in  common 
council  passed  a  decree,  that  no  assistance  should  be 
given  to  Veii  in  any  of  her  wars,  as  long  as  she 
continued  under  his  government.  We  can  have  no 
doubt  that  the  haughty  Lucumo  was  perfectly  aware 
of  the  decree,  and  set  it  at  defiance,  but  he  was  pre- 
sumed not  to  know  it,  because  none  of  his  own  sub- 
jects dared  to  inform  him,  and  they  were  thoroughly 
persuaded,  that  had  any  of  them  given  him  warn- 
ing, he  would  have  put  the  person  who  did  so,  to 
death  as  a  seditious  malcontent. 

The  Romans  were  soon  informed  of  all  these*  pro- 

♦Liv.  V.  1. 


TH£    SIEGE    AND    FALL   OF   VEII. 


347 


ceedings,  and  were  acquainted  with  the  character  of 
the  King,  and  the  resolutions  of  the  Council,  but  they 
could  augur  nothing  from  them  in  their  own  favour, 
and  they  feared  both  the  military  resources  of  the  for- 
mer, and  the  wonted  patriotism  of  the  latter.  The 
League  had  no  intention  of  abandoning  a  member, 
but  only  desired  that  member  to  change  its  head. 
Uncertain,  therefore,  of  what  the  Tuscans  might  be 
able  to  effect,  and  warned  by  past  experience  of  their 
strength  and  skill,  the  Romans  increased  their  forti- 
fications, and  put  themselves  in  a  posture  of  defence, 
in  order  to  carry  on  a  war  which  now  assumed  the 
aspect  of  determined  conquest  or  extermination. 

Having  once  gained  a  footing  in  the  lands  of 
their  enemies,  the  Roman  generals  remembered  the 
scheme  and  attempt  of  the  Fabii,  and  endeavoured 
to  profit  by  their  example.  Tiiey  had  as  yet,  esta- 
blished no  colony  to  guard  their  own  frontiers,  or  to 
annoy  and  harass  their  foes,  and  yet  they  found  that 
without  something  similar,  their  investment  of  the 
city  was  a  mere  child's  play.  Some  authors  have 
thought,  from  the  expressions  of  Livy,that  they  had 
erected  a  double  wall  of  circumvallation,  and  that 
it  was  carried  all  round  the  city,  the  inner  wall  pur- 
posing to  blockade  it,  and  the  outer  to  prevent  help 
from  their  allies;  but  Niebuhr  says,  that  this  was  not 
possible, because  amongst  other  reasons,  the  mere  cir- 
cuit of  the  city  was  between  four  and  five  miles. 
Livy  means,  therefore,  that  the  Romans  established 
two  encampments  upon  the  plain,  as  near  to  the 
town  as  they  could  approach,  and  that  the  commu- 


f\) 


iA 


. 


348 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


nication  between  these  two,  was  maintained  by  a  line 
of  forts  which  they  kept  garrisoned  all  the  year 
round,  and  which  prevented  the  Tuscans  from 
being  able  to  cultivate  any  of  their  lands  within 
the  range  of  their  foraging  parties.  If  they,  as  here- 
tofore, had  laid  aside  military  operations  during  the 
winter,  and  had  gone  into  quarters,  there  was  every 
probability  that  the  King  of  Veii  would  contrive  to 
regain  the  territory  which  the  Consuls  or  Tribunes  of 
Veii,  through  their  own  dissentions,  had  lost. 

The  Roman  generals,  therefore,  equally  to  the 
surprise  of  their  enemies  and  of  their  own  troops, 
desired  that  they  should  continue  in  the  field,  heed- 
less of  the  season,  and  ordered  the  men  to  erect 
huts,  where  they  were  necessary  for  their  protection. 
In  this  situation,  the  soldiers  murmured  almost  to 
mutiny,  and  showed  a  love  of  comfort  and  want  of 
military  ardour,  which  to  modern  troops  would  ap- 
pear equally  effeminate  and  ridiculous.  They  com- 
plained, by  their  Tribunes,  that  their  tents  and  huts 
were  covered  with  frost  and  snow,  which  made  them 
perish  with  cold,  and  that  whilst  they  were  forced 
in  this  condition  to  be  for  ever  on  the  alert,  in  order 
to  resist  the  attacks  of  the  Tuscans,  they  had  the 
vexation  of  seeing  them  ,when  the  daily  skirmish 
was  over,  retire  securely  to  their  strong  city  on  the 
heights,  where  they  warmed  themselves  by  their 
cheerful  fires,  within  solid  stone  walls,  and  where 
they  were  close  to  their  wives  and  children,  even  if 
they  did  not  enjoy  their  society. 

The  Romans  thought  it  quite  enough  to  keep  the 


THE    SIEGE   AND    FALL   OF   VEII. 


349 


Veientines  from  actually  bravadoing  them  at  their 
gates,  and  had  no  desire  for  settlements  within  their 
impracticable  territory  beyond  the  Tiber.  There  was 
actually  an  attempt  made  by  the  Plebeian  leaders  in 
Rome  to  have  the  army  withdrawn,  but  Appius 
Claudius  prevented  it,  by  representing  that  if  this 
measure  were  carried, they  should  never  subdue  Veii, 
hut  that  they  would  again  expose  themselves  to  all 
the  sieges,  and  battles,  and  disasters,  they  had 
suffered  from  the  Tuscans  in  their  previous  wars.  It 
is  well  to  note  the  horror  which  Rome  always  ex- 
pressed at  the  idea  of  having  the  states  of  Etruria 
roused  against  her.  Itis  repeated,  year  after  year, in 
all  her  quarrels  with  her  neighbour,  and  it  seems  to 
have  been  the  strong  argument  urged  by  Appius 
Claudius,  which  eventually  quieted  all  minds,  and  led 
them  to  agree  in  the  necessity  of  the  troops  submit- 
ting to  every  inconvenience  in  order  to  keep  the 
ground  already  gained.  "  If  you  withdraw,"  he  said, 
"  Veii  will  so  arrange  her  affairs,  that  she  will  bring 
against  us  the  power  of  all  Etruria.*"  The  Plebeians 
believed  it,  and  yielded  the  cause  of  their  fellow- 
citizens,  who  had  told  them  that  they  were  perishing 
in  the  frost  and  snow." 

Claudius  is  celebrated  for  his  popular  eloquence, 
and  in  his  speech  *  enumerated  several  circum- 
stances quite  new  to  us,  greatly  to  the  delight  and 
edification  of  all  his  hearers.  He  dwelt  upon  the 
murder  of  the  Fabii,  whom  he  called  (not  warriors, 
but)  colonists,  and  he  enlarged  upon  the  impious  as- 
sassination of  the  Feciales  by  Tolumnius,  and  the 

•  Livy  v.  4. 


i 


350 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


■ 


il< 


crime,  which  he  reckoned  equally  heinous,  of  bring- 
ing against  them  the  other  states  of  Etruria.  He 
touched  upon  the  late  affront  oflered  by  the  Veien- 
tine  Senate  to  their  ambassadors  at  the  commence- 
ment of  this  war,  but  so  very  temperately,  that  we 
cannot  help  believing  it  was  attended  by  some  mi- 
tigating  circumstances ;  such,  for  instance,  as  irritat- 
ing conduct  on  the  part  of  the  ambassadors  them- 
selves, or  that  the  insulting  answer  attributed  to  the 
Veientine  Senate  was  the  passionate  speech  of  one 
man,  their  "Gustos  Urbis,"  or  "TribunusCelerum," 
and  was  disapproved  and  disallowed  by  the  others. 

The  new  circumstances  stated  by  Claudius,  which 
he  must  have  learned   from  the  popular   ballads, 
unless  he   invented   them   for   the  occasion,  were, 
1st,  that  Veii  had  compelled  the  Fidenians  to  re- 
volt.    We  have  always  been  informed  that  the  re- 
volt in  every  instance,  was  their  own  proper  motion  ; 
nor  can  we  conceive  how  Veii  could  compel  them, 
except  by  first  taking  the  city,  and  then  expelling 
or   murdering   the    Roman    colonists.      2nd,   That 
during  peace  she  was  never  faithful  to  her  engage- 
ments.    Now,  excepting  her  secret  designs,  which 
were  prevented  by  the  overflow  of  the  Tiber,  we 
know    of  no   instance  where    she    was  otherwise. 
3rd,  That  Veii  had  a  thousand  times  ravaged  the 
Roman  territories.     This  was  a  curious  admission 
from  a  Roman  Patrician.     And  4th,  (the  climax  of 
all  her  offences,  and  by  far  the  most  extraordinary 
and  incomprehensible  of  them  all,)  that  she  now  re- 
belled against  Rome  for  the  seventh  time ;  whilst  we 
did  not  even  know  that  it  was  the  first.     Alas !  that 


THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL   OF   VEII. 


351 


Rome  should  seven  times  subdue  Veii,  and  find  no 
historian  to  chronicle  the  event;  seven  times  tri- 
umph as  a  conqueror,  over  this  mighty  state,  and 
not  have  preserved  to  us  one  of  the  details.  Alas  ! 
that  eight  times  she  should  have  to  renew  the  war 
before  she  could  teach  this  troublesome  and  stupid 
people  that  they  were  vanquished.  The  French 
have  sometimes  made  the  same  complaint  of  the 
armies  of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  one  peculiarly 
provoking  to  a  general  and  a  victor.  We  sympathize 
in  the  vexation. 

Claudius  further  pressed  upon  his  countrymen 
that  their  army,  at  a  vast  expense,  had  enclosed 
Veii  with  immense  works,  by  which  the  enemy  were 
confined  within  their  walls,  so  that  they  could  not 
till  their  lands,  and  all  between  that  city  and  Rome 
had  been  wasted,  and  kept  waste,  during  this  war. 
If  the  Roman  troops  were  now  withdrawn,  the 
Veientines  would  demolish  these  works,  and  be 
obliged,  in  self-defence,  revenge,  and  preservation, 
to  make  reprisals  on  the  Roman  territories.  We 
cannot  help  smiling  at  fertile  Veii,  which  so  often 
had  provided  famishing  Rome  with  corn,  coming 
into  her  ill-cultivated  and  often-ravasfed  domains  to 
supply  herself.  Excepting  as  a  riding  exercise  for 
her  troops,  sb^might  have  told  Claudius  that  it  was 
not  worth  the  trouble. 

The  military  works,  however,  if  he  describes  them 
truly,  it  must  have  been  equally  desirable  for  the 
one  party  to  destroy,  and  for  the  other  to  preserve. 
He  names  a  rampart  and  trench,  both  constructed 


ti 


u 


M 


(;il 


352 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


!vith  immense  labour,  numerous  forts  and  defences 
both  opposite  the  city  and  towards  Etruria — by 
which  we  understand  Capena,  her  daughter  colony, 
and  perhaps  Agylla  and  Fidene — lest  succours 
should  arrive  from  thence.  He  further  mentions 
towers,  covered  approtiches,  and  all  the  machines 
used  in  attackin":  towns.  He  then  dwells  on  the 
danger  incurred  by  procrastination,  lest  the  other 
Lucuraonies  should  change  their  minds,  and  send 
their  besieged  member  aid.  "  At  present,**  he  says, 
"  whilst  they  are  irritated  by  her  King,  they  will 
allow  us  to  take  her  if  we  can  ;  but  the  king  may  die, 
or  be  dethroned,  or  may  even  resign  when  he  finds 
himself  a  positive  detriment  to  his  subjects,  and 
then  all  the  States  will  help  Veii,  and  drive  us 
away,  and  cause  our  time,  labour,  and  vast  expense, 
all  to  have  been  in  vain.'*  He  concluded  that  to 
withdraw  the  army  was  actually  to  assist  their 
enemies,  and  to  bring  on  their  own  ruin.  The  Tri- 
bunes of  the  people  believed  him,  and  his  argu- 
ments prevailed. 

The  troops  were  accordingly  kept  hard  at  work 
before  Veii,  and  wonderful  it  is  that  no  remains  of 
these  trenches,  and  mounds,  and  deep  ditches,  are 
to  be  seen  on  any  side  of  Veii  now,  for  the  marks  of 
a  Roman  camp  are  seldom  obliterated  in  any 
country.  They  had  advanced  so  far,  that  the  bat- 
tering rams  and  other  machines  were  ready  to  be 
applied  to  the  walls,  when  one  gate,  which  they  had 
neglected  to  watch,  was  suddenly  thrown  open,  and 
a  vast  multitude  sallied  forth,  armed  with  torches, 


W 


THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF   VEII. 


353 


as  they  had  before  been  at  Fidene,  and  terrifying 
the  troops  in  the  same  manner,  they  set  the  ma- 
chines on  fire,  and  destroyed  them  all.  They  then 
attacked  and  overthrew  the  ramparts,  and  vast  num- 
bers of  the  Romans  perished  by  fire  and  sword.  All 
Rome  was  filled  with  sadness  at  this  disaster,  and 
began  to  think  Veii  impregnable,  and  that  their 
own  camp  must  be  removed  ;  when  the  rich  Ple- 
beians of  the  first  class  came  forward,  and  in  the 
spirit  of  the  ancient  Fabii,  offered  to  join  the  army, 
and  serve  the  state  at  their  own  expense,  forming 
an  additional  body  of  cavalry,  and  providing  their 
own  horses.  No  instance  of  such  disinterestedness 
had  before  been  known,  and  it  was  certainly  in- 
spired by  the  presentiment  that  extraordinary  dan- 
ger threatened  their  country,  should  Veii  now  be 
set  free,  either  through  her  own  efforts,  or  by  the 
assistance  of  the  Etruscan  League.  The  Senate 
gratefully  thanked  the  brave  Plebeians,  accepted 
their  offer,  and  ordered  them  Equestrian  rank,  and 
the  pay  which  in  that  position,  was  their  due.  Their 
reinforcement  infused  a  new  spirit  into  the  troops 
on  service,  and  enabled  them  to  maintain  their  un- 
easy ground. 

Livy  says  that  Veii  was  then  the  grand  object 
which  engrossed  all  the  public  solicitude.  But,  alas! 
the  Roman  commanders,  Virginius  and  Sergius, 
hated  each  other  worse  than  the  eneiuy,  and  dis- 
agreed in  all  their  operations.  Besides  this,  Capena 
and  Faliscia  now  separated  themselves  from  the 
other  Lucumonies,  and  came  to  help  Veii,  being 


! 


354 


HISTORY  OF   ETRURIA. 


A 


;! 


persuaded,  probably,  by  the  emissaries  of  the  ob- 
noxious King,  that  were  his  city  vanquished,  tliey 
should  be  the  next  victims,  or,  at  any  rate,  that  they 
should  lose  their  barrier  and  protection  against  an 
exulting  and  not  over-scrupulous  foe.  Tlie  Faliscian 
Senate  further  considered  that  they  had  not  be- 
haved quite  fairly  to  Veii  when  she  lost  Fidene,  by 
at  that  time  withdrawing  aid  from  her,  and  therefore 
they  made  terms  with  her  now,  by  mutual  embassies, 
and  sent  her  a  very  timely  assistance.  The  possi- 
bility of  messengers,  and  even  of  processions,  as  it 
were,  passing  between  Veii  and  Faliscia,  shows  us 
that  she  was  not  surrounded  by  her  enemies,  but 
only  that  they  had  made  a  firm  and  dangerous  lodg- 
ment beyond  the  reach  of  her  missiles,  and  very 
near  her  walls,  upon  the  side  of  the  Cremera. 

The  Faliscians  came  upon  Sergius  by  surprise, 
and  alarmed  his  men  so  much,  that  they  imagined 
the  whole  of  Etruria  to  be  upon  them,  and  were 
greatly  inclined  to  save  themselves  by  flight.  The 
Veientines,  meanwhile,  attacked  them  in  front,  so 
that  they  were  obliged  to  make  two  faces,  and  were 
in  danger  both  of  losing  their  camp,  and  of  being 
surrounded.  Sergius  could  neither  defend  his  own 
ground  against  the  Faliscians,  nor  drive  back  the 
besieged.  His  forts  were  attacked  and  taken,  his 
ramparts  scaled,  and  his  foes  poured  in  upon  him 
on  all  sides,  and  yet  he  was  too  proud  and  obstinate 
to  send  to  his  colleague  for  succour;  and  he  pre- 
ferred seeing  his  men  slaughtered,  and  escaping 
with  the  remnant  he  could  save,  to  Rome,  to  the 


THE   SIEGE   AND   FALL   OF   VEII. 


355 


humiliation  of  asking  help  from  a  rival  commander. 
Some  of  the  fugitives  early  took  refuge  with  Vir- 
ginius,  and  told  him  the  condition  of  their  compa- 
nions ;  but  he  answered  that  if  Sergius  wanted  help 
he  knew  where  to  send  for  it,  and  forbade  his  troops 
to  stir  out  of  their  lines,  unless  such  a  message  should 
arrive.  Sergius  accused  him  of  all  his  misfortunes 
before  the  Senate,  and  said  his  envy  was  the  cause 
of  his  works  being  burnt,  his  army  cut  to  pieces,  and 
his  camp  given  up  to  the  Faliscii ;  but,  as  both  ge- 
nerals were  equally  in  fault,  they  were  superseded, 
and  both  fined. 

The  Roman  Tribunes  urged  that  they  saw  no 
end  to  this  useless  war,  for  which  both  their  boys 
and  their  old  men  were  forced  to  enlist,  and  that 
they  believed  the  youth  were  destined  to  wear  out 
their  lives  and  to  grow  old  before  the  citadel  of  the 
enemy.  The  people  were,  however,  better  con- 
tented when  four  armies  were  sent  against  the 
Etruscans,  and  the  lost  camp  was  not  only  retaken 
by  a  junction  of  two  of  them,  but,  in  spite  of  the 
Faliscian  auxiliaries,  it  was  strengthened  with  new 
forts,  and  settled  with  a  permanent  garrison.  The 
other  two  armies  made  good  a  devastating  march 
into  the  plains  of  Capenaand  Faliscia;  and  though 
they  dared  not  attack  the  towns,  they  prevented  the 
troops  of  those  states  from  giving  assistance  to  Veii, 
and  they  did  much  damage  to  the  country,  de- 
stroying the  crops  of  vines,  olives,  and  corn,  and 
carrying  off  the  cattle. 

The  winter  of  a.  t.  789  was  so  unusually  severe 


356 


HISTORY    OF    ETRTRIA. 


that  the  Tiber  was  frozen  over,  and  the  shivering 
troops,  in  their  half- protected  quarters,  envied  the 
warm  dwellings  of  their  enemies,  and  wished  much 
more  to  imitate  than  to  subdue  them.  As  this  cold 
was  followed  by  a  pestilence,  the  Sibylline  books 
were  consulted  in  Rome,  both  Greek  and  Tuscan  ; 
for  we  find  a  Lectisternium  ordered,  as  an  expiation, 
by  the  magistrates,  to  three  Tuscan  and  three  Greek 
gods,— Erkle,  Turms,  or,  Mercury,  and  Minerva  ; 
Apollo,  Latona,  and  Diana ;  the  first  time  they  had 
been  associated  in  such  a  ceremony.  The  feast  was 
to  last  eight  days,  and  as  the  distress  of  the  poor 
was  so  great  that  almost  all  the  rich  deemed  it  ad- 
visable to  follow  this  example,  and  to  keep  open 
house  during  the  time,  Rome  must  have  exhibited  a 
singular  contrast  of  plenty,  feasting,  and  religious 
pomp,  opposed  to  famine,  starvation,  and  naked- 
ness. 

The  gods,  however,  were  not  yet  suflliciently  ap- 
peased to  grant  the  Romans  much  success  at  Veii. 
Again  Capena  and  Faliscia  attacked  the  military 
works,  and  again  their  enemies  were  on  the  point  of 
being  defeated,  but  the  remembrance  of  Sergius 
and  Virginius  stirred  up  the  generals  to  support 
each  other  vigorously,  and  they  succeeded  in  re- 
pulsing the  Tuscans,  after  a  severe  struggle.  Some 
of  the  legions  which  were  returning  from  Capena 
came  most  opportunely  to  their  assistance,  and  cut 
off  the  retreat  of  the  Capenians,  whilst  many  of  the 
Veientine  troops  were  slaughtered,  because  their 
own  people  shut  the  city  gates  before  they  had  time 


THE   SIEGE   AND     FALL   OF   VEII. 


357 


to  enter,  fearing  that  the  Romans  might  get  in  along 
with  them.  For  a  twelvemonth  after  this,  the  con- 
tending parties  seem  to  have  been  equal.  The 
Romans  could  make  no  advances  at  Veii,  neither 
were  they  in  turn  dislodged,  and  Faliscia  still  pre- 
sented impregnable  fronts  to  all  the  forces  which 
her  enemies  could  raise  against  them.  The  fa- 
mous Camillus  was  sent  against  the  former,  and 
Potitus,  scarcely  less  esteemed,  against  the  latter ; 
and  yet  they  could  do  nothing  but  waste  and  scour 
the  plains,  as  they  had  done  before. 

The  war  had  now  lasted  eight  years  ;  and  after 

the    extraordinary    winter,    and    the    pestilence 

caused,  as  our  best  natural  historians  believe,  by 
earthquakes  in  various  parts  of  Asia  and  the  Medi- 
terranean coasts — many  prodigies  were  said  to  have 
occurred,  and  in  all  probability,  many  unusual  phe- 
nomena actually  happened.  Livy  says  that  they 
were  little  regarded  by  men  in  general,  excepting 
one,  which  affected  so  many,  and  came  so  near 
home,  as  to  excite  great  consternation.  The  Lake 
of  Alba,  which  was  once  two  hundred  feet  hio-her 
than  it  is  at  present,  swelled  and  rose  without  any 
visible  cause,  any  melting  snows,  or  violent  rains, 
and  the  waters  continued  lo  rise  and  rise,  though 
the  weather  was  fair  and  dry.  The  Romans  could 
get  no  Aruspex  of  celebrity  to  tell  them  the  mean- 
ing of  this  strange  event,  for  the  Magi  of  the  Tus- 
cans had  withdrawn  from  Rome  during  this  war  of 
implacability,  and  none  of  their  own  Augurs  pos- 


li  '.I 


358 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


I 


sessed  the   requisite   degree    of  erudition,  or   had 
science  enough  to  explain  it. 

The  most  renowned  diviner  of  his  day  was  an 
aged  Patrician  in  Veii,  to  whose  words  all  men 
gave  heed.    When  he  was  told  of  the  Lake  of  Alba, 
he  said  it  was  well,  for  the  Romans  could  never  be 
masters  of  Veii  until  the  waters  were  discharged 
from  that  lake.     It  is  the  fashion,  in  our  day,  to 
disbelieve  this  and  all  similar  stories,  but  we  do  not 
see  why  the  Tuscan  prophecies  should  not  have  been 
as  true  as  those  of  Scotland,  many  of  which   are 
quite  as  inexplicable  and  quite  as  romantic.     Some 
of  them,  of  most  improbable  character,  which  we 
have  known  from  our  earliest  youth,  we  have  lived 
to  see  fulfilled ;  and  it  is  not  superstition,  but  oh- 
servation,  reflection,  and  experience,  which  induce 
us  to  give  faith  to  a  thousand  things  which  we  can- 
not  understand,  and  about  which,  indeed,  we  con- 
ceive understanding  to  be  altogether  unnecessary. 
The  traditions  of  all  the  Eastern  and  Northern  na- 
tions concerning  their  visions,  their  proverbs,  and 
their  prophecies,  incline  us  to  regard  the  taJe  of 
Veii  as  a  most  natural  occurrence ;  nor  can  we  be- 
lieve in  any  tribe,  regardful  of  omens  and  portents, 
that  would  not  have  some  sayings  of  a  similar  na- 
ture.    This  speech   of  the  Aruspex  was   reported 
through  Veii,  and  perhaps  was  as  well  known  for 
fifty  years  previously  to  her  people,  as  many  of  the 
Scotch  sayings   are  to   the  Caledonians.     For  in- 
stance. 


THE   SIEGE   AND    FALL    OF   VEII. 


359 


••  The  crown  came  with  a  lass,— with  a  lass  it  shall  pass." 

"  When  Tweed  and  Pausayl  join  at  Merlin's  grave, 
Scotland  and  England  shall  one  monarch  have."* 
**  Whatever  befall,  whatever  betide, 
Haig  shall  be  Haig  of  Bemerside." 

This  last  is  attributed  to  Thomas  the  Rhymer,  who 
died  in  1299,  and  has  been  true  from  that  time  to 
this. 

Livy  relates  that  this  Veientine  Aruspex,  or,  at 
any  rate,  that  an  elderly  Veientine,  who  was  walk- 
ing along  the  wall,  and  listening  to  the  scoffs  of  the 
Roman  soldiers,  told  them  this  prophecy,  to  show 
them  how  secure  Veii  was  from  all  their  might,  and 
all  that  they  could  attempt.  The  Romans  repeated 
what  they  had  heard  in  camp,  and  at  last  one  of 
tliem  asked  a  citizen  of  Veii  who  the  person  was 
that  had  uttered  that  prophecy.  The  citizen  told 
him  it  was  an  Aruspex,  upon  which  the  soldier 
said  that  he  was  very  anxious  to  consult  him  con- 
cerning an  omen  in  his  own  family,  that  he  might 
know  what  expiation  to  make,  and  begged  for  an 
interview. 

As  the  Roman  could  not  be  admitted  into  Veii, 
and  promised  to  come  unarmed,  the  Aruspex  went 
out  of  the  city  to  him,  and  walked  with  him  beyond 
the  walls  for  some  little  distance,  listening  to  his  tale. 

•The  grave  of  Merhn  is  pointed  out  at  Drummellzear  in 
Tweeddale,  beneath  an  aged  thorn-tree.  On  the  east  side  of  the 
churchyard  the  stream  Pausayl  falls  into  the  Tweed,  and  this 
prophecy  was  current  as  to  their  union.  On  the  day  of  the 
coronation  of  James  the  First,  of  Great  Britain,  the  Tweed 
o\erflowed,  and  joined  the  Pausayl  at  the  prophet's  grave. 


^11 


360 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


I. 


J 


Suddenly  the  soldier  turned,  seized  the  old  man, 
struggled  with  him,  and  overpowered  him,  after 
which  he  had  him  conveyed  into  the  Roman  camp. 
The  general  interrogated  him  concerning  his  pre- 
diction, but  learned  nothing  more ;  therefore  he 
sent  him  to  Rome  to  be  examined  by  the  Senators. 
In  their  presence,  being  required  to  tell  the  mean- 
ing of  the  prophecy,  probably  under  pain  of  death, 
which,  however,  little  excuses  him,  he  said  that  it 
was  written  in  the  Libri  Fatales  of  the  Tuscans,  that 
the  gods  would  never  abandon  Veii  until  the  Lake 
of  Alba  should  terrify  men  by  its  rise,  and  their 
enemies  should  discover  how  to  discharge  its  waters, 
so  that  no  large  stream  should  reach  the  sea.  We 
cannot  justify  any  Tuscan  for  his  weakness  in  tell- 
ing so  much,  far  less  for  his  infamy  in  teaching  the 
Romans  how  to  fulfil  the  prophecy  against  his  own 
country  ;  and  it  makes  us  forget  and  forgive  the 
treachery  by  which  he  himsell'  was  made  a  prisoner. 

Miiller  calls  him  an  Aquilex,  or  Director  of  the 
water-works,  as  well  as  an  Aruspex ;  the  Tuscan 
Diviner  was  now  unworthy  of  a  return  to  his  people, 
and  degraded  in  his  own  eyes,  notwithstanding  all  the 
pretended  honour  with  which  he  was  treated  by  the 
Romans ;  he  therefore  settled  amongst  them,  and  be- 
came a  citizen  of  the  seven  hills.  He  instructed  them 
how  to  appease  the  Alban  gods  by  renewing  their  cere- 
monious attendance  on  the  Feriae  at  the  temple  of  Ju- 
piter Latialis,  as  well  as  how  to  reduce  the  lake  by 
the  usual  Etruscan  method  of  an  Emissarium,  built 
with  such  consummate  skill  that  it  still  does  the 


THE   SIEGE    AND   FALL    OF   VEII. 


361 


work  to  which  it  was  then  destined,  and  has  never 
required  more  than  a  very  partial  repair  in  the 
course  of  two-and-twenty  ages.  It  consists  of  a 
tunnel  cut  through  the  hill  of  Castel  Gandolfo, 
and  when  the  water  again  reaches  the  open  air,  it  is 
dispersed  in  many  channels  through  the  fields  for 
irrigation.  Only  two  men  can  work  abreast  in  the 
channel  together,  but  seven  air-holes  are  pierced  from 
the  ground  above  down  to  it ;  and  if  workmen  were 
let  down  by  these,  several  pairs  could  carry  on 
their  operations  at  the  same  time.  According  to 
the  view  which  engineers  take  of  the  manner  in 
which  it  has  been  conducted,  this  work  has  been 
pronounced  possible  in  three  years  and  a-half,  or  not 
under  nine.  All  stories,  however,  refer  the  direction 
of  it  to  this  traitorous  Etruscan  Aruspex,  or  to  some 
soldier  whom  he  had  instructed. 

• 

Though  Delphi  knew  nothing  of  Rome  until  se- 
veral years  after  this,  not  even  where  situated,  or  by 
whom  inhabited;  and  though  she  described  her, 
when  first  certain  of  her  identity,  "  as  a  city  of  the 
Hyperboreans  taken  by  the  Gauls,"  still  Rome  was 
very  fond  of  fancying  herself  an  object  of  interest 
to  Delphi,  and  is  said  to  have  sent  ambassadors  to 
consult  the  oracle  concerning  the  omen  of  the  Alban 
Lake.  Niebuhr  thinks  this  embassy  probable,  be- 
cause the  Romans  had  no  Aruspices  of  their  own, 
and  dared  not  trust  the  Tuscans  at  so  critical  a 
juncture.  When  the  ambassadors  returned,  they 
brought  for  answer,  "  Oh  Roman  beware,  lest  the 
swollen  waters  be  confined  within  the  Alban  Lake ; 


R 


I 


il 


362 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


THE    SIEGE   AND    FALL    OP   VEIL 


363 


'!t 


( 


beware  equally  lest  they  reach  the  sea  in  a  stream, 
but  disperse  their  volume  by  conducting  them  iii 
channels  through  the  fields.  Then  press  thou  boldly 
against  the  hostile  walls,  for  the  secret  I  now  dis- 
close unto  thee,  will  give  thee  victory  over  the  city 
which  thou  hast  besieged  for  so  many  years.  The 
feud  being  ended,  bring  thou  an  ample  gift  unto 
my  temple,  and  renew  the  sacred  rites  of  thine  own 
country  (the  Fcriae)  which  thou  hast  omitted." 

If  the  Romans  really  sent  to  Delphi,  they  must 
have  done  so  by  means  of  the  Cerites,  for  they  had 
no  ships  of  their  own  which  could  undertake  so 
long  a  voyage,  and  the  answer  of  the  oracle  would 
be,  *'  that  the  lake  must  be  drained  and  the  gods  pro- 
pitiated." But  all  answers  were  first  made  known  to 
the  Senate,  and  deliberated  upon  with  closed  doors; 
and  it  is  the  opinion  of  Niebuhr,  that  they  con- 
cocted the  words  above  given,  in  order  to  agree 
with  the  Tuscan  Libri  Fatales,  and  to  ensure  the  fall 
of  Veii,  by  circulating  a  general  belief  that  the 
gods  had  ordained  it,  and  therefore  it  could  not  be 
prevented. 

This  year  Tarquinia  made  a  diversion,*  in  favour 
of  Veii,  by  sending  a  body  of  troops  to  ravage 
the  Roman  lands  and  carry  off  considerable  booty. 
Where  these  lands  were  situated,  it  is  not  easy  to 
guess,  but  perhaps  about  Ostia  and  the  Salines. 
The  expedition  appears  to  have  been  a  mere  foray, 
for  the  Romans  marched  through  the  neutral  terri- 
tory of  Caere,    and  overtook   the  Tarquinians  on 

♦  A.  R.  359 ;  A.  T.  793. 


their  return  home.  They  surprised  them,  fought, 
and  retook  the  spoil,  and  with  this  they  were  con- 
tent, without  pursuing  the  enemy  farther.  They 
allowed  two  days  for  the  injured  landholders  and 
peasants  to  reclaim  their  goods,  and  what  remained 
on  the  third  was  put  up  to  auction,  when  to  their  joy 
they  found  that  it  all  belonged  to  the  enemy  Of 
Its  quantity  and  quality  we  are  not  informed,  but 
ten  prisoners  with  their  arms  would  be  quite  suffi- 
cient  for  the  Roman  story.  «  The  Tarquinii"  must 
either  have  been  a  hired  regiment,  or  the  clan  of 
some  one  friendly  chief,  as  the  whole  state  certainly 
was  not  engaged,  and  the  warfare,  unfortunately  for 
Veil,  did  not  continue. 

The  next  year  Faliscia  and  Capena  called  a  meet- 
ing at  Voltumna,  to  represent  to  the  states  the  im- 
portance  and  urgency  of  assisting  their   besieged 
member.     The  Romans  and  Latins  were  tunnelling 
through  a  shoulder  of  Mount  Alba,  and  makin^ 
channels  for  irrigating  all  their  fields,  upon  the  side 
whence  the  waters  would  issue.     The  Tuscans  well 
knew  that  their  own  countrymen,  and  one  of  their 
own  Aruspices,  had  taught  them  how  to  turn  those 
waters  henceforward,  into  their  most  useful  auxili- 
anes  ;  and  more  than  this,  had  infused  into  them  a 
spirit  of  hope  and  triumph,  which  nothing  but  the 
most  vigorous  measures  on  their  part  could  allay 
They  besought  thestates  to  forgive  theKing  "Lucius 
buperbus,''  the  proud  Lucumo  of  Veii,  the  insult 
which  he  had  once  offered  to  their  authority,  in  con- 
sideration  of  the  high-hearted  ability  with  which  he 

R  2 


!{i 


364 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


now  managed  the  reins  of  government,  under 
the  dangerous  and  critical  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed.  We  learn  from  Plutarch  that  he 
did  not  neglect  his  own  divinities  and  offerings,  and 
he  must  have  been  a  very  wonderful  person  to  keep 
up  the  spirit  of  his  nobles  and  people,  when  they 
knew  that  their  own  oracles  had  doomed  them  to 
be  destroyed.  Though  the  adverse  prophecy  was 
circulated  as  far  as  the  Romans  could  spread  it,  and 
though  it  was  most  undoubtingly  believed,  as  far  as  it 
was  circulated,  we  do  not  meet  with  one  single  in- 
stance of  faint-heartedness  in  either  king  or  people 
of  the  fated  state,  if  we  except  the  traitor  who 
worked  its  ruin. 

TheEtruscan  Diet  did  not  perceive  the  imminenceof 
the  peril,  and  in  the  ordinary  course  of  human  affairs, 
they  were  fully  justified  in  their  views  and  estimate. 
According  to  all  appearances,  Veii  and  her  king 
were  fully  equal  to  the  emergency,  and  perfectly 
able  to  cope  with  Rome,  only  they  could  not  dis- 
lodge the  camp  which  had  made  a  settlement  close 
to  their  walls ;  and  one  vigorous  effort  of  Etruria 
united  to  effect  this,  would  probably  have  delivered 
them  from  danger  for  ever.  The  states  were  mol- 
lified by  the  representations  of  Faliscia  and  Capena, 
and  had  Veii  been  in  any  immediate  distress,  they 
would  probably  have  given  her  their  full  assistance, 
notwithstanding  that  the  haughty  Lucumo  had  his 
personal  enemies  amongst  them,  who  rejoiced  over 
all  his  perplexities  and  humiliations.  Veii,  how- 
ever, stood  firm  upon  her  lofty  rock,  uninjured  on 


TBE   SIEGE   AND    FALL   OF    VEII. 


365 


all  sides,  and  only  annoyed  upon  one,  which  she  had 
for  years  successfully  resisted,  and  which  in  the 
opinion  of  the  states  she  might  continue  to  resist, 
until  she  and  Rome,  being  mutually  tired  of  the  con- 
flict, should  seek  a  lasting  peace.  Lucumo  the 
Proud,  had  shown  himself  quite  as  great  a  general 
as  any  the  Seven  Hills  contained  within  her  pre- 
cincts, and  the  city  was  in  no  danger  of  famine,  for 
all  Etruria,  to  the  north  and  west  of  her,  lay  open 
to  supply  her  with  corn.  Niebuhr  says,  that 
the  Romans  never  surrounded  her,  nor  were  able 
to  cut  off  her  communication  with  her  sister  states. 
Voltumna,  therefore,  gave  for  answer,  "  That  at  this 
juncture  the  States  could  not  spare  their  troops  to 
undertake  her  defence  ;  for  that  they  must  guard 
the  northern  frontiers,  (i.  e.,  Arctium,  Perugia, 
Chiusi,  Fiesole,  Lucca,  and  Luna,)  against  the 
Gauls,  a  strange  nation,  whose  habits  they  knew 
not,  and  with  whom  at  this  juncture  they  were 
neither  at  peace  nor  war.  Yet  to  the  blood  and 
name  and  present  difficulties  of  their  kindred,  they 
would  grant  this  much,  that  if  any  of  the  youth 
desired  to  assist  in  that  war  of  their  own  free  will, 
they  would  not  prevent  them." 

The  Romans  heard  this  answer,  and  understood 
that  a  numerous  host  immediately  took  advantage 
of  the  permission,  and  joined  Veii ;  and  this  fear  and 
belief  together,  either  paralyzed  the  camp  beneath 
the  walls,  or  else  they  trusted  that  on  the  draining 
of  Lake  Alba,  the  city  would  fall  of  itself,  without 
any  exertion  or  further  trouble  on  their  parts.    This 


I 


366 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


THE   SIEGE   AND    FALL   OF   VEIL 


367 


Itl 


i 


II 


we  gather,  because  they  lay  perfectly  still  within 
their  lines  and  did  nothing  ;  but  their  very  inac- 
tivity and  spiritless  monotony  made  them  long  the 
more  to  return  to  Rome,  and  they  were  only  kept 
from  mutiny  by  the  lately  revealed  prophecy,  and 
the  terrors  of  Appius  Claudius  and  Camillus,  two 
severe  and  dreaded  Senators,  who  were  resolute  to 
continue  the  war,  fully  confident  in  its  ultimate 
success. 

The  Roman  Senate  dispatched  two  military  Tri- 
bunes with  their  armies  against  the  Faliscii  and  Cape- 
nati,not  to  attack  their  towns,  for  that  was  too  ardu- 
ous, but  simply  to  ravage  their  lands,  carry  off  the 
cattle,  and  destroy  the  grain,  vines,  mulberries,  and 
olives,  so  as  not  to  leave  a  blade  of  corn  nor  a  fruit-tree 
standing.  It  is  very  marvellous  how  quickly  the  trees 
sprung  up  again,  in  order  to  afford  the  Romans  the 
annual  amusement  of  destroying  them.  We,  incre- 
dulous beings  of  modern  mould,  can  only  account 
for  this,  by  supposing  that  the  first  year's  ravages 
were  confined  to  a  few  fields  beyond  the  frontiers, 
and  that  the  havoc  of  succeeding  seasons  was  very 
gradual  in  its  encroachments. 

This  year,  however,  the  ardour  of  the  military 
tribunes,  carried  them  too  far.  They  fell  into  an 
ambush,  and  after  much  hard  fighting,  one  of  them 
was  killed  in  front  of  the  battle.  The  other  contrived 
to  rally  his  troops,  and  retired  to  a  height  to  form 
them  again  in  order,  but  he  could  not  prevail  on 
them  any  more  to  face  the  enemy,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  put  up  with  the  disgrace  of  a  confession  that  the 


Roman  Legions  did  for  once  tremble  before  their 
Tuscan  antagonists.     The   consternation  in    Rome 
and  in  the  fortified  camp  at  Veii  was  equally  great. 
The  Quirites  had  heard  no  such  news  for  at  least 
two  years,  and  in  despite  both  of  oracles  and  pro- 
digies, they  as  usual  gave  themselves  up  for  lost. 
The  soldiers  could  scarcely  be  restrained   from   a 
cowardly  flight,  for  report  informed  them  that  two 
of   their  generals,  with   their    armies,    had    been 
defeated  and  cut  to  pieces,  and   that   the   excited 
youth  of  Capena   and  Faliscia,  full  of   hope   and 
confidence,    were   marching   onwards    with    rapid 
steps  to  inflict  upon  them  the  same  fate.      They 
further  believed,  that  all  the  young  men  of  all  the 
rest  of  Etruria,  were  coming   to  unite  with  their 
successful  countrymen,  so  as  to  enclose  and  destroy 
them,  and  at  Rome   itself  report  further  alleged, 
that  the  camp  at  Veii  had  been  attacked,  and  that 
the  victorious  enemy  was  in  full  march  towards  the 
city.  Neibuhr  thinks  it  probable  that  the  Etruscans 
now  broke  the  lines  which  connected  the  two  camps 
at  Veii,  and  thus,  as  it  were,  raised  the  siege,  and 
tliat  they  were  expected  by   the  Romans  on  the 
Janiculum,  whence  they  had  so  often  overawed  the 
city  in  former  times. 

Great,  indeed,  was  the  consternation  within 
the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  and  a  universal  panic  seems 
to  have  seized  upon  all  ranks  there.  The  Lake  of 
Alba  ceased  to  swell;  the  tunnelling  which  the 
Senate  had  commanded,  proceeded  without  inter- 
ruption ;  the  aruspex  still  uttered  his  favourable  pre- 
dictions, but  yet  the  military   tribunes   had   been 


368 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURlA. 


1 


killed,  the  army  was  disgraced,  and  the  enemy  in 
overwhelming  numbers  were  preparing  to  encamp 
before  tlie  walls  of  Rome.     On  they  appeared   to 
come,  to  the  excited   fancy  of  the  Romans  ;  the 
Falisci    and  Capenati,   flushed    with    victory ;    the 
exasperated  troops  of  Veii,  eager  for  revenge  ;  and 
all  the  strength  and  youth  of  Etruria,  pouring  in 
their  train.     The  Roman  men  then  ran  to  their  walls, 
and  the  women  to  their  temples.     The  one  grasped 
theirswords  todefend  their  homes,  or  tosell  their  lives 
dear,  the  others  spread  out  their  hands,  and  fell  upon 
their  faces,  beseeching  the  gods  to  turn  the  destruc- 
tion which  threatened  them,  from  their  own  houses, 
walls  and  sanctuaries,  and  to  hurl  it  back  with  ten  • 
fold  fury  upon  the  hated,  dreaded,  and  ever  restless 
Veii.     Livy  tells  us,  that  from   this   day  forward, 
Veii  expected  to  share  amongst  her  people  the  spoils 
of  Rome,  and  that  many  of  her  citizens  had  confi- 
dently portioned  out  for  themselves  habitations  there. 

A.  R.  793,  A.  c.  394. 
There  were  among  the  Magnates  of  Rome,  how- 
ever, men  who  did  not  despair,  and  who  were  re- 
solved that  the  prophecy  on  which  they  built  so 
much,  should  not  fail  of  its  accomplishment 
through  any  neglect  of  theirs.  The  expectations 
and  hopes  both  of  their  citizens  and  allies,  must 
have  been  kept  up  by  the  very  prudent  measures 
they  adopted,  and  in  proportion  to  the  nervous  in- 
stability of  the  governed,  seems  to  have  been  the 
cool  firmness  of  those  who  were  then  at  the  head  of 
affairs.     In  their  present  extreme  peril,  all  discord 


THE   SIEGE   AND    FALL   OF   VEII. 


369 


was  silenced.  The  Emissarium  of  Lake  Alba  was 
completed — the  waters  were  let  off*  and  dispersed 
through  the  fields,  reaching  the  sea  by  various  in- 
considerable channels,  and  the  Latin  Feriae  were 
most  pompously  solemnized,  to  celebrate  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  work.  The  renowned  Lucius  Camillus 
was  named  Dictator,  and  Pub.  Corn.  Scipio,  was  his 
Master  of  the  Horse. 

Camillus's  first  act  was  to  make  an  example 
of  the  troops  who  had  just  fled  from  Veii,  and  to 
inspire  his  soldiers  with  more  fear  of  his  inexorable 
severity,  than  of  meeting  the  enemy.  Camillus  acted 
his  part  with  the  most  consummate  prudence,  and 
knew  how  to  take  advantage  of  the  holiest  feelings 
and  most  powerful  motives  that  actuate  the  bosoms  of 
men.  Before  commencing  operations,  he  went  to 
reconnoitre  Veii,  and  to  ascertain  if  there  was 
any  way  of  investing  it  more  closely.  Perhaps  he 
followed  in  the  wake  of  a  retiring  enemy,  for  other- 
wise we  do  not  know  how  the  Etruscan  troops, 
which  had  occasioned  so  vehement  a  terror,  could 
have  been  removed  from  Rome.  Camillus  then 
levied  a  large  force  amongst  the  Latins  and  Herni- 
cans,  whom  he  thanked  for  their  former  services, 
and  he  made  a  public  vow  in  presence  of  the  army, 
that  when  he  had  taken  Veii,  (thus  expressing  that 
he  was  fated  to  take  it,)  he  would  celebrate  the 
great  games  in  honour  of  the  high  Italian  gods,  and, 
moreover,  repair  the  temple  of  Mater  Matuta,  (the 
Eluthya  and  Bona  Dea  of  Rome,)  which  had  been 
dedicated  by  Servius  Mastarna.    We  presume  that 

R  5 


h 


370 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


she  was  one  of  the  forms  of  Nortiaor  Fortune,  other- 
wise what  connexion  could  she  have  had  with  a  suc- 
cessful siege  ? 

Caniillus  left  these  assurances  of  his  to  work  their 
natural  effect  upon  the  minds  of  his  own  men,  and 
the  temper  of  the  enemy,  whom  he  would  neither 
irritate  nor  excite.  He  left  Veii  unattacked,  as 
though  he  could  suhdue  it  when  he  chose — as  though 
its  doom  were  certain,  and  he  had  only  to  await  the 
day  appointed  by  the  Fates.  Meanwhile,  not  to  be 
idle,  he  marched  through  the  territories  of  Capena, 
and  far  into  those  of  Faliscia,  coming  up  with  the 
enemy  at  Nepete,  where  he  retaliated  upon  them,  in 
a  bloody  battle,  the  defeat  of  the  Tribunes  in  tlie 
previous  year,  and  took  their  camp.  He  then  fell 
back  uj)on  Veii,  and  pitched  his  tent  with  the 
soldiers,  who  so  long  had  been  stationed  there.  He 
awed  them  into  a  discipline  which  was  entirely  new, 
suffered  no  skirmishes,  and  no  relaxation,  and 
ordered  the  erection  of  more  forts  upon  their  line  of 
entrenchment.  This  looked  as  if  he  expected  some 
hard  fighting  in  the  plain,  and  was  preparing  for  a 
desperate  conflict.  The  very  stillness  of  his  arms, 
and  the  clanking  of  his  hammers,  seemed  ominous. 
It  is  said  that  the  wicked  worthless  Aruspex,  now 
become  a  great  man  in  Rome,  suggested  to  the 
Dictator  the  connection  which  existed  between  the 
draining  of  the  Alban  Lake  and  the  ruin  of  Veii,* 
by  a  tunnel  or  mine,  which  should  issue  within  the 
walls;  and  we  hope  if  he  did,  that  he  died  of  vex- 
♦  Vide  Sir  W.  Cell,  article  Veii. 


THE    SIEGE    AND    FALL    OF    VEII. 


371 


ation  afterwards,  in  seeing  all  his  fame  given  to 
another. 

Camillus  divided  his  men  into  six  bands,  so  that 
five  parts  should  always  be  in  camp,  or  working  at 
the  entrenchments,  whilst  the  sixth,  without  being 
missed,  should  labour  day  and  night  at  the  mine.  It 
was  the  same  breadth  as  the  Alban  Emissarium, 
and  only  two  men  could  work  in  it  abreast,  whilst 
their  companions  were  engaged  in  handing  them 
stones,  shovelling  out  the  earth,  &c.  This  mine 
was  begun  through  an  overhanging  rock  which  pro- 
tected the  parties  from  observation,  and  it  was 
situated  at  some  distance  from  the  fortifications, 
where  Camillus  appeared  to  be  concentrating  his 
strength  for  some  great  effort,  and  on  which  he 
contrived  to  fix  the  earnest  attention  of  his  oppo- 
nents. 

From  this  moment  he  always  spoke  of  Veii  as  if 
already  in  his  possession,  and  gradually  persuaded 
his  countrymen  to  look  upon  it  in  the  same  light, 
as  a  doomed  city,  which  could  not  escape,  being  given 
to  them  by  the  gods.  He  sent  to  ask  the  Senate  what 
he  should  do  with  the  spoil,  as  he  wished  to  be 
prepared  before  hand,  and  he  knew  the  city  to  be 
immensely  rich.  His  letter  to  the  Senate  is  as  fol- 
lows :  "  By  the  favour  of  the  immortal  gods,  upon 
my  councils,  and  the  patience  of  the  troops,  I  have 
put  Veii  in  the  power  of  the  Roman  people.  How 
do  they  wish  the  booty  to  be  disposed  of  ?" 

The  Senators  debated  this  point  in  all  the  assurance 
of  his  own  spirit,  and  had  nearly  quarrelled  upon  the 

C 


Il 


;| 


il 


372 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


subject,  whilst  Veii  was  still  in  all  her  life  and  gran- 
deur, and  whilst  she  felt  certain  that  her  great  Lucu- 
nio,  having  expiated  her  sins,  would  be  able  to  avert 
her  fate.  Livy's  whole  account  of  this  exciting  his- 
tory gives  us  the  impression  that  no  dejection  or  des- 
pondency ever  damped  the  spirits  of  her  defenders. 
The  Roman  Senate  at  first  proposed,  that  every  man 
who  chose,  should  be  permitted  to  join  Camillus,  and 
should  then  be  entitled  to  share  in  the  spoil ;  but 
Appius  Claudius  said,  in  his  opinion,  the  Senate 
ought  to  create  out  of  it  a  military  fund,  from  which 
they  could  pay  the  army,  and  remit  to  the  Plebeians 
the  soldiers*  tax.  In  this  way  every  man  who  had 
contributed  to  the  victory  would  profit  by  it,  and 
the  treasures  whicii  they  hoped  to  gain,  would  not 
be  dissipated  amongst  the  idle  rabble.  The  Senate, 
after  due  deliberation,  considered  the  first  proposal 
as  the  most  likely  to  conduce  to  their  end,  that 
is,  to  reinforce  the  fighting  men, and  to  keep  up  their 
present  enthusiasm.  They,  therefore,  gave  the 
desired  leave  for  all  to  share  the  spoil  who  joined 
the  camp,  and  multitudes  set  forth  to  place  them- 
selves under  the  command  of  the  severe  and  re- 
doubtable Camillus.  What  an  altered  tone  since 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  when  men  could  scarcely 
be  found  to  serve,  and  yet  the  outward  aspect  of 
things  was  no  more  in  their  favour  now,  than  it  had 
been  before.  The  Veientines  were  as  strons:  in 
hope  and  courage  as  ever,  but  in  the  Roman  mind 
an  indomitable  religious  enthusiasm  had  taken  the 
place  of  a  cool  selfishness,  a  moody  discontent,  and 
a  heartless  inditfcreuce. 


i- 


I 


THE   SIKGE    AND    FALL   OF   VEIL 


373 


The  Dictator,  who  had  roused,  also  carefully  che- 
rished this  spirit.  On  the  arrival  of  his  reinforce- 
ments he  had  the  auspices  taken,  and  with  an  im- 
posing pomp,  he  vowed  one-tenth  of  all  the  spoils 
to  Apollo,  and  implored  Juno  Kupra,the  patron  divi- 
nity of  Veii,  to  transfer  her  residence  to  Rome,  and 
to  come  and  reign  there.  "  Led  by  thee,"  he  cried  in 
the  presence  of  all  his  troops — led  by  thee,  "O  Pythian 
Apollo,  and  inspired  by  thy  spirit,  I  go  to  destroy 
the  city  of  Veii ;  therefore,  unto  thee  do  I  vow  the 
tenth  part  of  the  prey.  To  thee,  in  like  manner, 
O  Juno  Regina,  who  now  protectest  Veii,  do  I  pray 
that  thou  permit  us  to  bear  thee  to  our  city,  and 
make  it  for  the  future  thine.  There  a  temple  shall 
receive  thee,  worthy  of  thy  greatness." 

This  ceremony  over,  and  the  mine  being  finished 
and  ready  to  spring,  the  expectations  of  his  people 
also  being  wound  up  to  the  highest  pitch,  Camillus 
gave  the  command  for  the  final  assault.  His  men  were 
to  charge  with  their  battering  rams,  and  endeavour 
to  scale  the  walls  in  all  directions,  in  order  to  dis- 
tract the  attention  of  the  enemy  and  to  require  their 
presence  at  every  point,  excepting  the  one  where 
alone  it  could  have  availed  for  their  delivery.  The 
Veientines  had  been  so  lulled  into  security  by  the 
apparent  inactivity  and  infatuated  presumption 
of  Camillus,  who  talked  as  if  he  expected  their 
walls  to  fall  down  at  the  blast  of  his  trumpets,  like 
those  of  Jericho,  that  they  had  laughed  at,  and 
defied  him ;  but  no  one  had  observed  the  mine,  or 
taken  any  precautions  against  it.     We  may  well 


1^ 


i 


If 


^ 


374 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


believe  that  Camillus  had  consulted  the  Aruspex,as 
to  the  line  of  its  direction,  in  order  to  avoid  con- 
ducting  it  where  the  noise  of  his  instruments  would 
be  heard.     The  Veientines,  when  they  were  startled 
by  the  loud  triumphant  shouts  of  the  Romans,  and 
saw  them  swarming  towards  the  gates,or  surrounding 
the  walls,  and  attempting  to  climb  the  rocks,  or  to 
scale  the  fortifications,  thought  that  they  had  sud- 
denly gone  mad,  and  the  Tuscan  soldiers  mounted 
the  ramparts  resolutely  and  soberly  to  drive  them 
back,and  restore  them  to  their  senses.     Their  Kin^r 
was  in  the  citadel   preparing  a  sacrifice  to  Juno. 
Their  augur  proclaimed  that  he  who  offered  up  that 
sacrifice  should  be  the  victor ;  they  had  no  fear  for 
the  event,  when,  alas!  the  mine  was  sprung,  and 
suddenly  they  saw  the  enemy  within  their   walls. 
Their  gates  were  seized  and  opened  ;    the   Ponte 
Sodo   amongst   the   first,   and    their   houses    were 
wrapt  in  flames  before  they  could  ascertain  the  ex- 
tent of  the  danger,  or  whence  it  had  arisen.     For 
a  while  tliey  could  not  discover  how  the  Romans  had 
efiected  an  entrance,  and   for  some  minutes  must 
have   been   stupified   by   astonishment   and    confu- 
sion. 

Camillus  marched  into  the  temple,  and  killed  the 
King  with  his  own  hand  ;  the  fight  became  despe- 
rate and  general  everywhere,  and  the  women  and 
their  slaves  mounting  up  to  the  roofs  of  the  houses, 
poured  down  stones  and  firebrands  upon  the  soldiers 
in  the  streets.  At  length,  after  a  hideous  slaughter 
from  men  excited  and  prepared,  towards  an  enemy 


THE   SIEGE   AND    FALL   OF   VEIL 


375 


surprised  and  half  stunned,  after  the  walls  were 
surmounted  and  the  citadel  was  taken,  Camillus 
proclaimed  a  truce,  called  a  parley,  and  promised  if 
the  town  submitted,  that  none  of  the  women  and 
children,  or  the  unarmed,  should  be  injured,  and 
that  he  would  stop  the  effusion  of  blood.  Then 
Veii  surrendered,  then  she  bowed  before  her  foe, 
"  Yielding  herself,"  says  Livy,  "  not  to  the  might 
"  of  her  enemy,  but  to  Fate.  She  was  the  most  opu- 
"  lent  city  belonging  to  the  Etruscan  name,  and 
"■  showed  the  majesty  of  her  greatness,*  even  in  the 
"  hour  of  her  destruction.  For  ten  summers  and  win- 
**  ters  in  succession,  she  had  resisted  all  the  power  of 
"  the  Latins,  inflicting  upon  them  far  greater  loss  than 
"  she  ever  suffered  in  return ;  and  when  she  was  over- 
"come  at  last,  it  was  by  successful  cunning — by  art 
"  and  stratagem,  and  not  by  military  force."  One 
hundred  thousand  souls  were  contained  within  her 
circuit :  she  was  as  large  and  fine  a  city  as  Athens, 
and  far  richer  and  more  beautiful  than  Rome. 

When  her  spoils  came  to  be  estimated,  they  far  sur- 
passed the  utmost  imagination  that  Camillus  had 
formed  of  them,  and  Livy  says,  that  her  wealth  ex- 
ceeded all  that  had  been  taken  in  former  wars  put  to- 
gether. Camillus  was  so  amazed  at  his  conquest,  that 
bethought  the  heavens  themselves  would  en  vy  him  his 
fortune,  and  he  prayed,  lifting  his  hands  upwards, that 
if  either  gods  or  men  required  some  counterpoise  to  a 
success  so  brilliant,  they  would  visit  it  on  him  alone, 
and  not  on  the  Roman  people.     Having  said  this, 

•  Lib  V.  22. 


376 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


he  turned  round  and  fell,  which  was  taken  as  an 
omen  that  evil  would  ere  long  visit  him  and  also 
his  city  by  the  sword,  and  this  was  supposed  to  be 
fulfilled  in  the  taking  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls  a  very 
few  years  after. 

Camillus  had  now  the  painfully  proud  task  of  a 
victor  to  fulfil,  in  putting  up  to  auction   the  many 
thousands  of  once  free  citizens  in  Veii.     The  Kins 
had  fallen  in  his  own  proper  place,  either  sword  in 
hand  in  the  midst  of  the  citadel,  or  at  the  foot  of 
his   patron    divinity,  while   engaged   in   an  act  of 
worship.     He  survived  not  the  humiliation   of  his 
country.     Those  of  his  nobles  who  were   not  fortu- 
nate enough  to  follow  his  example — those  few  who 
were  taken  prisoners  while  opposing  the  foe,  and 
stemming  the  red  tide  of  slaughter  which  flowed 
from     the     unarmed    and     overwhelmed    ^rarii, 
must   have  gone    into   Roman   slavery.      But   the 
greater  part  escaped  to  their  own  kindred  in  the 
other  states  of  Etruria  ;  for  they  would  either  seek 
safety  in  flight,  as  soon  as  they  perceived  resistance 
to  be  useless,  or  they  would  sell  their  lives  dear,  and 
refuse  all   quarter.      No   Tuscan   Patrician   would 
trust  his  honour,  his  wife  and  children,  to  the  ten- 
derness of  an  exasperated  and  half- frantic  foe.     The 
money  resulting  from  the  sale  of  tnese  prisoners 
was  all  that  went  into  the  Plebeian  treasury,  and 
the  Plebs  were  so  angry  with  Camillus  as  afterwards 
to  procure  his  banishment ;  for  they  said  that  be- 
fore his  conquest  he  had  deceived  them  by  golden 
promises,   and  afterwards  reduced    their  gains   to 
nothing. 


THE   SIEGE   AND   FALL   OF   VEII. 


377 


Camillus  now  proceeded  to  remove  the  gods  from 
their  temples,  and  their  treasures  from  the  shrines ; 
but  this  was  done  more  in  the  spirit  of  a  wor- 
shipper than  of  a  captor.  Juno  Kupra,  to  whom 
his  vow  had  been  made,  he  approached  with  the 
utmost  reverence.  Only  one  family,  hitherto,  of  na- 
tive Veientines,  had  been  suffered  to  appropriate  her 
priesthood,  or  to  offer  up  her  sacrifices.  He  bowed 
lowly  before  her,  supplicated  her  forgiveness,  and 
requested  her  to  remove  with  all  honour  to  Rome, 
and  reign  there  a  qusen,  as  she  had  formerly  reigned 
in  Veii.  It  is  said  that  the  image  moved  its  head 
in  token  of  assent;  and  this  we  can  well  believe 
from  what  we  have  ourselves  seen  in  the  construc- 
tion of  Etruscan  images,  the  head  being  often  most 
ingeniously  placed  upon  the  shoulders  in  a  loose 
socket.  It  is  also  said  she  smiled ;  and  why  should 
she  not  smile  in  the  eyes  of  her  adorers,  as  well  as 
the  pictures  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  which  are  frequently 
said  to  do  the  same  ?  Upon  this,  Camillus  ap- 
pointed some  of  his  handsomest  young  men,  having 
washed  their  bodies  in  pure  water,  to  come  up  to 
the  image,  and  to  bear  her,  with  careful  reverence, 
to  a  shrine  already  prepared  for  her  reception  upon 
Mount  Aventine. 

Veii  was  now  deserted  by  her  gods,  and  Camillus 
felt  certain  that  she  could  never  rise  again.  Why 
he  hated  her  with  so  deep  a  hatred  we  are  unable  to 
divine,  but  certain  it  is,  that  "  Delenda  est  Veii " 
was  in  the  Roman  spirit  before  the  same  sentence 


378 


HISTORY   OF   ETRURIA. 


I 


breathed  from  the  lips  of  him  who  pronounced  from 
the  darkest  depths  of  his  inmost  soul,  "  Delenda 
est  Carthago." 

As  the  town  had  submitted  upon  certain  terms, 
Camillus  was  bound  not  to  destroy  the  buildings, 
public  or  private.  Her  houses  and  palaces  were 
finer  than  those  of  Rome,  but  he  was  resolved  that 
they  should  never  again  be  inhabited  or  kept  up. 
He  reduced  the  wealthy  to  poverty,  the  free  to  slavery, 
and  he  had  decreed  within  himself,  that  ruin  should  be 
the  doom  of  Veii  and  that  time  should  crumble  her 
to  dust;  that  she  should  be  abandoned  to  destruction 
and  neglect ;  that  the  owl  should  roost  in  the  cham- 
bers of  her  kings,  and  the  fox  look  over  her  once 
peopled  ramparts.  Therefore,  when  the  Plebeians, 
and  even  some  of  the  Patricians  of  Rome,  wished 
to  better  their  condition  by  removing  to  that  city, 
he  opposed  it,  as  if  they  sought  to  destroy  all  the 
fruits  of  his  victory,  and  as  if  the  object  of  the 
whole  war  would  thus  be  rendered  useless.  He 
said  that  Veii  was  so  superior  in  many  essential 
points  to  Rome,  that  the  people  settled  there  would 
soon  cease  to  be  Romans ;  that  they  would  adopt 
her  as  their  own  country,  and  so  become  rivals  and 
enemies  to  their  own  blood. 

The  fiery  eloquence  and  imperious  passions  of 
Camillus  and  his  party,  alone  prevented  the  re- 
settlement of  Veii,  and,  perhaps,  her  ultimately 
becoming  the  mistress  of  the  world,  instead  of  the 
eternal  city.     How  strange  to  think  of  the  different 


THE   SIEGE   AND   FALL   OP   VEII. 


379 


fates  of  these  two  powerful  rivals,  Rome  and  Veii ! 
The  one,  only  six  years  after  her  proud  success,  was 
reduced  to  smoke  and  ashes,  from  which  she  re- 
vived with  more  than  phoenix-like  vigour,  through 
long  ages  to  live  and  flourish,  to  die  and  live  again, 
to  be  brought  to  the  verge  of  extinction,  and  yet 
never  to  perish.  The  other,  which  at  that  very 
moment  received  her  fugitives,  and  towered  aloft 
resplendent  in  beauty,  almost  uninjured  by  military 
violence  and  the  fearful  consequences  of  her  unex- 
pected overthrow,  now,  in  our  days,  is  not  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  sods  of  the  mountain,  nor, 
excepting  some  scattered  pieces  of  broken  pottery, 
has  a  trace  been  left,  to  show  where  once  she  stood. 
"Veii  is  become  a  fold  for  flocks,  a  pasture  for 
cattle.  The  lamb  crops  the  grass  within  her  forum; 
the  hare  plays  around  her  citadel ;  and  the  shepherd 
tunes  his  pipe  where  once  rose  the  altar  of  imperial 
Juno,  within  the  precincts  of  her  sacred  temple. 
Strangers  dance  and  laugh  upon  her  burying 
ground,  and  the  children  of  the  north  hunt  over 
her  streets,  her  fortress,  and  her  shrines.'' — "  Sic 
transit  gloria  mundi." 

No  trace  of  Camillus's  mine  has  yet  been  found ; 
perhaps,  having  been  made  to  serve  only  a  temporary 
purpose,  the  earth  and  stones,  and  occasional 
earthquakes  of  ages,  may  have  filled  it  up  ;  it  was 
hollowed  out  without  much  attention  to  durability, 
and  the  volcanic  convulsions  and  physical  changes 
of  so  many  centuries,  may  have  choked  it  with  earth 


380 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


and  stones.  Camillus*s  camp  was  pitched  at  what 
is  now  the  Arco  del  Pino,  and  his  mine  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  excavated  at  La  Valca,  about 
the  heap  of  stones  on  the  Via  Vejentina. 


381 


• 


I 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WARS    AFTER    VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 

Rejoicinprs  in  Rome  on  account  of  the  fall  of  Veil — Discontent 
with  Camillas — Conquests  of  the  Gauls  in  Etruria  Nova — 
Fall  of  Melpum  -Dionysius  in  the  Adriatic — Attacks  Pyrgos 
— Romans  wish  to  settle  in  Veii — Make  an  alhance  with  Ca- 
pena — Sutrium  and  Nepete — Besiege  Faleria — Faliscia  allies 
itself  with  Rome — Volsinia  and  Salpina  make  war  on  Rome 
— Embassy  from  Clusium — Aruns  leads  the  Gauls  against 
Clusium,  and  then  on  to  Rome — Romans  retire  to  Veii  and 
Caere — Tuscans  defeated  at  Veii  and  the  Salines — Veii  aban- 
doned by  the  Romans — Volsinia  and  Tarquinia  make  war  on 
Rome — Siege  of  Sutrium — Attack  on  Cortuosa  and  Contene- 
bra — Attack  on  Sutrium  and  Nepete — Meeting  at  Voltumna 
to  refix  the  boundaries — Savage  war  between  Tarquinia  and 
Rome — Caere  assists  Tarquinia — Loses  part  of  her  Roman 
franchise — Colonies — Ardea — Anxur-  -Circeium — Tusculum 
— Antium. 

PROM    AN.   R.   359   TO   405;    FROM    A.  C.    394    TO    348;     FROM 

A.  T.  TO  793  TO  839. 

When  the  Romans  found  that  Veii  had  actually 
come  into  their  possession,  their  joy  knew  no 
bounds.  They  were  at  last  delivered  from  perils 
which  hitherto  had  never  ceased  to  menace  them, 

*  Authorities :  Livy  v.  vi.  vii. ;  Dion.  Hal.  vii. ;  Diod,  Sic. 
xi.  xii. ;  Plut.  in  Camil.  ;  Ant.  Hist.  xi.  xii.  xri. ;  Niebuhr  i.  ii.; 
Arnold's  Rome  i. ;  Miiller's  Etriisker. 


« 


382 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


II 


I 

I 


from  their  nearest  and  direst  foe,  and  they  felt  as  if 
their  liberty  and  security  could  never  again  be  en- 
dangered. They  were  masters  of  a  city,  larger  and 
richer  than  their  own,  and  their  territories  and  po- 
pulation were  nearly  doubled.  The  matrons,  who 
so  lately  had  been  supplicating  the  gods  for  the 
lives  of  their  sons  and  husbands,  now  flew  to  the 
temples  to  return  thanks,  and  the  Senate,  which 
alone  had  not  abandoned  itself  to  despair,  ordered  a 
worship  of  four  successive  days  to  be  rendered  to  the 
Dii  Majores.  All  ranks  went  out  to  meet  the 
Dictator,  to  sing  his  praises,  and  to  swell  his  tri- 
umph ;  and  in  that  triumph  he  assumed  honours 
which  properly  belonged  to  the  gods  alone,  and  for 
which  the  spectators  believed  him  afterwards  to 
suffer  punishment.  He  painted  his  face  with  ver- 
milion, and  clad  in  the  robes  of  empire,  he  went 
up  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  in  an  open 
chariot,  drawn  by  four  white  horses,  sacred  to  the 
sun,  with  the  regal  crown  upon  his  head,  and  the 
ivory  sceptre  in  his  hand  ;  his  army,  prisoners,  and 
spoils  followed,  and  the  procession  was  closed  by  the 
priests  and  nobles  of  Rome.  Camillus  was  elated 
by  his  victory,  which  all  men  at  that  time  thought 
they  could  not  sufficiently  exalt,  as  marking  him  out 
to  be  a  favourite  of  the  gods;  and  the  importance 
of  which,  to  the  increase,  and  even  to  the  safety  of 
Rome,  they  believed  it  impossible  to  overrate. 

Camillus  laid  down  his  Dictatorship,  but  yet  was 
thought  to  take  too  much  upon  him,  considering 
himself  as  the  first  of  the  Romans,  and  the  accepted 
votary   of  Fortune,  the   Pona  Dea.      He  repaired 


WARS    AFTER   VEIL— GAULS.— COLONIES.        383 

the  fane  of  Mater  Matuta,  his  Nortia,  without 
delay,  and  built  the  temple  he  had  vowed  to  Veien- 
tine  Juno,  upon  Mount  Aventinus.  This  last  he 
dedicated  four  years  afterwards,  and  the  matrons 
showed  peculiar  zeal  in  their  offerings  and  devo- 
tions. Camillus  then  endeavoured  to  collect  the 
tenth  of  the  spoils  which  he  had  vowed  to  Apollo 
but  as  he  had  been  obliged  to  allow  his  soldiers  to 
plunder  at  discretion  on  the  surrender  of  Veii,  he 
had  no  means  of  estimating  the  worth  of  that  pro- 
perty which  they  had  destroyed  or  appropriated, 
and  he  laid  it  upon  each  man's  conscience  to  tax 
himself. 

The  troops,  who  had  never  understood  that  he 
vowed  for  any  but  himself,  were  highly  indignant, 
and  still  more  so,  when  Camillus  was  convicted  of 
having  taxed  himself  unfairly,  in  not  valuing  a 
pair  of  bronze  gates  taken  from  the  city,  which  he 
claimed  as  his  own.  Camillus  further  irritated  his 
men,  by  declaring  that  his  vow  included  both  the 
buildings  in  the  town  and  the  newly  conquered 
land  out  of  it,  one-tenth  of  which  was  Apollo's,  and 
must  either  be  considered  sacred,  or  redeemed.  He 
further  insisted,  that  this  property  must  be  repre- 
sented by  a  golden  offering  of  eight  talents'  weight, 
to  be  sent  to  the  temple  of  the  god  in  Delphi ;  and 
as  gold  to  melt  was  not  forthcoming,  the  matrons 
brought  in  their  bracelets  and  earrings  to  the 
amount  required.  The  metal  was  weighed,  valued, 
and  paid  for,  and  then  manufactured  into  a  golden 
bowl ;  and  the  Senate,  in  acknowledgment  of  this 
meritorious  conduct  in  their  ladies,  ordained,  that 


t 


384 


IIISTOHY    OP  ETRURIA. 


they  should  henceforth  be  permitted  to  drive  in 
open  carriages  through  the  streets  every  day,  and 
in  covered  ones  at  all  the  games  and  upon  every 
festival. 

The  Tuscans  would  not  fail  to  hear  all  the  circum- 
stances of  Camillus*s  triumph,  and  of  his  thank- 
offerings,  so  insulting  to  them.  Besides  the  loss  of 
Veii  at  this  juncture,  they  had  to  mourn  over  the 
weakening  of  their  influence,  and  the  diminution  of 
their  territory  in  Rhoetia,  Etruria  Nova,  and  the 
north-west  boundaries  of  Etruria  Proper.  The 
Diet  of  Voltumna  had  refused  assistance  to  Veii, 
because  the  troops  of  so  many  of  the  Lucumonies 
were  required  at  home,  to  be  in  a  state  of  watchful 
preparation  and  armed  neutrality.  They  were  obliged 
to  keep  up  a  strong  force  along  a  wide  line  of  fron- 
tier, against  the  Gauls,  who  were  then  in  movement 
amongst  themselves,  and  throughout  all  their  colo- 
nies and  settlements  in  Rhoetia,  and  along  the  Po 
and  Tessinus ;  and  the  final  result  of  their  counsels 
and  intentions  seemed  to  be  very  uncertain.* 

The  Lingones  and  the  Boii  (from  whom  the  Bohe- 
mians of  the  present  day  trace  their  descent)  had 
traversed  Etruria  Nova  from  west  to  east,  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-six  years  previously,  when  Tarqui- 
niusSuperbus  and  the  iniiuence  of  Tarquinia  reigned 
supreme  in  Rome.  The  Boii  had  founded  LausPom- 
peia,  now  Lodi,and  had  afterwards  yielded  their  ter- 
ritory to  the  Insubri,  probably  the  tribe,  or  kindred  of 
the  tribe,  settled  at  Mediolanum.  At  the  same  time 
they  crossed  the  Po,  and  possessed  themselves  of 

♦  Miiller,  p.  156,  &c. 


1' 


WARS    AFTi£R    VEIL— GAULS.— COLONI1.S.  385 


Parma,  Mutina,  (now  Modena,)  Felsina,  and  Adria, 
and  colonized  temporarily  many  places  along  the 
line  of  their  irruption,  even  to  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  The  Lingones  conquered  and  settled 
themselves  between  Felsina  and  Ravenna.  But 
they  had  overrun,  rather  than  subdued  the  country, 
and  their  want  of  discipline  and  of  fixed  purposes,' 
enabled  the  Tuscans  to  recover  their  strength,  and 
to  repossess  themselves  of  their  chief  towns,  not 
long  after  they  had  fallen.  Adria  was  a  rich  and 
flourishing  commercial  port  of  Turrhenia,  for  a  very 
long  period  after  the  Gauls  were  expelled,  and  Fel- 
sina presently  became,  under  the  name  of  Bononia, 
the  metropolis  of  Northern  Etruria. 

Atthistime,  of  which  we  are  writing,  the  Senones 
first  invaded  Etruria  Proper,  not,  as  it  seems,  in  con- 
sequence  of  any  comnmnication  with  their  kindred, 
but  because  their  chief  was  allured  from  his  home 
by  the  representations  of  Aruns,  a  wronged  and 
offended  prince  of  Clusium,  and  whilst  a  very  large 
army  followed  him  into  Central  Italy,  other  bands 
were  sent  under  other  leaders  to  visit  and  augment 
the  colonies  of  their  countrymen  along  the  Po,  and 
as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic. 

It  was  these  bands,  the  Boii,  Insubri,  and  Se- 
nones united,  which  alarmed  the  Senate  of  Vol- 
tumna, when  for  the  last  time,  it  refused  assistance 
to  Veii,  and  they  created  a  very  serious  war,  which 
lasted  for  many  years.  The  Boii  reconquered  Fel- 
sina and  Adria,  whilst  all  the  three  tribes  joined  to- 
gether to  take  Melpum,  at  that  time  the  capital  of 

8 


■I! 


386 


HISTORY    OF    ETUURIA. 


Northern  Etruria,  and  her  wealthiest  and  most  im- 
portant city.  Melpum  fell  on  the  same  day  with 
Veii,  and  created  almost  as  much  consternation 
amongst  the  various  tribes  of  the  Etruscans.  "The 
ricli  Adria  and  the  mighty  Felsina,"  as  Miiller  calls 
them,  once  again  recovered  their  liberty,  and  be- 
came places  of  wealth  and  renown  ;  but  of  Melpum 
we  hear  no  more,  and  in  the  course  of  time  she  was, 
like  Veii,  so  utterly  destroyed,*  that  even  the  spot 
on  which  she  stood   cannot  now  be  ascertained. 

Scylax,  who  compiled  his  Periplus,  describing 
Italy  about  thirty  years  posterior  to  the  fall  of  Mel- 
pum, says,  that  Adria  and  Felsina  then  were  Tus- 
can, and  that  the  Tuscans  extended  from  sea  to  sea. 
He  gives  the  distances  of  many  towns  from  each 
other,  Miiller  thinks  from  Spina  to  Pisa,  and  men- 
tions their  roads,  and  method  of  communication  for 
three  days'  journey;  whence  Miiller  infers,  that  the 
Tuscans  reconquered  the  country,  when  the  main  army 
of  the  Gauls  marched  along  with  the  Clusian 
Senones,  to  the  south  of  Italy.  Scylax  speaks  of  the 
Adriatic  Gauls  of  his  time  as  being  merely  the  frag- 
ments of  former  tribes,  the  Insubri  and  Cenomani, 
occupying  a  small  spot  on  the  Adriatic.  They  seem 
to  have  been  settled  amongst  the  Tuscans  and 
Umbri,  somewhat  as  the  Jews  have  been  mingled 
with  the  nations  of  Christendom.  They  dwelt  in 
small  colonies  and  separate  quarters  of  their  own, 
but  not  as  masters  of  the  districts.  Miiller  says,  they 
conquered  to  occupy,  but  not  to  rule.  The  Adriatic 
Gauls  sent  an  embassy  to  Alexander  the  Great,  one 

♦  Pliny  iii.  17; 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


387 


hundred  years  after,  by  which  time,  Miiller  believes 
them  to  have  possessed  themselves  of  almost  all 
Etruria  Nova ;  and  Pliny,  four  hundred  years  later, 
still  mentions  them,  and  the  Tuscans,  and  the  Um- 
bri, as  aU  three  inhabiting  that  coast. 

When  Felsina,  the  successor  of  Melpum,  declined 
from  her  glory  and  became  subject  to  the  Gauls, 
Mantua  rose  into  importance,  and  was  the  capital  of 
the  Northern  Tuscans,  so  that  Virgil  in  his  time 
mentions  the  Patriciate  at  Mantua,  as  composed  of 
three  different  people,  viz.,  the  Tuscans,  the  Umbri, 
and  the  Gauls. 

But  Etruria  had  yet  another  enemy  to  contend 
against,  besides  the  Romans  and  Gauls.  Whilst  she 
was  lamenting  over  the  loss  of  Veii  and  her  sub- 
ject provinces  on  the  one  hand,  and  whilst  she  was 
trembling  for  all  her  Lucumonies  upon  the  Po  and 
Tessinus  on  the  other,  Dionysius  the  elder.  Tyrant 
of  Syracuse,  strove  with  his  Sicilians  to  annihilate 
her  trade  in  the  Adriatic,  and  to  deprive  her  both 
of  ports  and  vessels  in  that  sea.  The  Tuscans  had 
permitted  his  merchantmen  to  fetch  race-horses 
from  the  Veneti,  and  he  thus  unsuspiciously  gained 
a  free  passage  amongst  their  settlements.  He  then 
founded  or  colonized  a  town  in  Picenum,  which  he 
called  Adria,  to  deceive  foreign  traders  into  the  belief 
of  its  being  the  renowned  harbour  of  the  Turrheni ; 
and  he  also  built  a  factory  at  Ancona,  so  as  to  com- 
mand the  line  of  coast  which  formerly  had  be- 
longed to  the  Tuscans  and  Umbri  only.  Dionysius 
was  the  friend  of  the  Gauls,  because  he  saw   the 

s  2 


388 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA, 


If! 


li 

1 


immense  use  bis  ambition  migbt  make  of  tbem,  as 
tools,  in  bis  desire  to  bumble  all  tbe  powers  of  Italy, 
and  tberefore  be  played  into  tbeir  bands  on  tins  occa- 
sion ;  tbus  originating  tbe  first  league  of  tbe  Greek 
and  Italian  towns,  wbicb  was  made  against  bim  and 
tbe  land  and  sea  forces  at  bis  couimand. 

Tbe  next  year,  wben  tbe  i)Ower  of  Etruria  was 
i>o  essentially  diminisbed  in  tbe  nortb,in  tbe  centre, 
and  upon  tbe  Adriatic,  Dionysius  planned  anotber 
expedition,  and  ventured  into  tbe  Turrbene  Sea 
itself,  against  Caere,  in  order  to  recruit  bis  own  ex- 
bausted  treasury,  by  seizing  upon  tbe  enormous 
ricbeswbicb  be  knew  to  be  accumulated  in  a  temple 
tbere.  He  wisely  supposed,  tbat  tbe  Caerite  troops 
would  be  quite  unprepared  for  an  attack,  and  tbere- 
fore be  sailed  into  tbe  barbour  of  Pyrgos,  now  San 
Severa,  by  nigbt,  witb  sixty  Triremes,*  and  took 
tbe  town  and  citadel  by  surprise.  Tbe  people  were 
wbolly  unable  to  resist  bim,  few  troops  being  eitber 
in  tbe  port  or  at  Caere,  and  tbey  were,  in  conse- 
(luence,  forced  to  an  immediate  compliance  witb  his 
terms.  He  plundered  tbe  country  for  tbree  days, 
destroying  all  tbe  vines,  and  be  pillaged  tbe  sacred 
temple  of  Elytbya,  tbe  ricbest  in  all  Italy,  carry- 
ing off  one  thousand  talents,  five  hundred  of  which 
were  in  gold.  Dionysius  then  took  to  his  ships, 
and  returned  safely  home,  without  the  Tuscans 
having  had  it  in  tbeir  power  to  make  any  reprisals. 
Niebuhr  thinks  that  tbe  Roman  Consuls  were  bound 
to  assist  tbe  Caerites  on  this  occasion,  and  neglected 

♦  Diod.  Sic. 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


389 


to  do  so;  for  which  reason,  tbey  were  degraded  and 
removed  from  tbeir  office.  The  collators  of  tbe 
Roman  Annals  did  not  choose  to  record  this,  be- 
cause it  would  have  cast  a  shade  upon  tbe  all  perfect 
Republic.  They,  therefore,  imputed  tbe  removal 
of  the  Consuls  to  sickness,  and  said  that  they  were 
at  this  time  changed,  bee  use  they  were  so  ill  as  to 
be  unable  to  fulfil  tbeir  arduous  duties. 

Tbe  temple  of  Elytbya  was  too  much  injured  by 
Dionysius's  attack  ever  to  be  restored  to  its  former 
beaut}  ;  and,  indeed,  tbe  power  of  Caere,  as  a  state, 
was  too  much  on  tbe  decline,  for  any  place  within 
her  territories  once  destroyed,  ever  to  regain  its 
former  wealth  and  splendour.  The  merchants  of 
Turrbenia,  Carthage,  Greece,  and  Egypt,  hence- 
forth inves^ted  tbeir  gifts  and  tbeir  offerings,  in  some 
better  protected,  and  more  secure  temple  of  Nortia, 
or  the  Bona  Dea,  further  north ;  storing  up  tbeir 
beautiful  things  in  tbe  harbour  of  Cosa  near  Vulci ; 
of  Populonia,  and  above  all,  of  Pisa,  which  sent 
out  tbe  largest  fleets,  and  was  the  maritime 
station  of  most  intportanco.  Henceforward  the 
once  victorious  Elytbya  dwindled  into  a  neglected 
Fane,  whilst  the  harbour  of  Pyrgos  lost  its  arsenal 
and  towers,  and  Caere,  tbe  ancient  and  celebrated 
Agylla,  sank  into  a  country  haunt  of  invalid  Patri- 
cians, who  did  not  mind  the  sight  of  decayed  gran- 
deur ;  who  could  bear  to  see  all  streets  deserted  and 
all  palaces  ruined  except  their  own  ;  and  who  re- 
quired for  a  season,  a  better  atmosphere  and 
warmer  waters,  than  tbey  could  find  in  Rome  or  the 
cities  of  Latium. 


390 


HISTORY    OF    ETRl'RIA. 


But  to  pursue  our  history;  we  are  inclined  to 
think  that  little  more  than  the  Agger  of  Veil,  and 
the  lands  between  her  and  the  Tiber,  came  at  this 
time  into  Roman  possession,  or  could  be  occupied 
by  her  new  masters,  notwithstanding  that  seven 
acres  apiece  were  voted  to  every  Plebeian  con- 
cerned in  her  fall ;  yet  for  many  years,  some  part  of 
her  territory  was  a  mere  battle-plain  to  the  Etrus- 
cans ;  and  all  around  her,  Capena,Faleria,Sutrium, 
Nepete,  Caere,  and  Tarquinia,  were  independent 
and  untouched. 

One  of  the  Roman  Tribunes  proposed  that  half 
the  Plebeians  and    half  the  Patricians  should  re- 
move to  Veii,  and  the  motion  was  only  lost  because 
a  Plebeian  proposed  it,  and  would  have  headed  the 
colonization,  which  was  too  great  a  shock  for  the 
pride  of  the  Patricians.     No  one  disputed  what  the 
Tribune  and  his  party  urged,  that   this  new  con- 
quest was  more  desirable  than  any  other  land  under 
Roman  dominion — her   territory  more   fertile  and 
extensive  than  that  of  Rome— her  situation  more 
commanding  and  far  more  healthy,  and  her  edifices, 
both  public  and  private,  more  magnificent  and  com- 
modious.  The  attention  of  the  Plebeians  was  fortu- 
nately distracted  from  this  subject  of  discord,  by  the 
events  of  the  still  enduring  war,  and  the  difficulty 
which  the  Roman  Tribunes  found  in  reducing  the 
allies  of  this  ancient  and   powerful    Lucumony  to 
subjection. 

The  Roman  generals  were  sent  with  the  victorious 
legions  against  Capena  and  Faleria,  and  were  unable 
to  make  the  slightest  impression  on  either  city.  They 


WARS    AFTER    VEII.— GAULS. — COLONIES. 


391 


could   not   surround  them,    nor  scale  their  walls, 
neither  could  they,  whilst  Veii   was  yet  fresh   in 
their  remembrance,  attempt  to  reduce  them  by  the 
stratagem  of  a  mine.     They  would  have  been  coun- 
termined,  even  into  the  midst  of  their  own  camp ; 
they,  therefore,  left  Faleria  unattempted,  and  once 
more  ravaged  the  plains  of  Capena,  cutting  down, 
as  they  had  done    before,   all  the  fruit-trees,  and 
destroying   all    the    crops,    only,   as  the    soldiers 
now   could   spread  themselves   more   securely  and 
widely  over  their  territories,  they   did  their  work 
more  effectually.     Capena  seems  to  have  been  cut 
off  from  Faleria,  and  to  have  thought  it  most  pru- 
dent to  accept  of  peace ;  the  Romans  also  were  too 
anxious  to  diminish  the  number  of  their  enemies  to 
be  very  difficult  as  to  terms,  and  Livy  simply  says, 
that  "  when  the  Capenians  were  in  danger  of  perish- 
ing by  famine,  because  they  had  lost  their  fruit, 
they  asked  peace  of  Rome,  and  it  was  given  them." 
Generous  and  considerate  Romans  !     Capena  ought 
surely  to  have  been  attached  to  them  by  ties  of  gra- 
titude for  ever. 

Along  with  Capena,  the  free  towns  of  Sutnum 
and  Nepete  also  became  municipia  of  Rome,  bound 
never  to  make  war  themselves,  nor  permit  others  to 
make  war  against  her,  and  to  assist  her  if  attacked. 
Beyond  this,  they  were  not  subject,  or  interfered 
with.  We  have  mentioned  them  in  the  first  part* 
of  this  work,  as  amongst  the  oldest  cities  of  Etruria, 
and  Miillert  thinks  it  probable  that  they,  with 
*  Vol.  i.,  p.  125.  t  Etrusker  ii.  2. 


I 


WARS    AFTER   VEIL— GAULS.— COLONIES. 


393 


392 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


A 


Capena  and  Fidene,  may  all  have  been  dependen- 
cies of  Veii.  He  says  that  **  they  were  large  and 
flourishing  cities,  having  their  own  princes,  customs, 
and  laws,"  and  yet  they  never  sent  representatives 
to  the  Diet,  nor  were  they  esteemed  as  important  or 
territorial  enough,  to  be  numbered  amongst  the 
law  makers  of  Etruria.  They  must,  therefore,  have 
followed  the  fortunes  of  one  of  her  leading  mem- 
bers, and  as  they  all  fell  under  the  influence  of 
Rome  when  Veii  was  conquered,  and  were  neither 
claimed  nor  defended  by  any  of  the  other  states,  he 
conceives  them  all  to  have  been  considered  in  the 
light  of  Veientine  provinces  and  governments. 

On  the  submission  of  Capena,  Faliscia  was  exas- 
perated beyond  all  bounds,  roused  her  citizens, 
and  vowed  to  be  to  the  Romans  as  desperate 
and  implacable  an  enemy,  as  they  had  lately  found 
in  Veii.  Camillus  was  sent  against  Faliscia,  the 
second  year  after  his  glorious  conquest,  which 
may  give  us  some  idea  of  the  indomitable  foe 
with  whom  the  Romans  had  to  struggle.  Camillus 
began,  as  usual,  by  ravaging  the  plains,  and  cer- 
tainly had  free  access  through  the  lands  both  of  Veii 
and  Ca|)ena.  But  when  he  had  entered  within  the 
bounds  of  Faliscia  itself,  he  found  the  roads  so  steep 
and  narrow,  and  the  passes  so  well  guarded,  that  he 
did  not  know  how  to  proceed.  At  length  he  per- 
ceived his  enemy's  camp  placed  upon  a  height  at 
the  distance  of  a  mile  from  their  metropolis.  To 
attack  it  was  hopeless,  until  he  could,  by  bribery 
or  terror,  induce  one  of  his  prisoners  to  guide  him 


to  an  eminence  still  higher,  whence  he  could  com- 
mand it.  When  the  Romans  gained  an  advan- 
tage over  the  Tuscans,  it  was  generally  by  some 
sort  of  treachery. 

Upon   this   elevated    ground    the    Romans    en- 
trenched    themselves,    and    Camillus    divided    his 
army  into  three  parts,  one  of  which  was  appointed 
to  labour,  whilst  the  other  two  held  themselves  in 
readiness  to  fight.     The  Tuscans  hazarded  an  attack 
to  prevent  him  from  fixing  himself  there,  and  were 
so  severely  repulsed,  that  they  fled,  passing  by  their 
own  camp,  into  Falcrii.     The  camp  was  accord- 
ingly taken,  and  the  spoil  given  to  the  Quaestors, 
to  value  and   apportion.     The  town   was   then  in- 
vested, and  Camillus  hoped  for  additional  laurels, 
could  he  succeed  in  taking  it,  as  he  had  taken  Veii. 
He  was  so  far  favoured,  that  the  whole   strength 
of  Rome  was   at  his  disposal,  whilst   the   Tuscans 
were  obliged   to  keep   the  main    armies   of  their 
nation  upon  the  northern  frontiers,  against  the  for- 
midable and  startling  invasion  of  the  Gauls. 

Faleria  was,  however,  no  wise  dismayed.  She  was 
strong  in  the  unanimity  of  her  Senate,  and  the  courage 
of  her  men.  She  was  amply  magazined,  and  Camillus 
himself  soon  judged  that,  in  whatever  manner  he 
might  invest  her,  there  was  no  prospect  of  the  siege 
being  terminated  under  a  ten  years' blockade.  During 
this  interval,  the  Gauls  might  move  to  other  coun- 
tries, and  Etruria  be  free  to  defend  her  own  mem- 
bers ;  nay  more,  to  reconquer  the  provinces  she  had 
lost ;  whilst  the  Volsci  or  the  Sabines  might  draw  otF 

8  5 


394 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  legions  of  Rome,  and  force  them  to  fight  for  her 
dominions  in  an  opposite  direction.  But  the  child 
of  Fortune,  thouj^h  he  might  have  his  moments  of 
despondency,  was  not  to  !)e  abandoned.  He  had  main- 
tained the  credit  of  prophecy;  he  had  repaired  the 
temple  of  Matuta,  and  secured  the  favour  of  imperial 
Juno,  and  he  was  to  prosper  still,  by  spiritual  influences 
upon  the  minds  of  men,  where  the  force  of  arras 
might  faif. 

The  head  of  the  chief  college  in  Faleria  was 
a  traitor,  a  man  of  vulgar  and  overweening  am- 
bition, seeking  either  his  own  elevation  or  his 
own  revenge  at  any  price,  even  at  the  cost  of  his 
country's  ruin,  or  of  his  own  eternal  infamy.  We 
cannot  doubt  that  his  vanity  had  been  deeply 
wounded  by  some  sarcasm,  imagined  affront,  or 
neglect,  from  some  of  the  nobles  of  Faleria,  or  he 
would  not  have  sought,  as  he  did,  to  rise  by  the 
favour  of  a  stranger. 

Faleria,  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign,  was 
so  secure,  that  he  every  day  led  forth  his  young 
pupils  to  exercise  beyond  the  walls;  and  even  after 
the  camp  was  taken,  he  continued  the  same  prac- 
tice. Both  Romans  and  Faleriaus  must  have  been 
persuaded,  that  this  was  a  plot  to  entice  the  enemy 
to  their  destruction,  or  he  would  have  been  stopped  ; 
for  he  could  not  pass  the  gates,  without  the  warders 
opening  them  for  him,  or  without  his  proceedings 
being  known  along  the  whole  line  of  the  ramparts. 
One  day  he  led  his  young  victims  further  than 
usual,  up  to  the  enemy's  camp,  and  through  it,  into 


tssmmm 


H^x 


WARS    AFTER  VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


395 


the  tent  of  Camillus,  where,  presenting  the  boys  to 
him,  he  said,  that  he  thus  surrendered  to  his  gene- 
rosity and  discretion  the  city  of  Faleria,  for  that 
these  youths  were  the  sons  of  her  princes,  and  that 
they  would  accede  to  any  terms  for  their  preserva- 
tion. According  to  the  Roman  legend,  Camillus 
saw  no  advantage  to  his  country,  or  saving  to  the 
blood  of  his  men,  in  this  proposal.  He,  who  had 
gained  his  present  position  by  the  treachery  of  a 
prisoner,  was  above  such  vulgar  considerations. 
He,  therefore,  made  in  return  a  very  fine  speech, 
full  of  virtuous  indignation  and  romantic  heroism, 
about  the  Romans  not  taking  advantage  of  their 
prisoners,  nor  using  stratagems,  nor  making  war 
upon  youth  ;  and  he  opened  a  safe  road  to  the  town, 
through  which  he  ordered  these  betrayed  boys,  to 
flog  their  unworthy  master  back  again ;  placing  a 
scourge  in  the  hands  of  each  of  them,  and  stripping 
his  back  naked  to  the  lash.  In  this  manner,  the 
head  of  the  college  re-entered  the  city,  and  no 
doubt  he  was  soon  thrown  from  her  rocks  to  feed 
the  wolves  and  bears,  beneath  whose  nature  he  had 
degraded  his  own. 

The  story  continues,  that  the  Senate  of  Faleria 
had  sworn,  before  this  occurrence,  that  they  would 
rather  have  endured  the  fate  of  Veii,  than  have 
accepted  the  peace  of  Capena.  But  now  they 
are  overcome  by  the  magnanimity  of  Camillus, 
and  they  enter  into  a  treaty  with  him,  expressing 
their  gratitude  in  the  most  extravagant  terms. 
They  are  painted  as  sending  ambassadors  to  the 
Queen  of  the  Tiber,  beseeching  her  to  take  their 


I 


X  I 


396 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


arms  and  hostages.  They  assure  her  that  they  sur- 
render themselves  voluntarily  to  her  sway  ;  they  pro- 
fess themselves  her  dutiful  and  faithful  subjects,  and 
say  that  they  are  convinced  they  shall  be  happier 
under  her  government,  than  under  their  own. 

We  cannot  suppose  that  Rome  was  so  uncivil  as 
to  refuse  these  very  flattering  offers.  She  highly  ex- 
tolled the  justice  and  good  faith  of  Camillus,  politely 
requested  the  Lucumony  of  Faliscia  to  subscribe  one 
year's  pay  to   her  army,  and  then  left  these  new 
enthusiastic  subjects    to  themselves,    satisfied    that 
their  own  laws  and  customs,  (which  were  celebrated 
above  those  of  all  other  states,  for  justice  and  wis- 
dom,) were  better  adapted  to  their  prosperity  than 
any  new  ones  which  she  could  propose.     She  did 
not  even  send  to  Faleria  a  new  governor,  or  ac- 
knowledge her  devotion  by  a  Roman  garrison  ;  and 
it  is  with  unfeigned  surprise  that,  when  we  next  read 
of  her,  thirty- six  years  after,  she  joins  Tarquinia  in  an 
unsuccessful  war  upon  Rome;  and  fifty  years  posterior 
to  Camillus's  heroism,  we  find  her  regretting  that 
she  cannot  break  her  last  truce  with  his  country,  in 
order  to  assist  her  own  descendants  in   the  territo- 
ries of  Capua,  against  the  Roman  armies.     Rome, 
in  gratitude  for  this  latter   observation    of  public 
faith,  then  gladly  changed  the  truce  into  a  perma- 
nent alliance,  and  gave  to  Faleria,*  the  Jus  Lati- 
num,  and  the  franchise  of  Caere. 

The  Falerian  Legend  explains  itself.  Camillus 
was  by  no  means  the  person  to  reject  fraud  in  active 
warfare,  neither  was  he,  who  had  already  cheated 

•  lAvj  vii.  37. 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL — GAULS.— COLONIES. 


397 


the  Plebeians,  and  who  had  tried  to  cheat  Apollo  of 
his  due  in  the  Veientine  booty,  exactly  the  charac- 
ter to  soar  into  such  heights  of  romantic  sublimity. 
He  was  evidently  in  treaty  with  the  traitorous  Pre- 
sident before  the  boys  were  led  forth  ;  and  who  will 
not  glory  in  deceiving  a  traitor  ?  He  gave  to  him 
and  to  the  youths  he  guided,  a  safe  conduct  to  his 
camp,  and  when  there,  he  sent  to  inform  the  Senate 
of  Faleria  of  what  had  happened,  and  to  offer  them 
such  terms  as  would  spare  him  the  trouble  and  uncer- 
tainty of  a  ten  years'  siege.  Peace  with  the  Romans, 
(probably  for  one  hundred  years,)  and  a  twelve 
months'  pay  for  his  men,  was  all  he  asked.  For 
this  he  would  retire,  restore  all  his  hostages,  and 
give  up  the  traitor  with  circumstances  of  merited 
disgrace,  to  await  their  future  judgment.  The 
Senate  required  him  to  be  whipped  back  into  the 
town,  exactly  as  the  ballad  relates,  and  accepted  the 
terms  with  feelings  of  gratitude  to  Camillus,  which 
prevented  them  for  long  afterwards  from  becoming 
foes  to  Rome,  and  from  injuring  her,  or  taking  ad- 
vantage of  her,  in  the  day  of  her  distress. 

There  are  authors  who  think  that  the  Tuscans 
hired  the  Gauls  to  attack  the  Romans,  but  we  have 
quite  as  good  reason  to  fancy  that  at  this  juncture, 
during  the  uncertain  and  perilous  wars  of  Faleria 
and  Veii,  the  Romans  hired  the  Gauls  to  distress 
and  divide  the  Tuscans.  The  year  after  this  war 
was  concluded,  the  great  games  were  celebrated  at 
Rome,  and  the  year  following,  Camillus,  who  had 
conferred  such  signal  and  inestimable  benefits  upon 


il 


398 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


his  country,  was  obliged  to  banish  himself  to  Ardea, 
one  of  the  colonies,  because  of  his  dishonourable  and 
avaricious  behaviour  about  the  spoil  of  Veii. 

Though  so  large  a  part  of  Etruria  had  by  this 
time  either  bowed  to  the  power  of  Rome,  or  agreed 
to  a  league  defensive  and  offensive  with  her,  the 
States,  whose  barrier  was  removed,  and  who,  in 
case  of  a  dispute,  would  be  the  next  exposed  to  her 
attacks,  were  not  inclined  to  submit  so  very  tamely 
to  an  agreement,  which  had  been  made  without  their 
consent.  Miiller  believes  that  Volsinia,  now  Bol 
sena,  succeeded  to  the  place  of  Tarquinia  in  power 
and  influence  amongst  the  other  States,  after  that 
Lucumony  lost  her  dominions  and  influence  beyond 
the  Tiber.  Volsinia  lay  between  Tarquinia,  Faliscia, 
and  Clusium.  When,  therefore,  the  Faliscians  be- 
came the  allies  of  the  Romans,  Volsinia  felt  that 
the  line  of  her  Southern  frontier  was  uncovered ; 
and  she,  in  conjunction  with  the  Salpinates,  a  sub- 
ject tribe,  made  an  incursion  into  the  Roman 
lines,  and  carried  off*  much  spoil  and  booty  un- 
harmed. 

The  following  year  the  Romans  sent  a  powerful 
army,  under  four  military  Tribunes,  against  them, 
two  of  the  Tribunes  being  ordered  to  march  into 
Volsinia,  and  two  into  Salpina,  in  order  to  divide 
the  Tuscan  forces.  The  Volsinians  brought  a  strong 
army  to  assist  their  allies,  but  they  did  not  make  so 
good  a  stand  against  the  Romans  as  was  usual  with 
the  Tuscan  troops.  We  are  told  that  they  fled  at 
the  first  onset,  and  that  the  Roman  cavalry  pursued 


m  m   im 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL  — GAULS.— COLONIES.        399 

them.  They,  ere  long,  came  up  with  the  fugitives, 
surrounded  eight  thousand  of  thenj,  and  forced  them 
to  surrender  at  discretion.  We  know  not  what  de- 
gree of  credit  should  be  given  to  this  extraordinary 
victory,  nor  by  what  reverses  it  might  be  afterwards 
counterbalanced.  No  city  was  taken  in  conse- 
quence, and  no  triumph  claimed.  But  the  Romans 
do  not  seem  to  have  sustained  any  defeat,  and 
they  succeeded  in  the  ultimate  object  of  their 
expedition. 

Etruria  at  this  epoch,  once  more  reminds  us  of  the 
man  with  the  bundle  of  sticks.  Had  she,  even  now, 
attacked  Rome  with  her  united  powers,  she  would 
have  been  much  more  than  a  match  for  that  proud 
republic  ;  but  the  cord,  the  bond  of  union  which  once 
united  her  members  at  the  shrine  of  Voltumna,  was 
now  unloosed  and  broken.  Piecemeal,  and  one  by 
one,  the  Lucumonies,  with  unformidable  armies 
and  unsteady  purpose,  attacked  Rome,  and  piece- 
meal, one  by  one,  they  fell  before  her  centre  of 
unity,  and  her  gathering  strength.  In  the  same 
manner  as  they  dissolved  one  into  many,  she  ga- 
thered many  into  one,  until  she  ruled  alone,  and 
became  the  head  of  the  nations.  After  the  defeat  of 
the  Volsinians,  the  Salpinates  feared  to  take  the 
field,  and  kept' themselves  within  their  walls  and 
fortresses.  Volsinia  now  found  the  struggle  un- 
equal, because  Faliscia  had  her  hands  fettered,  and 
Clusium  and  Tarquinia  could  not  be  moved  to  her 
support.  These  two  states  therefore  made  peace 
with  the  Romans  for  twenty  years.     The  terms  are 


f 


I 


^  •  ■  <i    m 


m^^^ 


It 


400 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


said  to  have  been  that  they  should  give  the  Quiri- 
tary  army  a  year's  pay,  and  restore  to  them  the 
booty  which  they  had  taken.  Niebuhr  imagines 
Salpina  to  have  become  the  Urbs  Vetus,  now 
Orvieto. 

This  war  being  ended,  Camillas  banished,  and 
Rome  delivered  from  his  influence  and  deprived  of* 
his  sagacity,  ambassadors  arrived  there  from  Clu- 
sium,  praying  the  Senate  for  aid  against  the  Gauls. 
From  this  it  would  appear  that  after  the  peace  of 
Faleria,  Clusiura  also,  the  chief  of  the  Northern 
Tuscan  States,  had  made  a  league,  offensive  and 
defensive,  with  Rome.  The  Gauls  had  been  for 
many  years  on  the  frontiers  of  Etruria,  but  they 
were  a  new  enemy  before  the  great  city  of  Clusiuin  ; 
they  had  poured  down  upon  her,  an  immense  host 
of  armed  men,  thirty  thousand  strong,*  and  en- 
camped themselves  against  her  walls.  They  were  led 
on,  as  the  Clusians  themselves  related,  by  Aruns,  one 
of  their  own  Tuscan  leaders,  a  brave  and  powerful 
noble,  who  had  been  deeply  injured  by  the  King  of 
Clusium.  Aruns,  that  is,  a  younger  branch  of  one 
of  their  powerful  families,  had  been  guardian  to  the 
Lucumo  now  upon  the  throne. 

This  Lucumo,  when  in  possession  of  supreme 
power,  fell  in  love  with  Aruns's  wife,^nd  seduced  her 
from  him,  and  Aruns  not  being  able  to  raise  a  civil 
war  with  any  prospect  of  success,  and  burning  with  an 
indignation,  which  nothing  but  the  death  of  his  ad- 
versary  could    appease,  turned  to  the  Gauls,  and 

*  Nieb.  ii.  n.  1184. 


WARS    AFTER    VEII.— GAULS. — COLONIES.        401 

invited  them  to  settle  in  his  own  fruitful  country. 
He  did  not  solicit  any  of  those  tribes  which  had 
long  kept  the  frontiers  in  alarm  from  Perugia  up 
to  Luna.  He  left  them  still  to  keep  the  States  in 
check,  and  to  prevent  any  of  those  members  of  the 
League,  from  sending  assistance  to  Clusium.  He 
went  direct  to  Gallia,  the  cradle  of  the  Race.  Livy 
says  that  tribes  of  this  people  had  been  settled  for 
two  hundred  years  in  Italy,  and  that  they  had  made 
four  different  irruptions,  previous  to  the  one  we  are 
now^  considering.  The  first  band,  in  the  days  of 
Tarquin  the  Ancient,  had  established  themselves  at 
Mediolanum,  which  they  built ;  the  second  came 
in,  before  the  days  of  Tarquin  the  Proud,  and  con- 
quered a  tract  of  country  for  themselves,  about 
Brixen,  and  Verona  ;  the  third  burst  upon  Italy 
nearly  at  the  same  period,  and  settled  on  the  Tes- 
sinus ;  the  fourth  caused  that  great  influx  of  Umbri 
and  Etrusci  into  Southern  Italy,  which  we  have  al- 
ready mentioned,  and  spread  themselves  along  the 
Po  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic. 

The  tribe  which  now  attacked  Clusium  was  that 
of  the  Senones,  and  a  branch  of  them  had  already 
marched  into  Etruria  Nova,  and  had  occupied  the 
country  between  the  rivers  Uteis  and  CEsis.  It  is 
not  known  whether  the  Clusian  Gauls  came  alone, 
or  whether  they  had  asked  the  assistance  of  their 
countrymen  already  settled  on  the  Po.  But  they 
consisted  of  armed  men  only,  and  unencumbered  by 
women  and  children.  Aruns  is  said  to  have  enticed 
them  onwards   by  the  glowing  descriptions   which 


i 


402 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


he  gave  of  the  fertility  of  his  country,  it^i  riches, 
and  the  excellence  of  its  wines.  Of  this  last  he 
carried  them  some  specimens,  and  he  jiromiscd  that 
if  they  would  avenge  his  quarrel  on  the  perfidious 
Lucumo,  he  would  secure  to  them  a  settlement 
amongst  his  people.  He  well  knew  that  the 
Northern  States  could  give  little  or  no  aid  to  Clu- 
sium,  without  exposing  their  own  frontiers,  and  that 
Faleria  could  not  assist  her  without  asking  the 
concurrence  of  Rome. 

When  the  Romans  heard  the  Ambassadors*  story 
they  werenot  inclined, on  theiraccount,to  plunge  into 
a  war  with  the  Gauls,  who  were  to  them  a  new  and 
strange  people ;  but  they  offered  to  send  Feciales 
who  should  mediate  a  peace,  and  if  that  could  not 
be  effected,  they  then  promised  to  aid  the  Clusians 
with  a  military  force.  The  men  whom  they  chose 
as  their  Feciales,  were  three  of  the  Fabian  house, 
and  were  unfortunately  not  more  distinguished  by 
birth,  than  by  the  haughtiness  and  rashness  of  their 
characters.  They  departed  on  their  mission,  full  of 
the  idea  that  the  ancient  fame  of  their  clan,  the  re- 
cent conquests  of  their  country,  and  the  very  name 
of  Rome  would  be  sufficient  to  overawe  and  terrify 
the  Gauls.  This  fierce  people,  however,  happened 
never  to  have  heard  the  names  of  any  of  the  three 
before,  and  therefore  when  they  were  told  they 
must  not  attack  the  Clusians,  because  they  were  the 
allies  of  Rome,  they  said  they  knew  nothing 
about  Rome,  nor  why  they  should  not  act  towards 
her  allies  as  they  pleased. 


WARS    AFTER   VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


403 


A  council  of  the  Gauls  was  held  to  receive  the 
Roman  Ambassadors,  and  to  them  they  gave  answer, 
«  that  the  name  of  the    Romans  was  new  to  the 
Gauls,  but  that  they  supposed  them  to  be  a  brave 
people,  since  the  Clusians  had  asked  their  help  in 
this  season  of  peril,  and  since  they  had  preferred 
trying  to  negociate  a  peace  with  Brenn us,  the  Gallic 
leader  rather  than  to  attack  them  at  once  by  force 
of  arms.     For  this  reason  they  would  not  despise 
their  mediation.     The  Gauls  required  land,  and  the 
Clusians  had  more  than  they  occupied.  If  they  were 
content,  therefore  to  share  with  the  Gauls,  they  would 
be  happy  to  make  peace  with  them  ;  but  if  not,  the 
Clusians  must  expect  war.     They  would  be  glad  to 
receive  an  answer  to  this  ultimatum  in  the  presence 
of  the  Roman  Deputies ;  because  if  the  declaration 
were  for  war,  they  then   could  testify  in  their  own 
homes,  how  much  the  "  Gauls  excelled  in  bravery  all 
other  mortals."     When  the   Romans   asked   what 
right  the  Gauls  pretended  to  possessions  in  Etruria, 
they  fiercely  answered,  "  That  their  Right  was  in 
their  Might,  and  that  all  things  belonged  to   the 
brave."     Upon  this  answer,  both   the   contending 
parties  flew  to  arms,  and  the  Fabii,  instead  of  re- 
turning to  Rome,  violated  the  rights  of  nations,  and 
disgraced  their  own  sacred  Fecial  character,  by  tak- 
ing the  part  of  the  Clusians  with  all  their  train. 
The  reinforcement  they  brought,  though  not  consi- 
derable, was  probably  that  of  a  few  hundred  men, 
and  in  joining  the  battle,  they  in  a  treacherous  man- 
ner,  compromised  their  whole  nation. 


'  I 


404 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


The  Gauls  never  suspected  that  the  Feciales 
would  take  any  part  in  the  quarrel,  until  a  fresh 
message  should  come  from  their  nation  to  authorise 
them  However,  in  the  battle,  Quintus  Fabius  en- 
gaged one  of  the  Gaulish  generals,  and  killed  hiui. 
In  his  eagerness  to  secure  tlie  SpoIiaOpima,  he  dis- 
mounted,  and  stopped  to  strip  the  body,  and  then  his 
dress   and    banner,    different    from    the    Clusians 

caused'JumtoberecognisedbytheGallicofficers.They 
immediately   sounded  a  retreat,    full  of  indignation 
at  the  Roman  breach  of  faith,  and  their  first  im- 
pulse  was  to  leave  Clusium,  with  which  tliey  really 
had  no  quarrel,  and  to  march  to  Rome,  which  had 
insulted  and  deceived   them.     But  Aruns,  or  some 
other  chief,  who  knew   more  of  Rome   than    they 
did,  persuaded  them  that  the  fault  of  the  Fabii  was 
not  that  of  the  nation,  and  that  if  they  sent  a  com- 
plaint against  them,  they  would  probably,  be  dis- 
avowed   by    their  rulers,   and    punished.       If    the 
Gauls  now  left  Clusium,  and  engaged  themselves  in 
a  real   q.arrel  with  Rome,  fighting  because  their 
passions  were  roused,  and  their  pride  and  vengeance 
required  to  be  satiated,  there  was  no  chance   of  the 
tyrannical  Lucumo  being  dethroned,  nor  of  Aruns 
gaining    the   satisfaction  he  had   sought,  with    the 
sacrifice   of  all    he  held    most    dear,    even    of  his 
national  honour,  and  the  independence  of  Clusium. 
When  he  became  an  enemy  to  his  country  in  this 
exasperated  and  unjustifiable   manner,  all  his  pro- 
perty  was  confiscated  to  the  State,  and  his  children 
must  have  either  become  outlaws,  or  Plebeians    He 


WARS    AFTER   VEII.— GAULS.—COLONIES.         405 

allowed  his  private  wrongs  to  triumph  over  his 
patriotism,  and  because  one  powerful  man  had 
deeply  injured  him,  and  his  own  class  did  not  risk 
their  lives  and  properties  to  avenge  his  quarrel,  he 
scrupled  not  to  bring  foreigners  into  his  land,  and 
to  spill  the  blood  and  ruin  the  fortunes,  of  thousands 
of  his  kindred.  His  vindictive  spirit  was,  per- 
haps, not  so  dark  as  that  of  Brutus,  and  his 
wrongs  were  far  greater;  but  he  sliould  have 
avenged  himself  through  his  own  people,  and  not 
through  those,  to  whom  Tarchun  and  Tages  were 
equally  unknown,  with  the  names  of  Rome  and  the 
Fabii.  This  deed  of  evil,  in  forgetfulness  of  his 
duty  to  his  country,  was  not,  perhaps,  worse  than 
that  of  Coriolanus.  Alas  !  why  hjid  he  not  such  a 
mother?  Or  why  has  no  bard  invented  for  him  the 
story  of  such  a  mother,  who  could  have  persuaded 
him  to  save  and  pardon  his  native  city,  and  to  lead 
his  hostile  allies  against  some  other  foe. 

Aruns  died  in  arms  with  the  Gauls.  Probably 
he  guided  them  on  their  southern  expedition,  and 
soothed  his  wounded  soul  with  the  belief  that  he 
was  revenging  Veii,  and  enabling  her  to  lift  herself 
up  again,  free  and  formidable  as  she  had  been  before. 
Clusium,  whether  triumphant  or  rot,  was  again 
free ;  abandoned  by  that  enemy,  and  delivered  from 
them  for  ever.  Often  as  the  Gauls  afterwards  made 
inroads  into  Etruria,  they  besieged  Clusium  no  more. 
It  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  more  galling  in- 
gratitude, or  deeper  injuries  than  those  under  which 
the  spirit  of  Aruns  groaned  ;  but  nothing  can  jus- 


406 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


tify  a  human  being  for  the  selfish  inconsideration 
which  would  ruin  his  own  country  by  strangers,  and 
make  all  his  kindred  weep,  for  his  own  private  in- 
sults. Our  country  is  our  mother,  and  though  the 
child  may  part  from  the  unjust  and  unnatural 
mother,  and  may  think  of  her  only  with  sorrow  and 
coldness,  yet  she  may  not  be  rebelled  against. 

The  Gauls  sent  their  embassy  to  Rome,  complain- 
ing in  strong  terms  of  the  Fabii,  and  demanding  that 
they  should  be  given  into  their  hands.  The  Senate 
were  quite  sensible  of  their  crime,  and  did  not 
desire  to  bring  the  armies  of  the  strangers  upon 
them.  At  the  same  time,  the  Fabii  were  too  power- 
ful for  the  Fathers  to  venture  upon  their  condemna- 
tion. They,  therefore,  with  a  weakness  which  ill 
suits  the  usual  tone  of  Roman  vaunting,  referred 
them  to  the  judgment  of  the  Centuries,  in  which  all 
their  clients  and  kinsmen  now  had  votes,  and  where, 
consequently,  they  were  tolerably  sure  of  their 
acquittal.  The  Centuries  not  only  decreed  to  pardon 
the  Fabii,  and  bring  them  back  in  safety  to  their 
own  palace,  but  they  awarded  to  them  the  most 
distinguished  honours  for  their  high  spirit,  and  their 
contempt  of  those  trammels  which  bound  the 
meaner  minds  of  the  Gauls  and  Tuscans  They 
created  all  three,  military  Tribunes,  with  consular 
power,  for  the  ensuing  year,  and  of  course  had 
them  brought  back  with  pomp  and  honour  to  the  city. 
Camillus  was  in  exile,  Appius  Claudius  silent;  the 
Tuscan  augur  who  destroyed  Veii,  we  hope,  dead  ; 
and  as    the  gods  were  resolved  to   punish  Rome, 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. — GAULS. — COLONIES.       407 

Livy  says  they  blinded  her, — "  Quem  Deus  vult  per- 
dere  prius  dementat."  How  often  do  the  highest  dic- 
tates of  human  wisdom,  and  the  words  of  revelation 
agree !  How  true  could  even  Heathens  perceive  it 
to  be,  that  "  Pride  goeth  before  destruction,  and 
a  haughty  spirit  before  a  fall  !" 

The  conduct  of  the  Romans  needed  no  words  to 
explain  it,  for  of  itself,  it  was  a  declaration  of  war 
to  the  sword's  point.  The  Gauls,  on  hearing  that 
the  Fabii  were  named  amongst  the  governors  of  the 
Roman  State,  in  reward  of  the  insult  they  had 
offered  to  them,  breathed  threatenings  and  slaughter 
with  a  fury  that  could  not  be  restrained.  They 
snatched  up  their  ensigns  and  began  their  forward 
march,  with  one  will  in  every  bosom,  and  one  feeling 
in  every  breast.  Thus  they  proceeded  upon  their  road 
in  disciplined  array.  None  strayed  for  plunder;  none 
desired  rest.  They  halted  before  no  towns,  ravaged 
no  lands,  destroyed  no  crops,  and  fired  no  villages. 
The  peasants  fled,  but  they  were  not  pursued ;  the 
cities  armed,  but  the  enemy  passed  on.  We  wish 
another  "  Lay  of  ancient  Rome"  would  illustrate  the 
still  and  rapid  march  of  Brennus,  as  it  has  done 
the  glorious  array  of  Lars  Porsenna,  for  surely  a 
more  awful  host  never  poured  through  Italy.  All 
was  so  sudden,  that  for  a  time,  Clusium  knew  not 
whether  she  was  delivered ;  knew  not  if  she  should 
be  thankful ;  if  her  foes  would  be  swallowed  up  by 
the  conquerors  of  Veii,  and  return  no  more ;  or  if, 
after  having   made  Rome   a   heap  of  ashes,  they 


8 


408 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


might  not  insist  upon  a  domicile  extending  from  the 
Fossa  Cluillia  up  to  the  brazen  gates  of  Clusium. 

The  Gauls  marched  on  with  banners  streamino- 
and  pipes  and  trumpets  wildly  sounding,  and  they 
proclaimed,  as  they  poured  along,  that  their  quarrel 
was  not  with  Italy,  that  it  was  with  Home  alone. 
They  probably  pursued  the  course  of  the  Clanis  to 
its  junction  with  the  Tiber,  and  then  went  by  Fes- 
cennium,  Feronia,  and  Cures,  down  the  course  of 
that  river;  as  we  find  they  met  the  Romans  upon  the 
Allia,  and  that  the  Homan  army  lay  between  the 
Allia  and  the  Tiber,  encamped  to  the  south-west  of 
their  enemies. 

The  chief  events  of  this  war  belong  to  Roman 
history  only,  and  are  so  well  known  that  we  do  not 
mean  to  dwell  upon  them.  The  infatuated  Quirites, 
after  their  complete  defeat  upon  the  Allia,  ran  away 
to  Veii.  The  left  wing  did  not  fight  at  all,  but 
threw  away  their  arms  and  crossed  the  Tiber,  while 
those  who  were  in  the  sacred  city,  and  without  a 
hope  of  defence  there,  immediately  deserted  it, 
and  found  within  the  walls  of  their  late  rival  a  re- 
fuge and  a  second  home,  in  which  they  hoped  to 
spend  their  days  in  peace.  The  aged  men  who 
could  not  flee,  were  murdered,  most  of  the  houses 
and  palaces  were  fired,  and  the  strong  walls  of 
Servius  were  much  injured,  though  not  destroyed. 
Those  who  were  capable  of  bearing  arms  amongst 
the  Senators  and  the  Patricians,  together  with  all 
the  soldiers  who  could  be  collected,  and  the  right 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL GAULS. — COLONIES.         409 


wing  of  the  defeated  army  fortified  themselves  in 
the  citadel. 

So  complete  at  this  time  was  the  separation  be- 
tween Rome  and  Veii,  that  Livy  says,  Those  that 
were  shut  up  in  the  citadel  knew  not  the  fate  of 
their  fellow-citizens,  but  believed  that  the  multitudes 
who  had  escaped  were  all  dead.  Nor  were  they  pro- 
bably aware  of  the  real  fact,  until  Pontius  Cominius 
contrived  to  climb  the  rock  of  the  Capitol,  and  toge- 
ther with  the  message  from  Camillus,  to  bear  to 
them,  tidings  of  the  multitude,  who  had  found  in 
Veii  a  safer  and  a  second  Rome.  It  is  strange  that 
at  this  time,  all  the  Romans  sought  safety  in  Etruria, 
and  none  of  them  either  in  Latium,  amongst  their 
own  original  blood,  or  in  Sabina  amongst  their  faith- 
ful and  long-tried  allies.  Yet  the  Gauls  poured  in 
upon  them  from  the  Etruscan  side  only,  and  first  in- 
vaded Italy  as  the  foes  of  that  nation. 

The  Gauls  were  some  days  after  the  battle  of  the 
Allia  before  they  marched  into  Rome,  because  they 
feared  treachery  a  second  lime,  and  could  not 
believe  in  the  pusillanimity  of  any  armed  nation, 
thus  leaving  its  gods,  its  temples,  its  palaces,  its 
gates,  its  walls,  and  all  it  held  sacred  and  dear,  to 
the  discretion  of  an  exasperated  enemy.  The  Gauls 
had  asked  land  from  the  Clusians,  and  they  had 
been  forced  to  halt,  and  wait  before  the  Tuscan  city, 
though  they  had  arms  in  their  hands,  and  an  in- 
censed and  bold  Noble  of  the  Clusians  at  their 
head  ;  but  the  Romans  gave  them  up  their  lands, 
their  Agger,  and  their  city,  without  even  waiting 

T 


410 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


to  be  asked  for  them.  They  were  at  this  time  cer- 
tainly the  most  nervous  people  in  the  world,  and 
when  they  came  to  be  known  to  the  universe  as 
potent  warriors  and  mighty  statesmen,  we  find  that 
scarcely  one  of  their  celebrated  men  was  born  on 
the  territory,  which  at  this  date,  belonged  to  Rome. 
These  men  were,  indeed,  Romans,  as  holding  the 
franchise  of  the  city,  but  they  were  Etruscans, 
Samnites,  Sabines,  Latins,  Volsci,  or  Campanians, 
as  to  the  land  of  their  nativity. 

But  to  return  to  the  history.  During  the  few 
days  of  uninterrupted  fright  and  agitation,  which 
the  Gauls  allowed  to  this  wonderful  people,  the 
women,  children,  nobles,  and  citizens,  escaped  with 
all  the  effects  they  could  carry  or  convey,  beyond 
the  Tiber.  The  greater  part  secured  themselves 
within  the  walls  and  upon  the  heights  of  Veii, 
building  up  the  gate  of  the  Ponte  Sodo,  and  that 
one,  the  brazen  doors  of  which  Camillus  had  borne 
away.  The  rest  bent  their  steps  to  the  peaceful  and 
friendly  Caere,  which  seems  to  have  prospered  in 
quiet,  when  all  the  States  around  her  were  shaken 
with  the  storms  of  war. 

The  first  movement  of  the  Plebeians  was  to  cross 
the  Tiber,  and  to  take  refuge  on  the  Janiculum, 
whence  they  dispersed  to  whichever  Lucumony  of 
Etruria  best  suited  their  convenience.     The  meagre 

annals  ofRomefromthe  days  of  her  foundation,  which 
were  kept  by  the  Pontif'ex  Maximus  and  the  priest- 
hood, were  safe  w^ithin  her  fortress ;  and  thither  were 
also  borne  all  the  annals  and  public  records,the  Fasti, 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL GAULS.— COLONIES.         411 


and  the  Fescennine  verses  which  could  be  collected 
together.  The  Flamens  and  the  Vestals,  with  their 
holy  fire,  immediately  turned  to  Caere,  the  birth- 
place of  their  sacred  rites ;  and  such  papers  of  pub- 
lic import,  or  we  should  rather  say,  such  linen, 
books,  and  palm^leaves,  as  they  had  no  possibility 
of  taking  with  them,  and  no  time  to  secure  in  the 
Capitol,  they  nailed  up  in  casks  and  buried  under 
the  house  which  stood  next  to  that  of  the  Flamen 
Quirinalis.  These  consecrated  persons  then  took 
their  way  on  foot,  in  their  robes  of  oflfice,  and  bear- 
ing the  sacred  fire  in  their  hands,  up  the  Janiculum, 
in  order  to  pursue  their  course  towards  C«re. 
Lucius  Albinus,  a  rich  Plebeian,  and  from  his  name 
very  likely  a  descendant  of  some  ancient  Lucumo, 
was  driving  his  wife  and  family  in  a  carriage,  in 
order  to  take  refuge  in  the  same  city.  On  seeing 
the  Vestals,  he  immediately  stopped,  alighted,  and 
said,  that  he  would  never  ride,  whilst  the  ministers 
of  the  gods  had  to  go  on  foot.  Accordingly  he  in- 
sisted upon  their  taking  his  place,  and  had  himself 
the  pleasure  of  conducting  them  to  their  home  in 
the  friendly  city. 

In  this  party  there  were  six  Vestals,  beside  the 
Flamens  and  the  driver;  therefore  we  find  that 
the  vehicle  in  which  Lucius  was  travelling  was  one 
of  those  long  covered  carriages  drawn  by  four  or 
six  horses,  which  are  often  represented  on  the 
Etruscan  monuments.  The  Vestals  were  received 
in  Caere  with  the  most  lively  joy,  and  they  were 
shown   all   possible  honour   and   hospitality,    until 

T  2 


412 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


more   fortunate   times   allowed  them  to  return   to 
their  own  homes.     The  Romans,  when  again  re- 
stored, returned  the  Caerites  public  thanks,  and  are 
said  to  have  named  all  their  sacred  rites  "  Ceremo- 
nies," after  them,  in  gratitude  for  this  act.     But  we 
believe   that   their   religious  rites  were  always  so 
called,  even  in  the  days  of  Romulus.     The  Romans 
set  up  a  brazen  tablet  recording  their  thanks,  to 
the  eternal  honour  of  the  Caerites ;  and   they  pro- 
bably meant  to  be  practically  grateful,  when  they 
again  were  strong  enough  to  have  it  in  their  power. 
But  the  convenient  opportunity  never  came;  they 
liad    too  many  concerns  with  other  nations  when 
once    more   independent,    and    they   granted    the 
Caerites  no   privileges,  which    they   could   possibly 
withhold.     They  are  said  now  to  have  given  them 
the  strangers'  franchise,  and   to   have   made  with 
them  a  league  of  Isopolity ;  but  unless  Csere  had 
been  Isopolite  with,  Rome  before  the  invasion  of  the 
Gauls,  her  citizens  could  not  have  turned  thither,  in 
their  state  of  panic,  with  such  unhesitating  confi- 
dence ;  and  the  strangers*  franchise,  Csere  had  pos- 
sessed from  the  infancy  of  Rome  onwards.     Indeed, 
the  ingratitude  of  the  Republic  to  her  Tuscan  be- 
nefactress was  often  afterwards  cast  in  her  teeth, 
and  the  privilege  of  the  Caerite  franchise  became  a 
proverb  of  ridicule  amongst  her  citizens. 

The  Gauls  blockaded  Rome  for  many  months, 
and  when  tired  of  having  nothing  else  to  do,  de- 
tachments of  them  besieged  Ardea  and  Antium. 
In  the  meantime,  the  Roman  emigrants,  who  had 


WARS  AFTER  VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


413 


believed  themselves  safely  lodged  in  Veii,  were 
alarmed  at  the  report  of  a  Tuscan  army  marchifig 
down  upon  them.  Whence  these  Tuscans  came,  we 
are  at  a  loss  to  conjecture.  They  were  not  from 
Capena,  nor  Faliscia,  for  these  two  states  observed 
faithfully  their  treaties;  but  they  may  have  been 
the  former  nobles  of  Veii,  who  had  escaped  when 
that  city  was  taken  by  the  Romans,  joined  to  the 
bands  of  Aruns,  or  to  the  troops  of  Volsinia  or  Tar- 
quinia. 

We  cannothelp  laughing  at  the  indignation  of  Livy 
against  this  host.  It  was  not  long  since  the  Romans 
had  conquered  from  the  Tuscans,  Fidene,  Veii,  Ca- 
pena, and,  according  to  his  account,  Faliscia  also ;  and 
yet  he  laments  over  the  Tuscans'  want  of  generosity 
in  not  pitying  the  city  which  had  wrought  them  so 
much  harm,  and  in  not  raising  her  up  again,  by  all 
means  in  their  power,  to  be  as  formidable  and  mis- 
chievous to  them  again  as  ever.  He  says  "  they 
had  no  compassion  for  a  nation  which,  during  four 
hundred  years,  had  been  their  neighbour,  and  now 
was  oppressed  and  overcome  by  a  monstrous  and 
unheard  of  enemy,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  there 
were  certain  of  them  who  selected  that  very  time  to 
make  incursions  into  the  plains  of  Veii,  to  carry  off 
prey,  and  even  to  threaten  the  city  itself  (the  last 
resource  of  the  Roman  fugitives)  with  a  siege."  He 
adds,  that  they  were  actually  so  unfeeling,  as  to 
pitch  their  camp  close  to  Veii ;  so  that  the  Roman 
soldiers  could  see  them  wandering  about  the  fields, 
and  gathering  themselves  together  in  bands  to  go 


i 


414 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


out  in  search  of  booty.    At  first  they  could  scarcely 
believe  in  anything  so  inhuman  and  inconsiderate. 
They  said    to  each    other,   «  Are    these    men    the 
Etruscans,  who  have  driven  the  Gauls  upon  us,  and 
turned  them  off  from    themselves?    are  they  now 
come  to  mock  at  our  misfortunes?"     The  Romans 
in  Veil  were  filled  with   indignation  at  such  inso- 
lence, and  after  having  watched  their  proceedings 
until  they  were  sure  a  second  siege  of  Veii  was  in 
contemplation,  they  took  courage  to  attempt   the 
desperate  adventure  of  leaving  the  walls,  and   at- 
tacking the  Tuscan  camp  by  night.     This  was  an 
attack  so  unexpected,  on  the  part  of  men  who  hi- 
therto  had  appeared  perfectly  resigned  to  their  fate, 
whether  it  were  insult,  blockade,  or  spoliation,  that 
we  cannot  wonder  at  the  Tuscans  being  taken  by 
surprise,  and  doubting  whether  those  who  attacked 
them,  were  really  the  Roman   fugitives  from  Veii. 
They  were  defeated  in  the  confusion  and  obscurity 
of  night,  and  obliged  to  retire  towards  the  Salines, 
near  Ostia,  and  north  of  it  upon  the  coast.     Nor 
was   this   all :  the    Romans  were   so  pleased  with 
their  revived   prowess,  that  they  ventured   upon  a 
second   attack,   covered    by   darkness,   and    as  the 
Tuscans  had  laid  their  account  with  nothincr  Jess 
than     being    followed,    they   were  again   surprised 
and  again   defeated,   so   that   they   retired   finally 
from  the  territory  of  Veii,   and   troubled   her   no 
more. 

The    consequence    was,   that   the  fame  of   Veii 
as  a  place  of  refuge,  increased,  and  with  it  the  num- 


WARS    AFTER   VEII. — GAULS. — COLONIES.        415 

bers  of  those  who  congregated  there,  so  that  at 
leno^th  Camillus  agreed  to  leave  Ardea,  and  to  take 
the°  command  over   the   large    Roman  population 
of  Veientine  Refugees.     He  dwelt  probably  in  the 
very  palace  where  the  haughty  Lucumo,  whom  he 
overthrew,  had  dwelt  before,  and  he  issued  his  orders, 
and  made  them  to  be  trembled  at,  in  the  very  citadel, 
whence  that  Lucumo  had  so  often  defied  the  Romans, 
and  laughed  at  the  neglect  of  his  own  neighbours 
and  his  own  kindred. 

It  was  in  the  city  of  Veii  that  Camillus  formed, 
and  from  its  conquered  gates  that  he  led  forth,  the 
army  which  at  last  delivered  Rome,-which  made 
it  once  more  the  home  of  the  Quirites,  and  which 
prevented  the  Gauls,  a  second  time,  from  returning 
to  it.     It  was  this  army  from  Veii,  which,  assisted 
by  the  Cserites,  gave  them  so  signal  a  defeat  near 
Gabii,  and  took  back  part  of  the  spoil.     Veu  was 
once  more  partially  deserted,  and  her  empty  streets 
began  to  show  that  the  swarming  multitudes  which 
had  lately  given  life  to  her  Forum,  and  the  armed 
men  who,  with  proud  step,  had  walked  her  battle- 
ments, were  not  her  native  children.     We  doubt  it 
at  this  time,  they  spoke  a  foreign  tongue,  or  one  that 
differed  more,  than  the  French  and  Germans  on  op- 
posite sides  of  the  Rhine.     We  believe  that,  like 
most  borderers,  they  were  bilingual,  and  that  each 
could  perfectly  well  communicate  with  the  other. 

When  the  Emigrants  returned  to  Rome,  she  was 
totally  changed,— desolate,  comfortless,  and  in  ruins; 
her  atmosphere  tainted  with   pestilence,  her  walls 


n 


416 


HISTORY   OP   ETRURIA. 


surrounding  stones  and  ashes,  and  heaps  of  rubbish. 
Where  her  inhabitants  had  left  their  houses,  their 
tenj])Ies,  and  their  palaces,  they  could  not  bear  now 
to   look    upon    their  blackened    roofs,   and   gaping 
breaches ;  and  the  buildings  which  remained  entire, 
(as  many  did)  only  seemed  to  make  the  destruction 
of   the    others    more  offensive  from    the   contrast. 
The  Capitol,  with  its  sacred  edifices,  was  unscathed, 
and  so  were  the  Fabian  Palace  on  the  Quirinal,  the 
dwellings  upon  the  Janiculum,   and    many  others 
upon  all  the  Seven  Hills,  which  had  been  inhabited 
by  the  Gauls.     The  proud  Patricians,  whose  houses 
had  been  spared,  once  more  congratulated  them- 
selves  in  the  halls  of  their  fathers,  and  could  not 
understand  the  mean    spirit  of  those,  who  looked 
back  with  fondness  to  Veii,  and  who  still  insisted 
upon  taking  up  their  quarters  there. 

So  intent  were  the  people  on  removing  to  Veii, 
having  once  tasted  of  its  comfort,  enjoyed  its  salu-' 
brity,  and  felt  themselves  secure  in  its  almost  inac- 
cessible  position,   that   Camillas,   in    the    renewed 
height  of  his  power  and  fulness  of  his  influence, 
could    scarcely   dissuade  them    from    carrying  out 
their  scheme.     Livy  puts  into  his  mouth,  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  speeches  to  be  found  in  the  whole  of 
Roman  history.     He  tells  them  that  they  are  un- 
just  to  their  own  victors,  who  have  saved   the  Ca- 
pitol ;    that  they  are  abandoning  the  city  of  their 
fathers,  in  order   to  identify  themselves  with   the 
people  whom  they  have  vanquished ;  that  when  they 
have  become  citizens  of  Veii,  they  will  still  have  to 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. — GAULS. — COLONIES.        417 

contend   for  their  liberty,  for    that  the  Equi,  the 
Volsci,  and  the  Gauls,  will  then  establish    them- 
selves in  Rome,  and  that  whilst  they  threaten  them 
on  the  one  side,  Etruria,  which  occupies  the  whole 
breadth  of  Italy  from  sea  to  sea,  will  distress  them 
on  the  other,  and  though  not  equal  to  them  in  war- 
like skill  and  valour,  yet  will  never  suffer  them  to 
live  in  peace.     He  ends  by  conjuring  them,  in  the 
name  of  their  gods,  their  temples,  their  sacred  fire, 
their  Anciliae,  and  the  many   miracles  which  have 
been  worked  in  their  behalf,  not  to  forsake  Rome ; 
and  specially  he  named  the  bleeding  head,  which 
was  found  under  the  Capitol,  and  the  prophecy  that 
whoever  possessed  that  building,  should  rule  over 
the  whole  of  Italy. 

The  fear  of  impiety,  which  had  prevented  the  se- 
cession of  the  people  three  years  before,  now  in- 
fluenced them  again.  Juno  Kupra,  the  patron  di- 
vinity of  Veii,  had  accepted  of  a  habitation  on  the 
Aventine.  Could  they  be  sure  she  would  willingly 
return  to  that  city,  which  she  had  deserted  without 
reluctance?  and  would  their  own  gods  patronise 
them  in  a  foreign  land  ?  Would  their  own  Lares 
and  Penates  follow  them  to  the  shrine  of  their 
enemies?  They  began  to  waver  and  hesitate,  when 
a  fortunate  omen  brought  them  to  a  decision.  The 
Senate  was  debating  the  matter  in  the  Curia  Hos- 
tilia,  when  a  cohort  of  the  guard  passed  by,  and  the 
Centurion  called  out  in  a  loud  voice,  "  Ensign,  fix 
your  standard  ;  it  is  best  for  us  to  remain  here.'j 
The  Senators  exclaimed,  "  Let  us  accept  the  omen." 

T  5 


418 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


The  people  heartily  gave  their  approbation,  and  the 
(loom  of  Veii  was  fixed  for  ever.  The  stones  of  her 
dwellings  became  a  quarry,  to  rebuild  the  streets  of 
her  rival,  her  palaces  sank  into  chambers  for  the  poor, 
and  shops  for  the  small  traders,  and  her  Forum  was 
turned  into  the  market-place  of  a  mere  country 
town.  A  small  Roman  colony  was  fixed  within 
her  precincts,  neglect  and  decay  crumbled  down 
her  temples;  she  dwindled  into  insignificance,  and 
soon  became  a  vision  of  the  past,  a  thing  unvisited 
and  forgotten.  One  more  attempt  seems  to  have 
been  made,  and  one  only,  to  redeem  her  from  ob- 
livion. That  one  was  unsuccessful,  and  the  Etrus- 
cans, equally  with  the  Romans,  seem  to  have  been 
convinced  that  her  gods  had  deserted  her.  Their 
own  day  was  now  declining  to  its  evening-time, 
and  Veii,  magnificent  and  glorious  Veii,  was  left 
alone  to  perish. 

Rome  had  scarcely  begun  to  raise  herself  uj)  from 
her  ashes,  when  Etruria  once  more  threatened  her 
on  all  sides,  with  the  troubles  of  a  new  war.  The 
Diet  of  Voltumna  had  been  held  as  usual,  and  the 
fair  was  not  omitted,  though  the  terror  spread  by 
the  Gauls  throughout  Italy,  during  the  siege  of 
Rome,  and  their  march  onwards  into  Apulia,  had 
probably  made  it  less  brilliant  than  usual.  Latin 
merchants,  were,  however,  there,  as  heretofore,  and 
on  their  return  to  their  own  country,  they  informed 
the  Roman  Senate,  that  the  Etruscan  princes  were 
debating  on  the  expediency  of  renewing  the  con- 
test with  them,  and  that,  with  some  portion  of  the 


Wars  after  veii. — gauls. — colonies. 


419 


League,  the  cry  for  battle  had  prevailed.  It  is  cer- 
tain^  from  the  result,  that  this  was  not  a  case  of 
general  hostilities,  in  which  all  the  twelve  States 
were  engaged,  but  one  in  which  Tarquinia  and  Vol- 
sinia  probably  asked  the  approbation  of  the  meeting, 
upon  their  project  of  trying  their  strength  against 
a  too  successful  and  encroaching  foe.  Niebuhr 
thinks  that  the  fall  of  Sutrium  had  roused  them 
into  action,  because  their  territories  were  thus  en- 
dangered, joining  as  they  did  the  lands  of  Capena 
and  Faliscia,  and  therefore  they  had  every  incite- 
ment to  check,  whilst  there  was  yet  time,  their  new 
and  dangerous  neighbour.  We  also  judge,  from 
the  events  of  the  war,  that  the  Umbri  of  Ameria  and 
Narnia  joined  forces  with  them. 

The  Romans,  in  great  alarm,  and  not  being  able 
to  ascertain  the  true  extent  of  the  peril,  appointed 
Camillus,  for  the  sixth  time,  Dictator.  A  large 
Etruscan  force  had  reappeared  in  the  territory  of 
Veii,  and  this  he  immediately  opposed  and  caused 
to  retire ;  but  he  was  told  that  they  had  fallen  back 
upon  Sutrium,  which  was  sustaining  a  regular  siege 
from  the  Tuscans,  in  order  to  force  her  magistrates 
to  break  their  alliance  with  Rome.  Messengers 
arrived  from  this  city,  requesting  immediate  relief, 
or  they  could  no  longer  resist,  but  should  be  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  arms  of  their  countrymen.  From 
the  story  it  would  appear  that  many  Roman  settlers 
had  been  admitted  into  the  place;  for  Sutrium  was 
forced  to  surrender,  and  the  people  neither  hailed 
the  Etruscan  soldiers  as  deliverers,  nor  were  they 


420 


HISTORY    OP    ETRURIA. 


bailed  by  tbem  ;  and,  on  tbe  otber  band,  tbough  ill- 
used  and  plundered,  tbey  were  not  insulted  as  de- 
serters  from  their  country,  nor  were  tbey  reproached 
with   treachery.     When  Camillus  marched   to   the 
relief  of  the  town,  not  knowing  that  already  it  had 
been  vanquished  by  the  Tarquinians,  he  met  with 
a  multitude  of  unarmed  and  poverty-stricken  men, 
lamenting  women,  and  weeping  children,  and  they 
told   him   that  they  had   been   turned  out  without 
food,  or  change  of  raiment,  or  means  of  defence,  to 
perish  from  want  and  destitution  on  the  road,  or  to 
find  their  way  to  the  Roman  frontiers.     Camillus 
pitied  and  relieved  them,  bidding   them  not  fear, 
for  he  would  soon  reinstate  them  in  their  homes! 
He  desired  them  to  turn  with  him,  to  join  his  rear, 
and  to  travel  with  his  baggage-train,— a  portion  of 
baggage  which  a  general  is  usually  most  anxious  to 
be  quit  of,  but  on  this  occasion  he  was  glad  of  their 
company,   for  they  swelled  the  appearance  of  his 
host,  and  animated  the  courage  of  his  men. 

When  the  Etruscans  had  got  possession  of  the 
city  of  Sutrium,  and  rid  themselves  of  this  beggarly 
multitude,  whom  we  presume  to  have  been  Romans, 
they  suspected  not  that  any  enemy  was  nearer  to 
them  than  the  plains  of  Veii,  or  the  shores  of  the 
Lake  Sabatinus,  and  with  a  most  unsoldierly  negli- 
gence, which  reflects  the  utmost  disgrace  upon  their 
commander,  they  left  the  gates  of  the  town  open, 
and  the  walls  unguarded,  whilst  they  abandoned 
themselves  to  plunder.  Camillus  marched  up  with 
his  well-disciplined  army,  and  surrounded  the  place 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. GAULS.— COLONIES.        421 


without  attracting  any  particular  notice.     He  then 
summoned  it  to  surrender,  and  the  Etruscan  troops, 
dispersed  and  in  disorder,  were  in  no  condition  to 
resist.     The  sagacious  Camillus  was  resolved  that 
they  should  not  gain  new  strength  from  despair,  and 
immediately  proclaimed  that  he  would  do  no  harm 
to  those  who  submitted  without  opposition  ;  that  he 
would,  moreover,  spare  the  lives  of  those  who  laid 
down  their  arms,  and  that  the  women  and  children 
should  not  be  touched.     The  Tuscan  general  had 
time  to  secure  himself  in  the  citadel ;  but  being 
wholly  unprepared  for  a  siege,  having  already  himself 
breached  the  walls,  and  finding  that  the  town  was 
now   in  possession  of  the  enemy,  he  surrendered 
upon  terms,  and  Sutrium  was  restored  to  her  own 
magistrates,  and  to  the  occupation  of  her  former 
inhabitants,  as  the  sworn  allies  of  the  Roman  people. 
The  riches  of  this  city   astonish  us  greatly,  for 
it   could    not    have  been  a  place  of   much    com- 
merce, and  it  never  was  a  leading  member  of  the 
League;  and  yet  the  quantity  of  gold  found   in  it 
was  so  great  that  the  Roman  Senate  was  enabled 
not  only  to  restore  to  their  matrons  all  the  precious 
metal  they  had  borrowed  from  them,  when  they  ran- 
somed their  city  from  the  Gauls ;  but  to  make  of  the 
surplus  three  golden  bowls,  which  repaid  a  portion 
of  that,  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  take  from 
the  sacred  treasury  in  the  temples  of  the  Capitol. 
These  bowls  were  not  laid  at  the  feet  of  Jupiter,  but 
of  Juno  Capitolina,  which  inclines  us  to  the  belief 
that  Juno,  or  Kupra,  was  the  patron  deity  of  Su- 
trium.     Much  money  was  also  brought  into  the 


422 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL GAULS. — COLONIES. 


423 


Roman   treasury  by  the  vast  number  of  prisoners 
whom  Camillus  disposed  of  by  auction. 

Such  of  the  natives  of  Veii,  Capena,  and  Faliscia, 
as  now  sought  the  alliance  of  Rome,  were  not  only 
received  with  cordiality,  but  were  admitted  to  her  ci- 
tizenship,  given  the  Caerite  franchise,  and  had  their 
lands  inscribed  in  the  Roman  roll  as  forming  part  of 
her  acknowledged  tribesmen.     The  friendship  and 
good-will  of  these  people  enabled  Camillus  to  insist 
upon  and  effect  the  evacuation  of  the  city  of  Veii,  into 
which,  despite  all  his  prejudices,  his  arguments,  and 
his  power,  the   Roman  people  continued   to    flock, 
and    which    they  still  seemed  resolute    to    occupy 
and  maintain  as  the  rival  of  Rome.     The  Plebeians 
at  length  gave  up  the  fruitless  contest,  and  obeyed 
the  recall,  bowing  to  the  strong  will  of  their  victo- 
rious Dictator ;  and  this  was  the  last  attempt  made 
by  either  Romans  or  Tuscans  to  avert  the  doom  of 
the  once  large  and  opulent,  the  mighty  and  splendid 
Veii,  now  obliterated   from   the   face  of  the  earth, 
and  her  very  site  left  as  a  matter  of  dispute  to  the 
Italian  antiquarian. 

A.  c.  385,  A.  T.  802. 

The  next  season  the  Romans  made  an  expedition 
into  Tarquinia,  to  punish  the  enemy  on  their  own 
ground,  and  maintain  the  war,  if  possible,  in  the 
yery  heart  of  Etruria.  Cortuosa  and  Contenebra 
were  two  towns  which  had  grown  out  of  the  increase 
of  Tarquinia.  They  were  at  first  suburbs  beyond 
her  walls,  and  not  included  within  the  Augury 
limits   of  her  Patricians.      They  were  now   under 


separate  magistrates,  and  protected  by  separate  forts 
and    garrisons.       The    Roman    Legions    marched 
through  Veii,  across  the  mountains,  and  down  upon 
these  towns,  without  any  warning;   coming   upon 
them  like    a   thunderbolt,    and   managing   at   one 
stroke  to  cut  off  their  communication  with  Tarqui- 
nia, with  the  coast,  and  with  each  other.     Cortuosa 
was  so  effectually  surprised,  that  it  was  quickly  taken 
by  storm,  burned  to  the  ground,   and    plundered. 
Contenebra   underwent  a   siege,  but   the   Roman 
force  so  outnumbered  their  enemies,  and  the  town 
was  so  unprepared  for  an  attack,  (the  first  appa- 
rently she  had  ever  sustained,)  that  her  citizens  were 
soon  worn  out  by  fatigue  and  constant  watching ; 
and  after  a  short  resistance,  were  compelled  to  sur- 
render.    As  I  he  King  of  Tarquinia  gave  no  assist- 
ance, and  as  the  whole  affair  appears  to  have  been 
a  rapidly-conducted,  and  well-managed  stratagem, 
attended  by  no  important  results,  we  shrewdly  sus- 
pect that  it  was  effected,  whilst  the  King  with  his 
nobles  was  absent  at  Voltumna,  and  that  the  Gover- 
nor of  the  city   was  paralysed  by  his  own  stupid 
security.     The  Tarquinii  revenged  themselves,  by 
again  renewing  their  attempts   upon   Nepete   and 
Sutrium,  places  which  the  Romans  considered  as 
barriers  to  them,  against  the  invasions  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, and  to  the   inviolability   of  which,  as   their 
allies,  they  attached  great  importance. 

Camillus  showed  his  fear  of  the  Etruscan  mili- 
tary talents  and  restlessness,  at  this  period,  for  upon 
being  appointed  Dictator  once  more,  and  obliged  in 


424 


HISTORY    OF   ETRURIA. 


WARS   AFTER    VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


425 


person,  to  head  the  Legions  against  the  Volisci,  he 
left  a  regularly  organised  and  disciplined  army  in 
Rome,  prepared  to  oppose  the  Tuscans,  in  case  of 
any  attempt  through  Veii,  on  the  part  of  Tarquinia 
or  Volsinia.     The  Romans  also,  now  guarded  their 
frontiers,  in   the   same   politic   manner   which  the 
Etruscans,  through  more  than  seven  ages,  had  found 
so  successful  with  the  Umbri.     They   made  tran- 
quillity along  the  borders,  the  interest  of  the  Tuscans 
themselves ;  for  they  created  four  new  tribes  out  of 
the  conquered  territory  of  Veii,  and  the  allied  pro- 
vinces   of  Faliscia,    Capena,  and    Narnia,   calling 
them  the  Stellatine,  Sabatine,  Narnian,  and  Tromen- 
tine ;  and  not  only  endowing  them  with  the  Caerite 
franchise,  and  enabling  them  to  claim  privileges  and 
immunities  during    peace  in   Rome,  but    actually 
permitting  them  to  vote  in  classes,  along  with  the 
Centuries,  and  to   be  eligible  for  every  office  open 
to  the  native  Plebeians.      We  have  difficulty  in  be- 
lieving  that  the  concession  of  such  privileges  was 
not  the   fruit  of  some  successes  on  the  part  of  the 
Etruscans,    or   some    reverses  on    the  part   of  the 
Romans,  which  their  historians  have  not  thought  it 
necessary  to  record. 

The  Tarquinians  and  Volsinians  laid  siege  to 
Nepete  and  Sutrium ;  the  first  capitulated  after  a 
feeble  resistance,  but  the  second  had  been  so  severely 
treated  during  the  last  war,  that  it  defended  itself 
with  the  most  determined  spirit.  Both  towns  found 
means  to  send  messengers  to  Rome,  explaining  their 
dangerous   situation,  and   praying   for   help.     The 


Senate  sent  these  messages  forward   to   Camillus, 
who  was  blockading  Antium,  and  he,  without   hesi- 
tation or  delay,  committed  the  siege  to  one  of  his 
lieutenants,  reinforced  himself  with  the  city  legions, 
and   marched  straight  against  the   Tuscans.      He 
found   part  of  the  town   of  Sutrium  already  in  the 
power  of  the  hostile  force,  and  the  other  part  con- 
tended for,  inch  by  inch.  The  citizens  had  barricaded 
all  the  streets,  and  bravely  defended  them  as  they 
retreated.  Camillus  divided  his  army  into  two  parts, 
one  of  which  he  appointed  to  assist  his  distressed 
allies,   whilst     the    other   took    possession    of    the 
walls,  whence  they  had  every  advantage  over  their 
foes.   The  Tuscans  finding  themselves  overmatched, 
and  fifrhtinjr  between  two  fresh  enemies,  abandoned 
the  contest,  and  poured  out  of  the  city  by  one  of 
the  gates  which  had  been  left  unguarded.     Many 
were  killed  before  they  could  reach  this  gate,  and 
the  others,  who  escaped,  were  pursued,  and  num- 
bers of  them  slaughtered  in  their  flight,  ere  they 
could  cross  the  Mount  Ciminus,  or  fall  back  upon 
Tarquinia. 

Having  achieved  this  victory,  Camillus  settled 
a  Roman  colony  in  the  place,  and  then  marched  for- 
wards to  Nepete,  and  summoned  it  to  submit  and 
expel  the  Tuscan  garrison ;  but,  alas  !  though  very 
willing,  because  afraid  of  the  consequences,  should 
they  refuse,  her  populace  had  no  power  to  comply. 
Camillus  then  ordered  all  who  were  friendly  to 
Rome  to  show  themselves,  and  separate  from  her 
foes,  but  this  also  they  dared  not  do.     The  Town 


426 


HISTORY    OP   ETRURIA. 


Council  was  believed  to  be  entirely  in  the  interest 
of  Tarqiiinia,  and  resolved   to  hold  out  as  long  as 
possible;    he    therefore     invested     the    city    Ind 
ravaged  the  country  all  round,  hoping  to  work  upon 
their  fears  and  selfishness.     But  the   rulers  in  Ne- 
pete  mocked  at  the  thought  of  famine,  and  he  ap- 
peared to  make  no  progress.     After  a  while,  Camil- 
lus  brought  up  his  machines,  and  ordered  the  town 
to  be  stormed.     The  fight  lasted  with  fury  for  some 
hours,  when  a  breach  was  made  in  the  walls.     The 
Romans  forced  their  way  in,  and  the  place  was  taken. 
Almost  all  the  natives  were  spared,  and  their  pro- 
perty  respected,    excepting    the  magistrates,    who 
were  put  to  death  along  with  the  Tarquinian  troops. 
These  men,  whether  armed  or  disabled,  were  slain 
without  quarter,  as  an  example  to  terrify  others.   Ca- 
minus's  motto  was,  "  Parcere  humiles,  debellare  su- 
perbos,"  and  he  was  the  first  Roman  who,  since  the 
days  of  Mezentius  and  Julus,  had  won  land  within 
the  borders  of  Etruria,  and  altered  the  limits  of  her 
dominions  ;  the  first,  since  the  overthrow  of  Vetu- 
lonia,  who  had  caused  a  change  amongst  ihe  mem- 
bers of  the  League;  and  the  first,  since  the  landing 
of  Tarchun,  who  had  diminished  in  Central  Etruria 
the  extent  of  country,  which  was  subject  to  her  sway. 
Nepete  probably  asked   for  a  Roman  garrison, 
being  in  constant  danger  of  an  attack  from  the 
Tarquinians,  and  almost  a  temptation  to  them;  and 
not  being  strong  enough  to  defend  herself  withont 
foreign    assistance.     One   was    accordingly   placed 
there  ;  and  the  year  following,  though  Niebuhr  says 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL GAULS. — COLONIES. 


427 


not  until  ten  years  afterwards,  the  place  received  a 
Roman  colony,  and  became,  to  all  intents  and  par- 
poses,  separated  permanently  from  Etruria.  Sutri- 
urn  and  Nepete  formed  the  armed  frontier,  between 
the  Quirites  and  the  Rasena,  for  sixty  years ;  and 
were  placed  on  the  footing  of  allied  Municipia, 
obliged  each  te  furnish  a  regiment  to  serve  in  the 
Roman  wars,  but  being  governed  by  their  own 
blood,  and  according  to  their  ancient  laws  and  cus- 
toms, except  in  so  far  as  they  2)referred  placing 
themselves  under  the  laws  and  customs  of  their  new 
head.  These  places  had  voluntarily  joined  them- 
selves to  Rome  by  treaty,  upon  the  cession  of 
certain  stipulated  privileges,  and  therefore  they 
were  never  in  the  condition  of  conquered  or  tribu- 
tary and  suspected  cities ;  even  though  they  admitted 
the  colonists  to  a  share  in  their  lands,  and  probably 
adopted  the  leaders  into  their  Curiae. 

The  Roman  historians  do  not  mention  the  peace 
or  truce,  which  was  now  concluded  with  all  the 
Etruscan  States,  for  they  must  in  full  Diet  have 
agreed  to  the  re-settling  of  the  frontiers,  to  the 
election  of  some  other  Lucumony,  which  would 
make  up  their  sacred  number  of  twelve,  in  the 
room  of  Veii,  and  to  the  long  cessation  of  hostilities 
which  followed  these  last  victories  of  Camillus.  One 
of  the  Roman  Consuls  held  an  assembly*  of  the  tribes 
at  Sutrium,  and  passed  a  law  about  the  Patrician 
share  of  the  spoil  in  future  battles,  a  proceeding 
quite  unprecedented  and  forbidden  for  the  time  to 
come. 

*A.c.  354. 


428 


HISTORY    OF    ETR[JRIA. 


A.  C.  336,   A.  T.  831. 

We  he«ir  of  no  more  wars   for   foiir-and-t.wenty 
years  *  and  then   the    truce  being  over,  the  Tar- 
quinians  made  an  incursion  upon  the  Romans,  which 
reminded   them   of    their  old    troubles   in    former 
days,  and  of  the  necessity   of  most  vigorous  mea- 
sures and  most  able  commanders,  if  they  desired  to 
avoid  a  repetition  of  them.     A  consular  army  was 
accordingly  sent  against  the  Etruscans,  but  met  with 
a   severe  repulse,   and   three   hundred   and    seven 
Roman    officers,  who  were   taken    prisoners,   were 
treated  with  much  insult  and  hardship,  and  then 
transported  to  Tarquinia  and  put  to  death  in  the  Fo- 
rum  there.    But  for  this  rash  act,  the  Tuscans  might 
probably  have  commanded  an  advantageous  peace, 
instead  of  the  war  lasting,  as  it  did,  for  eight  weary 
and  disastrous  years.     Part  of  the  defeated  Roman 
army  retreated  upon  Faleria,  which  was  still  bound 
by  its  treaty  with  Rome;  but  when   the  refugees 
wished  to  quit  the  city,  they  found  themselves  forci- 
bly  detained,  and  as  the  Faliscii  would  not  give  them 
up,  even  when  solemnly  demanded  by  the  Feciales, 
the  Romans  considered  this  conduct  as  equivalent  to 
a  declaration  of  having  joined  with  the  Tarquinians, 
in  the  war  against   them.     Another  consular  army, 
the  following  season,  engaged  the  united  forces  of 
Tarquinia  and   Faliscia,    but  being  constantly   re- 
pulsed, and  kept  at  bay  by  them,  it  was  forced  to 
retire  without  having  effected  anything,  if  we  ex- 
cept having  prevented  the  Tuscans  from  ravaging 
the  Roman  territory. 

♦  Livy  vii.  15,  &c. 


WARS    AFTER   VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES. 


429 


In  the  third  year  of  this  war,  the  two  united  Lucu- 
monies  found  themselves  opposed  by  a  Consul  of  the 
Fabian  house,  and  as  the  story  of  the  Cremera  was 
well  known  to  them,  they  made  more  than  common 
efforts   to  defeat  him.     To  their  no  small  joy  he 
was  routed  in  the  very  first  encounter,  and  his  men 
were  so  terrified  with   the  strange  appearance  of 
their  enemies,  that  he  could  not  persuade  them  to 
stand  the  assault.     A  band  of  the  Tuscans,  whom 
Livy  calls  priests,  came  forward,  as  they  had  done 
in  former  wars,  representing  the  Furies,  with  lighted 
brands  in  one  hand,  and  snakes  of  coloured  stuflp  or 
worsted  in  the  other;  and   the  Romans  believing 
them  to  be  spirits,  who  fought  on  the  Turrhenian 
side,  fled  away  in  frantic  consternation.     When  the 
officers,  however,    could  make  their  voices  to   be 
heard,  reproaching  and  striving  to  rally  them,  and 
still  more  when  they  could  show  a  torch  which  they 
had  wrung  from  the  hands  of  a  wounded  Tuscan, 
the  Romans  recovered  from  their  panic  and  renewed 
the  attack.     Fabius  besought  them  to  stand  against 
their  enemies,  by  all  the  wrongs  and  the  glories  of 
his  house,  and  by  their  own  former  victories  and 
invincibility,  until  they  caught  the   infection,  and 
began  to  covet  for  themselves,  some  of  that  fame  of 
which  tbey  had  heard  so  much.     They  turned  and 
fought,  and   repulsed  their  enemies,  attacked  their 
camp,  and  then  marched  in  triumph  back  to  their 
own  intrenchments.     They  afterwards  made  songs 
upon  this  battle,  and  were  wisely  taught  to  ridicule 


430 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


the  spectacle  which  had  so  nearly  proved  their  over- 
throw. 

The  next  year,  Tarquinia  and  Faliscia  got  assist- 
ance  from  some  other  members  of  the  League,  and 
advanced   upon  the  Romans,  by  the  ancient  Tuscan 
possessions  of  the  Salines,  near  Ostia.     This  caused 
so  much  alarm  at  Rome,  that  a  Dictator  was  elected, 
and   a   large  army  raised,  which    he  led    carefully 
down  the  banks   of  the  Tiber,  sometimes  on  one 
side  and  sometimes  on  the  other,  until  he  found  an 
opportunity   of   attacking   his   foes   to    advantage. 
The  Tuscan  generals  allowed  their  camp  to  be  sur- 
prised, and  after  the  loss  of  eight  thousand   men 
were  obliged  to  retreat  within  their  own  frontiers! 
They  still,  however,  considered  themselves  as  quite 
equal  to  the  Romans  in  military  strength,  and  never 
suffered  them   to  enter  the  borders  of  either  state; 
nor  in    the  campaigns  of  the   next  year,  did   they 
permit  them  to  gain  any  advantage  of  any  kind  with- 
in  the  dominions  of  Etruria.    In  the  sixth  year,  they 
fought  a  bloody  and  hardly  contested  field,  in  which 
they  were  not  so  successful,  for  though  they  kept 
their  ground,  and  inflicted  great  slaughter  upon  the 
enemy,  they  themselves  lost  a  multitude  of  noble 
prisoners,  who  could  ill  be  spared.     These  men,  to 
the  number  of  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight  souls, 
were  sent  to  Rome,  beaten  with  rods  in  the  Forum, 
and   then  beheaded  ;  to  the  disgrace  of  those  who' 
knew  not  how  to  observe  better,  the  laws  of  civilized 
warfare.     It  is  true,  they   professed  that  it  was  to 


WARS    AFTER    VEIL — GAULS. — COLONIES.        431 

avens:e  the  three  hundred  and  seven  Romans  whom 
the  Etruscans,  with  a  barbarity  equally  unjustifi- 
able, had  massacred  six  years  before  ;  but  admitting 
the  ancient  law  of  retaliation,  and  the  natural  prin- 
ciple of  "life  for  life,**  why  did  they  immolate  fifty- 
one  innocent  persons,  unarmed  and  at  their  mercy, 
without  a  pretence  of  virtue  or  justice  to  exculpate 
them  ? 

The  outrage  was  so  great,  that  even  the  peaceful 
Caerites,  Livy  says,  felt  compassion  for  their  kindred, 
and  were  roused  to  express  their  displeasure.  They 
suffered  some  of  their  men  to  join  the  united  Lucu- 
monies,  and  to  help  them  in  plundering  the  country 
about  the  Salines,  and  then  they  allowed  the  booty 
to  be  carried  into  Caere.  The  Roman  Senate,  with- 
out delay,  proclaimed  w^ar  against  Caere,  though 
their  long  tried  and  hitherto  faithful  friend,  and  sent 
troops  into  her  domains.  The  cautious  ruler,  or 
rulers  of  the  Caerites,  certain  of  not  being  able  to 
cope  with  the  Republic,  and  of  having  their  com- 
merce interrupted,  and  perhaps  ruined  by  the  war, 
disavowed  the  proceedings  of  the  army,  and  claimed 
the  forbearance  and  forgiveness  of  Rome,  for  one 
rash  and  unauthorised  act,  in  consideration  of  the 
refuge  which  this  state  had  granted  to  the  Romans, 
with  their  Lares,  Priests,  and  Vestals,  in  the  hour  of 
their  worst  distress.  According  to  Livy,*  they  said 
"  that  the  Tarquinians  had  marched  through  their 
territory  as  a  neutral  State,  and  had  obliged  the 
peasantry  to  join  them,  and  they  intreated  that  Caere, 

♦  vii.  20. 


432 


HISTORY   OF    ETRURIA. 


the  sanctuary  of  the  Roman  people,  the  refuge  of  her 
priests,  and  the  asylum  of  her  sacred  things,  might 
be  left  unhurt  and  unviolatedby  the  horrors  of  war, 
in  consideration  of  the  Isopolity  contracted  with  the 
Vestals,  and  with  the  Gods,  whose  worship  had  been 
there  preserved." 

The  Fathers  wisely  judged  that  it  was  their  inte- 
rest to  divide  their  opponents  by  allowing  this  plea, 
and  the  Caerites,  in  consequence,  for  ever  forsook 
the  Tuscan  political  alliance,  though  they  kept  the 
religious  one,  and  sent  Deputies  to  Voltumna,  as 
worshippers  of  Concord,  and  as  men  of  the  same 
blood  with  the  rest  of  the  Rasena,  but  not  as  compro- 
mised in  their  quarrels,  or  as  bound  to  join  in  their 
wars,  or  to  share  in  their  dangers.  They  made  peace 
with  the  Romans  for  one  hundred  years,  at  the  end 
of  which  period,  the  wealthy  and  prosperous  Caere 
was  of  little  more  importance  than  the  new  colony 
which  now  occupied  Veii. 

It  was  probably  at  this  time,  that  Rome  altered 
and  diminished  the  ancient  Isopolite  privileges 
of  Caere,  and  degraded  her  to  a  Municipium. 
Niebuhr*  says,  it  was  after  the  Gallic  war,  and  yet 
her  troops  had  all  the  honour  of  defeating  the 
Gauls  in  Sabina,  when  Rome  trembled  at  their 
power,  and  again  near  Gabii,  on  their  return  home. 
Strabot  reproaches  them  justly  for  their  ingratitude, 
and  for  that  mean  feeling,  which  prompts  the  pros- 
perous to  forget  the  benefits  rendered  to  them 
in   the    time  of  need.     It  is  only   the   little  soul 


WARS    AFTER    VEII. GAULS. COLONIES. 


433 


which  fears  to  make  itself  still  less,  should  it  acknow- 
ledge former  obligations,  to  those  whom  fortune  or 
accident,  in  the  course  of  time,  have  caused  it  to 
surpass,  in  worldly  rank,  riches,  or  power. 

Though  thus  al)andoned  by  Caere,  Tarquinia 
and  Faliscia  still  maintained  the  war  for  two  succes- 
sive years,  in  order  to  revenge  their  murdered  pri- 
soners, and  to  pacify  the  minds  of  the  noble  houses 
who  had  been  injured  through  their  destruction.  No- 
thing of  importance,  however,  distinguished  the 
contest  on  either  side.  The  Roman  Dictator  ravaged 
their  lands,  but  could  not  besiege  any  of  their  towns, 
and  the  war  was  at  length  concluded  by  a  peace  for 
forty  years,*  each  party  keeping  the  advantages  they 
had  acquired.  Eight  years  later  the  Faliscians  ac- 
cepted of  the  Quiritary  franchise,  and  became,  like 
the  Caerites,  the  indissoluble  allies  of  the  Roman 
people,  breaking  the  political  confederation  which 
had  hitherto  bound  them  to  their  kindred,  and  only 
remaining  united  by  religious  ties  to  the  other  chil- 
dren of  Tarchun  and  Tages.  Alas!  how  changed 
— how  enfeebled — how  disunited  and  dismem- 
bered was  now  the  once  glorious  and  powerful 
Etruria  ! 

•  A.  C.  348  ;  A.  T.  839. 


ii.  n.  140. 


•f  y.  230. 


434 


HISTORY    OF    ETRLRIA. 


COLONIES. 


435 


COLONIES.* 

The  Colonies  of  the  Turrheni,  which  we  intend 
very  slightly  to  notice,  are  Ardea,  Anxur,  Circeiuni, 
TuscLilum,  and  Antium.  They  were  all  to  a  great 
degree  independent  of  the  mother  States  from  their 
first  settlement,  being  only  bound  to  allow  connnbi- 
nm  and  coramerciuni,  and  to  abstain  from  every  act 
of  violence  against  them.  But  they  never  were 
members  of  any  of  the  Leagues,  nor  sent  represen- 
tatives to  any  of  the  Diets. 

ARDEA.f 

This  place  still  retains  its  ancient  name,  and 
its  walls  are  built  in  the  Tuscan  fashion,  with 
large  square  blocks  of  tufo  in  regular  courses, 
and  with  mounds  behind  them,  which  Gell 
imagines  may  have  suggested  the  famous  Agger 
of  Rome  to  Servius  Mastarna.  This  place,  the 
capital  of  the  Rutuli,  was  colonized  by  Mezentius 
and  his  thousand  men,  when  they  were  driven 
out  of  Caere.  PlinyJ  bears  testimony  to  its  early 
civilization,   and   says,   that  there    were    paintings 

*  Authorities  :  Livy,  passim;  Dion.  Hal. ;  Pliny;  Virgil ;  Miil- 
ler's  Etriisker ;  Gell,  Rome  and  its  vicinity  ;  Arnold,  Rome  ; 
Nieb.,  Rome. 

♦•  See  vol.  i.  p.  329.    Miiller,  Einl.  p.  115.        X  xxxv.  3. 


in  its  temples  older  than  Rome.  Virgil  makes 
the  Ardeans  allies  of  the  Faliscians,  Caerites,  Tar- 
quinians,  and  Vulcians.  Festus*  says,  that  one  of 
their  early  monarcbs  was  Lucer  or  Lucumo,  \yith 
whom,  or  from  whom,  the  Luceres  came  to  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber.  Serviusf  tells  us  that  the  name 
Ardea  means  "  Noble,"  and  that  the  Feciales  were 
derived  from  Ardea  to  Rome. 

Turrhene  Ardea  was  in  alliance  with  Rome  under 
the  Tarquins,  and  joined  the  League  of  forty-seven 
States  which  agreed  to  sacrifice  to  Tiana  Aven- 
tina,  under  Mastarna.  She  traded  with  Carthage  at 
that  time.  Tarquin  the  Second  is  said  to  have 
besieged  her,  for  the  sake  of  her  rich  spoils,  and 
after  his  dethronement,  the  Romans  concluded  with 
the  city  a  peace  of  fifteen  years;  but  Niebuhr  thinks 
this  whole  story  impossible.  Ardea,  being  merely  a 
colony  of  the  Turrheni,  whilst  the  mass  of  her  popu- 
lation was  always  Rutulian  Latin,  united  herself  to 
the  great  Latin  League  of  the  thirty  States,  which 
sucrified  to  Jupiter  Latialis  on  Mount  Alba,  and 
she  signed  the  treaty  of  Sp.  Cassius,  made  between 
the  Latins  and  Rome. 

Some  time  after,  she  concluded  a  separate  peace 
with  Rome,  and  then  referred  to  that  nation,  a  dis- 
pute she  had  with  Aricia,  about  the  division  of  some 
conquered  lands.  The  Romans  seized  upon  the 
land  for  themselves,  but  afterwards,  judging  the 
friendship  of  Ardea  to  be  the  more  valuable  of  the 
two,  they  restored  the  lands  in  question,  helped  the 


v. 


t  .En.  vii.  412. 


436 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


Patricians  in  a  civil  feud  against  their  own  Plebs, 
and  in  the  year  of  Tarquinia  746  (b.  c.  441)  formed 
with  them  a  bond  of  mutual  privileges  and  conces- 
sions, and  admitted  them  to  become  in  every  sense 
Roman  citizens.  They  were  to  live  under  their 
own  rulers  and  laws,  but  to  join  Rome  in  all  her 
battles,  and  to  share  in  all  her  spoils.  Camillus 
took  refuge  in  Ardea,  when  driven  from  his  native 
state,  and  headed  the  Ardeans  when  they  were  attacked 
by  the  Gauls.  They,  in  return,  helped  him  to  maintain 
the  conquest  of  Veil,  and  to  redeem  Rome  from 
her  Gallic  chains.  Castrum  Inui,  the  shrine  of  the 
Tuscan  goddess,  now  Rudera,  belonged  to  Ardea, 
and  lay  between  her  citadel  and  Antium.  This  rich, 
strong,  and  polished  town,  was  ruined  by  dissen- 
tions  amongst  her  own  magnates,  until  she  gradually 
dwindled  into  her  present  village-like  condition.  In 
the  days  of  the  empire,  a  number  of  elephants  used 
to  be  kept  here. 

ANXUR.* 

Anxur  was  a  great  and  strong  town,  situated  on  a 
lofty  rock,  which  rises  above  the  Mediterranean, 
and  was  called  Terracina,  after  its  conquest  by 
the  Volsci,  a  name  which  it  still  retains.  Arnold 
says,  that  it  originally  belonged  to  the  Turrheni, 
i.  e.,  the  same  people  who  founded  Circeium,  and 
settled  themselves  in  Ardea.  We  find  it  mentioned 
as  an  ally  of  Tarquinian  Rome  in  the  treaty  of 
Carthage,  but  it  was  subdued  by  the  Volsci.     The 

*  Livy  iv.  59. 


COLONIES. 


437 


Romans  retook  it  soon  after,  but  as  their  rule  did 
not  please  the  people,  Auxur  again  revolted  to  her 
Volscian  conquerors.  This  city  was  the  object  of 
many  hard  contests,  and  finally  became  united  to 
Rome  in  the  A.  Tarq.  860. 

CIRCEIUM.* 

This  beautiful  spot  lies  close  to  Auxur,  but  it  is 
situated  in  the  plains  bordering  upon  the  sea,  and 
not  upon  a  height.  Its  promontory  was  known  to 
the  earliestGreek  traders,and  Apollonius  ascribes  it 
to  the  Turrheni,  in  the  days  of  the  Argonauts.  The 
Volscians  possessed  themselves  of  it,  and  Tarquin 
the  Second  conquered  it  from  them,  and  sent  his  son 
Titus  to  rule  there  with  a  Turrhene  Roman  colony. 
We  accordingly  find  its  trade  and  safety  provided 
for  in  the  treaty  with  Carthage,  and  after  a  time  it 
joined  the  Volsci  and  drove  away  all  the  Romans. 
It  was  conquered  by  Coriolanus,  and  reconquered 
by  the  great  Volscian  warrior  and  prince,  Attius 
Tullius.  It  gained  for  itself  an  Isopolity  with  Rome 
in  A.  Tarq.  729,  and  became  a  Roman  Municipium 
in  A.  Tarq.  796.  It  had  a  celebrated  grove  and  tem- 
ple of  Feronia,  the  Tuscan  goddess  of  freemen. 

TUSCULUM.f 

The  profound  Niebuhr,  the  learned  Muller,  and 
our  own  Arnold,  believe  this  place  to  have  been 
founded  by  the  Tuscans.     Like  many  other  Turr- 

♦  See  vol.  i.  p.  387.  Muller,  ii.  66, ;  Serv.  JEn.  vii.  799. 
t  Muller,  Einl.  p.  114. 


438 


HISTORY    OF    ETRUniA. 


bene  settlements,  it  was  a  Tuscan  colony  amongst 
the  Latins,  and  according  to  the  tradition  of  the 
people,  their  founder  came  from  Circeium.  In  orien- 
tal plirase,  he  vviis  "the  son  of  Circe,"  and  fixed  his 
home  in  Tusculum,  three  generations  before  the 
Trojan  war.  His  name  was  Mamilius,  and  he 
became,  like  the  Roman  Tarquinii,  a  chief  prince 
amongst  the  Latins,  so  that  his  T3ynasty  ruled  in 
Tusculum  for  many  successive  ages.  Sir  William 
Gell  quotes  Lycophron,  who  calls  the  Tusculans 
*'  Turrhene  Pelasgi,'*  i.  e.  Etruscan  wanderers  or 
foreigners  ;  and  again  he  says,  **  they  connected  them- 
selves with  the  founders  of  Agylla  and  Tarquinia.*' 

We  find  Tusculum  in  the  Latin  League  with  Mas- 
tarna,  and  the  Prince  Mamilius  was  married  to  the 
daughter  of  Tarquin  the  Second.  He  received  his 
father-in-law  and  all  his  Roman  partisans,  when 
deserted  by  theiroldallies,  the  Etruscans  under  Por- 
senna,  and  the  Sabines;  and  Mamilius  fought 
bravely  for  Tanpiin,  and  headed  the  Latin  forces  at 
the  great  battle  of  Regillus.  Niebuhr*  quotes  Tus- 
culum, as  an  example  of  the  antiquity  of  Dictato,rs, 
and  their  long  duration  ;  and  he  names  iln 
Egerius  amongst  them  on  the  authority  of  Cato. 
We  presume  the  Tuscan  Mamilii  and  E^eiii  to  have 
stood  in  the  same  position,  as  the  Guelphs  in  Eng- 
land and  the  Holsteins  in  Russia.  We  find  Tusculum 
as  a  member  of  the  Latin  League,  in  the  treaty  of 
Sp.  Cassius,  and  a  Mamilius,  with  his  troops,  helped 
the  Romans  to  regain  the  Capitol  from  Herdonius 
♦  Rome,  vol.  i.  on  Dictatorship. 


COLONIES. 


439 


and  the  Sabines.  The  Volscians  at  one  time,  sur- 
prised and  took  possession  of  the  citadel,  but  were 
soon  starved  into  a  surrender;  and  Arnold  believes 
that  at  the  time  the  Romans  sought  to  amend  their 
laws,  Tusculum  was  the  only  free  city  between  Rome 
and  the  Volscians. 

The  Roman  army,  which    unsuccessfully   raised 
itself   against    the    Decemvirs,  took   refuge    here. 
About  the   year  of  Tarquinia,  809,  the  Volscians 
sustained  a  defeat   from    the   Romans,    and    many 
Tusculans  were  found  amongst  the  prisoners.     The 
Roman  Senate  resented  this,  but  the  Tusculans  dis- 
claimed their  countrymen,  who  had  joined  the  Vol- 
scian  army  ;  and  peace  and  friendship  stricter  than 
ever,  between   the  two  States,  was  the  result  of  an 
event  which  threatened  a  desperate  war.    The  Tus- 
culans became  not  merely  Isopolites,  which  they  had 
been  ever  since  the  treaty   of  Sp.  Cassius,  but  were 
admitted    to   all   the  privileges  of  Roman  citizens, 
keeping  their  own  laws  and  governors.     They  will- 
ingly entered  into  that  Municipal  union,  which  re- 
ceived as  much  as  it  gave.     The  ancient  city  is  now 
fNled  Frascati. 


ANTIUM.* 

Another  celebrated  colony  of  the  Turrheni, 
was  Antium,  situated  very  near  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  best  known  as  one  of  the  strong 
and    warlike   capitals   of   the    Volsci.       Niebuhrf 

♦  Livy  vi.  viii.  ix. ;  Dion.  Hal.  ix. 
t  ii.  n.  557. 


440 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURIA. 


makes  Antiuni  Turrhene  in  its  commencement,  then 
Latin  and  Roman  Turrhene,    and  then  admitting 
the  Volsci,  and   uniting  with   their  confederacy  out 
of  hatred  to  the  Romans.     Its  port,  in  ancient  days 
was  Cerium,  one  mile  distant  from  the  city  walls, 
and  it  was  early  known  both  to  Greeks  and  Romans, 
as  a  dangerous  and  piratical  state.     We  Hnd  it  pro- 
vided for  in  the  treaty  of  Carthage,  as  a  subject  ally  of 
Tarquin  the  Second,  and  as  a  place  of  trade;  and  both 
Dionysius  and  Livy  combine,  to  represent  it  as  a 
place  of  great  wealth  and  first-rate  importance,  long 
setting   at  defiance    the    armies  of    the    Republic. 
The  Antiates  fought  for  Tarquin  at  the  battle    of 
Regillus.    The  sailors  of  Antium  seized  the  ships  of 
Gelo  of  Syracuse,  upon  their  return  from  taking  corn 
and  an  embassy  to  Rome :   they  put  the  ambassa- 
dors in  prison,  and  threatened  war,  but  the  media- 
tion of  Rome   released  the  ambassadors  and    pre- 
served peace. 

TheTurrheni  always  remained  here  the  bulk  of  the 
inhabitants,  though  under  the  rule  of  foreigner^  ; 
iu  the  same  manner  as  the  Hindus  will  ever  remainij^t 
Delhi,  Agra,  or  any  of  the  other  cities  in  their  laiAj, 
though  they  are  subject  to  the  power  of  the  English. 
The  Antiates  became  discontented  with  their  Volscian 
governors,  and  about  the  year  of  Tarq.  720,  drove 
them  away,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  protec- 
tion of  Rome.  Coriolanus,  the  Roman  exile,  lived  in 
Antium,  was  made  a  member  of  its  Senate,  and  had 
a  stately  sepulchre  erected  to  him  in  its  Necropolis, 


COLONIES. 


441 


when  he  died,  beloved  and  respected  in  a  good  old  age. 
The  Roman  Consul  Numicius  attacked  Cerium  in 
A.  T.  719,  and  burnt  two-and-twenty  vessels,  destroy- 
ing the  roadstead,  and  levelling  the  castle  with  the 
ground.  Antium  was  after  this,  for  a  long  time,  one 
of  the  most  dreaded  Isopolites  of  Rome,  and  when 
angry  and  stirred  up  to  fight,  gave  her  unceasing 
trouble.  The  great  Camillus  strove  against  the  city 
long  unsuccessfully,  until  at  length,  in  A.  Tarq. 
851,  A.  c.  336,  his  bright  star  prevailed,  and  it  be- 
came a  Roman  Municipium,  having  the  Roman 
franchise,  but  not  being  permitted  to  vote,  and  being 
obliged  to  renounce  the  right  of  making  war,  and 
to  deliver  up  all  its  cherished  vessels.  The  walls 
and  citadel  were  destroyed,  most  of  the  ships  burnt, 
and  the  Rostra  of  many  of  them  were  taken  to 
Rome,  and  suspended  as  trophies,  on  a  pillar  in  the 
Forum. 

Twenty-three  years  after  this,  the  spirit  and 
.nationality  of  the  Antiates  seems  to  have  entirely 
jlisappeared  or  expired,  for  they  sent  an  embassy 
.0  Rome,  to  beg  that  they  might  henceforth  live 
hnder  her  laws,  giving  up  their  own,  and  soliciting 
me  of  the  leadinor  Patrician  families  to  settle 
imongst  them  as  their  hereditary  prince,  under  the 
name  of  Patron.  Antium  is  now  Capo  d'Anzo, 
and  its  port  of  Cereum  is  Nettuno,  preserving 
many  but  little  noticed  and  yet  precious  remains  of 
antiquity.  Should  our  readers  ask  why  we  reckon  as 
Turrhene,  a  city  which  never  comes  forward  in  his- 
tory except  as  a  capital  of  the  Volsci,  we  would 


442 


UlSTOUY    OF    FrKUHlA. 


reply  in  the  words  of  Servius  and  Diodorus  already 
quoted,    "that  all  Volscia  and  all   the   Volscians 
were  once  subject  to  the  Etir scans,  and  that  time 
was,  when  they  formed  part  of  the  dominions  of 
maritime  Etruria."* 

♦  Vol.  i.  p.  389. 


TH£   EUD    OF    VOL.    11. 


} 


LONDON  : 

PRINTXD  BT   0.  J.   FALM&R,  SAVOY   81REET,   STRAND. 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 


874.5 

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V.2 


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^atjteBffii.  J  J 


'■h>^SJ;: 


Columbia  ^ntticrsiitp 

intJjfCttpoflmgork 


LIBRARY 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  ETRUUIA 


PART  III. 


it' 


HE 


HISTORY  OF   ETIIUKIA 


PART  in. 


WITH  AN  ACCOUNT   OF   THE   MANNERS    AND   CUSTOMS, 

ARTS  AND   LITERATURK,   OF  THE 

ETRUSCANS. 

TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  GERMAN  OF  KARL  OTFRIED  ]\IIILLER. 


BY 
E.   C.    HAMILTON   GRAY. 

^      —————1— 

MI:kARV 


FIATCHARDS,   187   PlUUAUlLLY,   W. 

JPoolucllcrs  to  11.$.^.  t^t  ^linctsii  of  ilJiilalM. 

1868. 


t!? 


qi'-i.  < 


\ 


PREFACE  TO  VOL.  III. 


Thb:  Writer  claims  tlie  iudulgence  of  her  readers 
for  the  errors  and  misprints  which  have  crept  into 
this  third  volume.  She  was  abroad,  in  ill  health, 
during  the  whole  time  that  it  was  going  through 
the  press,  and  was  therefore  unable  to  superintend 
— as  she  otherwise  would  have  done — the  correction 
of  the  proofs. 


20565 


/ 


1,1 


fi 


\t 


m    I 


!' 


CONTENTS. 


Distorn  of  fl^truriit. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Alfxaiuli^r  of  Epirns — Akxander  tho  (ireat — League  witli 
Samnites — Mons  (liiiiinus — lUttle  of  [jakc  Vadimon  — 
Anvlinm  — flauls  —  (Jollins  Kgiiatius — Pyrrlius — Pnnic 
ami  (lallic  Wars — Sulla  and  Marius — Final  Extinction 
of  Etruria  ....  Page  1 


IRanuifrs  and  Customs,  |ldigion  and  Jlrte, 

of  the  (Ktrnsranf). 


BOOK   I. 

()\  THE  AGRICULTURE,  COMMERCE,  AND  INDUSTRY 

OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


CHAPTER  L 


AiiKicuLTuni: 


71 


I  Ell 


ill 


litli 


VI 


(ONTKXTS. 


CHAPTER  II 


AoimULTl  UK  (continukd) 

CHAPTKR  III 
Domestic  Life  of  tiik  Etruscans 

CHAPTER   IV 

COMMKKCK  OF  TIIK  EtRUSCANS 


BOOK   II. 

DOMESTIC  LIFE  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

CHAPTER  I, 

TATKS  OF  EtRCRIA 

CHAPTER  II. 

Constitution  of  the  Different  States 

CHAPTER  III. 
Military  Organization  of  the  Etruscans 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Domestic  Life  of  the  Etrus*  axs 


l'A«iF. 

76 


80 


85 


113 


117 


133 


I3S 


CONTEM'S. 


VU 


BOOK   III. 

ON  THE  RELIGION  AND  DIVINATION  OF  THE 

ETRUSCANS. 
CHAPTER  I. 


PAGE 


On  the  Persons  who  performed  Divine  Wor- 
ship AND  Exercised  Divination  .     149 

CHAPTER  II. 


On  the  Writings  of  Antiquity  concerning  the 
Etruscan  Religion  and  Divination 


15^ 


CHAPTER  III. 
Ox  THE  Gods  Peculiar  to  the  Etruscans         .     169 

CHAPTER  IV. 

On  the  Different  Orders  of  Gods,  and  of  the 

Etruscan  Doctrixe  of  the  Genii  and  Manes     I^<4 

CHAPTER  V. 
On  the  Relation  between  the  Etruscan  Dis- 

IH'LINE  and  the  AuGURAL  DoCTRINES  OF  THE 

Romans  •  .  .198 

CHAPTER  VI. 

On  the  Local  Divisions  and  Fixed  Principles 

uF  the  Etruscan  Discipline  .  .     202 

CHAPTER  VII. 

On  Particular  Branches  of  Etruscan  Divina- 
tion .  .  .  •  .214 


k 


iPI 


VIU 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  IV. 

ON  THE  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

CHAPTER  I. 


PAOK 


On  the  Sacrkd  Games  and  the  Music  of  the 

Etruscans       .  .  .  .  •     225 


CHAPTER  II. 

Architecture  of  the  Tuscans  . 


.     235 


CHAPTER  III. 

On  the  Plastic  and  Designing  Arts  amongst 

THE  Etruscans  ....     242 

CHAPTER  IV. 
On  the  Heroic  Mythology  of  the  Tuscans     .     257 

CHAPTER  V. 

On  the  Poetry,  Literature,  and  Language  of 

THE  Tuscans    .....     267 

CHAPTER  VI. 

On  the  Writing  and  Numerals  of  the  Etrus- 
cans    ..... 


.     274 


CHAPTER  VII. 

On  the  Kalendar  and  Computation  of  Time  by 

THE  Tuscans   .  .  ;  .  .     294 

chaptf:r  viil 

On   THE  Knowledge   of   thk    Etulscan^  and 


TUEHt  Gknekal  Cult  I  UK 
In  LEX 


Page 

vi 

6 

7 

10 

11 

12 
22 
27 
28 
30 


31 
35 
37 
39 

40 


ERRATA. 


42 
43 
49 
61 
63 
54 
67 

00 

61 

05 

72 

70 

80 

81 

82 

83 

87 

92 

95, 

98 

107 

108 

109 

110 

112 

115 

118 

121 


Lino  Misprint. 

10     TATES 

6  terror,  and  ■wbii  h 

24  and  he  prepared 

'24  one  of  his  army 

10  whieh  was   .. 
19  to  a  city 
12  Part  of  the  .. 

1,  2    fine  500,  OUO  .. 

12    was  peace     . . 

17    di^'iiity,  with 

21    consent,  and  usurped  seats 

in  the  Senate  from  claims 

of  equality,  and  began  . . 

4  from  bottom,  even  claimed 

11  is  just  what 

10  would  ceitainly 

1  215),  Libri 

9  Casa    . .         

19  it  as  tantjimouiit    •• 

25  city,  demanded  the  host- 
ages 

7  were  greatly  dispelled     . . 

1 1  ppears,  axes 
10  Cornii 

7    Nascia 

17  now  their 

3    noise,  murder 

18  Gravisia        

2'.;    181  L 

1}    and    forced     them    to    a 

pitched  battle,  and  gained 

Cladius         

Roman  

Gravisia        

Fauna  

giant 

around  there 
Vala  Ccria    . . 
Phidias.  f«n* 
Padus  Eridanus     •  • 
\vc  came  to 

Aahotcss 

Zanete  

Geta,  Agrigi  ntuni,  Catari  a 

demaietcciu 

Kamass 


1 

»j 

11 

19 

12 

20 

17 

30 

10 

25 

note 

9 

11 

2 

13 

20 

4 

9 

7 

10 


corns 

Gravisia        

of  state 

Gravisia 

Capitol,     and,     therefore, 

were  they  of  such  Vvide 

dimensions 


COKULCTIOSS. 

States 
terror,  whieh 
and  prepared  himself 
to  his  army 
this  was 
to  the  city 
The 

fine  of  500, 000 
was  this  peace 
ditrnitv,  and  with 

consent,  U8uri)ed  seats  m  the  be- 
nate,  and  from  claims  oi  ecpuility 
began 

ever  protested 

is  prcci.'sely  what 

would  probably 

215),  The  Libri 

Cosa 

it  tantamount 

city,  and  demanded  hostages 

were  dispelled 

spears,  with  axes 

Comii 

Nasica,  of  the  Gens 

now  that  their 

noise ;  murder 

Gravisea 

181  B.t .  L. 

forcing    them 

gained 
Claudius 
Romans 
Gravisea 
Parma 
gigimtic 
around  these 
VolateiTa 
Pliidias,  an 
Padus,  "Eridanus" 
we  come  to 
Aah-t-mes 
Zancle 

Gela,  Agrigtntum,  Catana 
demareteia 
Kamers 
coin 

Gravisea 
and  state 
Gravisea 


to    a    pitched   battle 


Capitol  (therefore  were  they  of  su«  h 
vast  dimensions)  an 


I 


IIKli! 


!ii!i;iilij|!! 


u 


ERRATA. 


ERRATA. 


Ul 


Page    Line                  Misprint.  Corrections. 

H?      «2    conquerors,            ..        ..       conquerors; 
*24      27    burpresa         burghers 

126  10    of  the  centuries  (infautry) 

in^        r    .  T^  of  the  infantry  in  the  centuries  was 

127  5    18  least  is  at  least 

11    Altus  Attus 

26    bore  any  rule         ..         ..        bore  rule 

?*^    patrons.    Here      ..         ..        patrons:  hero 

131  17    and who 

132  17    Census  Cousus 

Jkle  the  two  last  lines  of  the  note. 

183  3    Etruscan, Etniscan : 

13^      24    which  was this  w;«i 

139,  last  line,  stream line 

149         5    accepted occupied 

7,8    arts  of  divinity  ..        art  of  divination 

13  religion,  we  ..         ..        religion.     We 

lo4         9    Etruscans.  Haruspices     . .         Etnis&tn  Haruspicea 
158       12    war ;  also  the         . .         . .        war.    The 

IS    to  it  seems to  it,  seems 

161       IS    V:inncs  Oaunes 

Iti.'J       12    Palitauus Palatinus 

169         8    Diances         Dianus 

174       27    Matula         Matuta 

176         9    Cards  Cardo 

,,a       ^J    Vij,^ovi3         Vejovis 

JI?  ,  2^,.  Vortumnus                       ..        Vertumnua 
181,  last  line,  natural native 

184  10    These  were There  were 

14  ranus,           •.         ..         ..  ran  us ; 
from  Juno for  Juno 

188         2    slaves  sprites 

190  2    Genii  to  bo  ..         ..  Genii  are  to  be 

191  6    jud^e  and  punish            ..  judi,'e,  punish 
195        3    horses           heroes 

last  line.  Maniero Mamers 

197       21     these  men these,  men 

199        6    Proctor        Pnotor 

210,  last  line,  Cossa Cosa 

220       16    divines  diviners 

23  These  The 

224  8    626  (B.C.)  they  ..  626  (b.c.  127)  they 

225  4    tune  were tune  was 

226  10    to  them        to  it 

24  plates,  and  drawn            ..  nlatos  drawn 
30    horseback.    The    ..         ..  horseb:u-k ;  the 

229       25    or^nm  but  called    ..         ..  or^au,  c;illed 
230,  lines  7  and  8  shouM  be  joino.i. 

oiA       ^-    times,  to times  as  to 

232      22    Ulster  Uistriones  . .  Hister.  llistrioties 

2.3o         9    pomp  is        pomp  as 

236        3    secure  an  im-         . .         . .  secure  iia- 

238       16    Huliua  Falerii 

242  4    adopt  adapt 

last  lino,  the  arts  and  the  . .  between  art  anl  in  inual 

243  2    their  Etruscan 

244  13    vessels  frequently  ..  vessels  so  frequently 

245  9    arts art 

247        7    foot feet 

o.o      i5    ^'*^*^® Listing  material 

348      20    copi)er,  and  which  . .  copper  which 

250        7    earrings,  whoso     ..         ..  earrings,  the  rings  whose 

21    arts art 


Line  Misprint.  Corrections. 

17    scarcely       easily 

28  skill    to    Demaratus,    ia 
Etruria skill  with  Demaratus  into  Btruria 

31    quinia,  tke  city      . .        . .  quinia.    This  city 

7    Greek  Greece 

14    dcKT-a.  led,  they      ..        ..  degraded.    They 

29  flexibility variety 

24  freed  themselves    . .        . .  freed  itself 

31    been  all        been,  all 

10    this  rule       bis  rule 

19  these ;  first  . .         . .  these  first 

20  Hellenic, Hellenic; 

27    even ever 

10  yet  that  they  took  ..  yet  took 

13    and  so  in and  that  in 

19    song  to  accompany  ..  song  joined  with  them 

22    and  the  old  . .         . .  and  which  the  old 

17  connexional  ..         ..  connected 

3  city,  however,  was          . .  city  was 
note,  line  6,  oriom           . .        . .  ortom 

7,  dersotor        ••         ••  dersecor 

11  Hester  Hister 

13    this  writing  ..         ..  their  writing 

25  of  Etruscans  . .        . .  of  the  Etruscans 

4  them  by       them 

4  it  as  like it  like 

13  their  in their  later  in- 

2    sounded       rounded 

18  the  important        ..         ..        the  much 

11  formed         found 

21  vowesl  vowels 

5  Pddus-lund  ..         ..        Padus  land 
12,13    ofPublece  ..         ..        of  Tuder 

10    beany  be  very 

12  cans  at         .-        ..        ..        cans  fixed  at 

14  But  that That 

19  so  serviceable         . .         . .        so  pertinent 

28    or  none ;  on  the    ..        ..        or  none ;  a  day  upon  which  as  well 

as  upon 

297      17    fall fell 

298,  last  line,  temple  at  . .         . .        temple  of  Nortia  at 

23    prophesying  augury        ..        prophetic  augury 

21    not  to  perceive       ..         ..        not  perceive 

28  believed  in,  and     ..         ..        believed,  and 
8    progress.     The       ..         ..        progress— the 

17    the  test  of instead  of 

29  Aquilices,  Aquilegos,Aqui- 
Icgi  

14  still 

15  Tuscan  seems 

20  and  to  enchantment 

21  part 

2    and  yet  utiUtarian 

14    activity 

land,  full  of 

28  w^ar  or  sacrifice 

29  bably  other 

2    whole  

7    the  one  strictly 

primeval,  the  original  and 

the 

Jkle  Bolsover  Castle, 
23d  July,  1867,  L.D. 


Page 
253 


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282 
283 
285 
287 
288 
293 
294 
295 


803 
804 

806 
807 


808 


809 
811 

812 

814 


"  AquiUces,  Aquileges,  Aquilegi " 

steel 

Tuscans  seem 

and  of  enchantment 

past 

and  utilitarian 

activity ; 

land,  and  full 

war  and  Siicrifice 

b.ibly  for  other 

the  whole 

the  strictly 

primeval,  original  and  national 


ilti! 


i 


11^ 


'J 


I 


HISTORY    OF    ETRURI 


l.A'OT.L 


CHAPTER  Xvi  '^''-"^  ^  *  '  '^ 

I       N  \0  R  K . 

AN.  R.  405  ;  B.  c.>8i^. 

Alexander  of  Epirus — Alexander  the  Great — League  with 
Samnites — Mons  Ciminus — Battle  of  Lake  Vadimon — 
^-  Arretium — Gauls  — Gellius  Egnatius — Pyrrhus  — 
Punic  and  Gallic  Wars  —  Sulla  and  Marius  —  Final 
Extinction  of  Etruria. 

In  the  year  of  Rome  405,  that  growing  Republic 
and  the  States  of  Etruria  were  at  peace.  Capena, 
Sutrium,  and  Nepete,  had  become  Municipia.  Veii, 
Faliscia,  and  Caere,  had  the  Jus  Latinum ;  and  the 
Valentines  and  Faliscians  were  incorporated  in  the 
Plebeian  tribes  and  admitted  to  all  the  privileges 
of  the  Roman  Plebeians.  Capua,  which  once  was 
Tuscan,  was  granted  the  Jus  Latinum  in  416 ; 
and  the  whole  of  Campania  was  admitted  to  the 
Roman  citizenship  without  the  suffrage  in  a.  r.  424. 
In  the  meanwhile  Alexander  of  Epirus  had  landed 
at  the  Greek  city  of  Tarentum,  and  had  concluded 

B 


iinr 


2  HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 

an  alliance  with  Home,  which  brought  him  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  Etruscans.  His  illustrious  brother- 
in-law,  Alexander  the  Great  of  Macedon,  had  sent 
back  some  captive  pirates  from  Antium,  who  were 
only  known  to  him  as  foreigners  from  the  country 
with  which  Alexander  of  Epirus  had  just  concluded 
an  alliance,  which  he  expected  to  be  highly  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Greeks.  The  Etruscans,  who 
had  already  suffered  from  Antiate  piracy,  sent  an 
embassy  to  Alexander  the  Great  at  Babylon,  thank- 
inff  him  for  his  kind  intentions  towards  them, 
and  soliciting  his  protection  for  their  commerce. 
At  the  same  time  they  enlightened  him  as  to 
the  rei^l  state  of  the  case,  and  deprecated  the 
suffrance  of  pirates  anywhere  along  the  west  coast 
of  Italy.  Etruscan  sailors  had  sers'cd  with  the 
Athenians  idready  in  the  Peloponneslan  AVar. 

About  A.  R.  442,*  the  successes  of  the  Romans 
against  the  Sanniites  stirred  up  the  jealousy  of  the 
Etruscan  States,  lest,  should  Samnium  be  conquered, 
they  should  become  the  next  victims.  They,  there- 
fore, formed  a  league  to  create  a  diversion  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Peninsula  before  it  should  be 
too  late;  but  from  this  league  Cajre,  Faliscia,  and 
Arretium,  chose  to  stand  aloof.  There  seem  fre- 
quently to  have  been  ties  of  peculiar  amity  between 
the  grandees  of  Arretium  and  those  of  Home.  The 
Fmbrians  also  receded,  between  whom  and  the  Tus- 
cans some  coolness  seems  to  have  arisen. 

«   B.C.  311. 


f 


»i. 


MONS  CIMINUS.  3 

In  the  Consulate  of  Junius  Brutus  and  Q.  Emi- 
lius  Barbula  a  formidable  Etruscan  force  appeared 
before  Sutrium,  and  placed  it  in  siege.  They 
attacked  Barbula,  who  with  inferior  numbers  at- 
tempted to  succour  the  place,  and  drove  him  from 
the  field,  but  both  armies  suffered  too  much  to  renew 
the  fight.  The  following  year  Quintus  Fabius  took 
the  command  and  relieved  Sutrium,  but  without 
dislodging  the  main  body  of  the  Etruscans.  His 
military  genius  taught  him  to  post  his  troops  upon 
a  hill  whence  they  could  command  their  foe ;  and 
they  did  such  execution  with  their  spears  and 
arrows,  that  a  large  body  of  the  Tuscans  fled  with 
the  loss  of  their  camp,  their  booty,  and  thirty-eight 
standards,  and  did  not  think  themselves  safe  until 
they  were  hidden  by  the  impenetrable  shades  and 
tangles  of  the  Ciminian  forest  upon  the  Mens 
Ciminus  near  Viterbo. 

This  black  forest  had  a  reputation  for  danger 
and  mystery,  which  made  the  Romans  dread  to 
follow;  and  Fabius,  whose  bold  spirit  did  not 
sympathise  with  the  superstitions  of  his  men,  and 
whose  victory  was  balked  by  the  large  force  he 
had  failed  to  drive  off  from  Sutrium,  called  a 
council  of  war  to  explain  the  bold  plans  by  which  he 
intended  to  triumph  over  his  enemies.  All  the 
commanders,  excepting  the  Consul,  refused  to  ven- 
ture through  the  forest.  They  said  it  would  prove 
a  second  Caudlne  Forks.  The  Tuscans  alone  knew 
the  roads,  the  Romans  would  be  taken  in  a  trap,  and 
their  enemies,  warned  by  the  recent  breach  of  faith 


4  HISTORY  OF  ETRIRIA. 

with  the  Samnilcs,  would  not  grant  them  a  chance 
of  release. 

Amongst  the  officers,  fortunately  for  Quintus, 
was  Ka)so  Fiibius,'  his  brother,  who,  like  most  noble 
Romans,  had  been  educated  in  Etruria,  and  who, 
unlike  most  of  them,  spoke  the  language  perfectly. 
He  had  a  slave,  who  was  also  probably  an  Etruscan, 
or  he  would  have  been  of  little  use ;  and  he  offered 
with  this  slave  to  venture  his  life  in  order  to  explore 
the  forest,  to  discover  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and 
to  penetrate  to  the  neutral  republic  of  Camerte,  with 
the  Senators  of  which  he  might  possibly  conclude  an 
alliance,  and  so  place  the  Tuscans  between  two  fires. 
The  Camertines,  usually  most  faithful  allies,  had  at 
this  period  some  special  cause  of  anger  against  the 
Tuscan  League.  Ka)so  and  his  slave  disguised 
themselves  as  shepherds,  and  with  hatchets  and 
javelins  in  their  hands  traversed  the  ill-omened 
forest  undiscovered,  and  presented  themselves  as 
envoys  from  the  Roman  Consul  in  the  Senate  of 
Camerte,  where  they  offered  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of 
that  people,  and  invited  them  to  a  treaty  of  mutual 
assistance.  The  Camertines  were  overjoyed.  They 
promised  to  join  the  Romans  with  auxiliaries  so 
soon  as  they  should  have  cleared  the  forest,  and  to 
supply  their  troops  with  thirty  days*  provisions. 
Kaeso  returned  to  his  brother  with  the  glad  intelli- 
gence, and  then  became  his  guide  through  the  dark 
woods,  past  the  Tuscan  camp,*  and  by  Ameriaf  and 


Liyy,  ix.  35,  36. 


f  Niebulir. 


MONS  CIMINUS.  5 

Tuder  to  Camerte.  Apparently  no  watch  was  kept 
there,  for  they  deemed  themselves  impregnable. 
They  also  seem  to  have  had  no  commander  amongst 
them  of  common  forethought  and  ability,  for  they 
wasted  their  time  in  idleness,  not  seeking  to  repair 
their  losses  or  to  prevent  the  further  advance  of  the 
enemy. 

Meanwhile,  the  Roman  Senate,  hearing  that 
Quintus  had  ordered  his  army  to  march  forwards, 
were  so  dismayed  at  his  audacity  that  they  sent  five 
Tribunes  to  forbid  him  to  attempt  the  foolhardy 
adventure.  Had  they  forgotten  that  their  troops 
had  crossed  the  Mons  Ciminus  eighty  years  before 
to  attack  Volsinia  .^  Many  merchants  must  also 
have  traversed  it  to  attend  at  the  fairs  of  Voltumna. 
The  Tribunes  found  the  ground  on  which  the  camp 
had  stood  near  Sutrium  now  deserted,  and  the  deed 
already  done.  On  their  return  to  Rome  this  exploit 
and  the  strategy  involved  in  it  were  considered  so 
heroic  that  the  Senate  decreed  the  Consul  a  triumph 
to  commemorate  it,  and  waited  with  confidence 
for  the  next  intelligence  from  his  adventurous 
army. 

Great  was  the  consternation  of  the  Tuscans  when 
they  found  their  impregnable  barrier  broken  through 
and  their  sacred  forest  violated.  They  had  a  Roman 
army  joined  to  the  angry  Camertines  between  them 
and  the  rest  of  their  people.  They  now  made  every 
exertion,  and  gained  a  promise  of  assistance  from 
each  of  their  own  free  states  from  all  parts  of 
Umbria.     Even  Arretium  agreed  to  give  aid,  and 


6 


IIISTURY  OF  KTRURIA. 


HATTLE  OF  LAKE  VADIMOX. 


they  collected  in  a  very  short  space  of  time  an  army 
of  60,000  men. 

Quintiis  Fabius,  who   in  the  first   moments  of 
surprise  had  poured  down  upon  the  undefended  and 
richly  cultivated  plains  of  Perugia,  and  had  excited 
a  panic  of  terror,  and  which  enabled  him  to  carry 
off  an  immense  booty,  now  showed  every  sjTnptom 
of  fear  short  of  retreat.      He   intrenched  himself 
strongly,  shut  his   forces   up   in  their  camp,    and 
refused  every  provocation  to  fight.     The  Tuscans, 
glorying  in  their  superior  numbers,  and  believing 
that  tliey  liad  him  completely  in  their  power,  began 
to  deride  and  insult  him,  and  as  usual  neglected  the 
proper  precautions  for  their  o^vn  security.      They 
would  not  so  have  acted  in  King  Porsenna's  days ; 
and  it  is  indeed  difficult  to  believe  how  any  com- 
mander could  so  frequently  fall  into  the  same  fault. 
Fabius,  whose  scheme  they  were  completely  fulfill- 
ing, attacked  tliem  whilst  they  were  heavy   with 
profound  sleep  in  the  earliest  dawn  of  a  summer's 
morning.      He  took  their  camp  and  all  their  im- 
mense treasure,  killed  or  captured  G0,000  of  their 
stupeficHl    warriors,    dispersed   the    remainder,    and 
completely  annihilated   what   the   day   before   had 
been  one  of  the  proudest  hosts  Etruria  had  ever 
marshalled  for  the  field.*     Arretium,  Perugia,  and 
Cortona,    each   concluded   a  separate  armistice  foV 
thirty  years,  and  soon  after  Volsinia  and  Tarquinia 
followed  their  example.     Etruria  was  humbled  and 


1 


V 


weakened,   Sutrium  was  delivered,  and  Fabius  re- 
turned to  celebrate  his  triumph  in  Rome. 

The  Umbri,  amongst  whom  the  routed  warriors 
took  refuge,  seem  now  to  have  continued  the  w^ar, 
and  to  haA^e  collected  together  all  the  Tuscan  auxili- 
aries they  could  muster  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Lake  Vadimon — a  large  mere,  then  abounding  in 
floating  islands,  to  which  many  legends  were  at- 
tached. It  is  supposed  to  be  the  Lake  Sabatinus 
or  Bassano,  now  nearly  dried  up,  near  Salpina  or 
Viterbo. 

8ome  of  the  Perugians  or  their  subordinate 
towns  had  violated  the  truce ;  so  had  al^o  some  of 
the  Volsinians,  and  the  hosts  which  were  collected 
together  boasted  that  they  would  march  upon  Eome.* 
The  Consul  Decius  Mus  was  despatched  in  all  haste 
to  oppose  them.  A  Roman  garrison  was  sent  to 
the  city  of  Perugia,  and  was  received  to  prove  its 
loyalty ;  and  a  year's  provision  for  the  army  was 
exacted  from  Tarquinia,  and  yielded  for  the  same 
reason.  Many  detached  forts  of  the  Yolsinians  were 
attacked  and  destroyed,  and  at  length  the  Consul 
found  himself  face  to  face  with  the  mighty  host 
upon  Lake  Vadimon,  and  he  prepared  himself  for  a 
desperate  and  decisive  battle.  The  Umbri  and 
Etruscans  were  fully  aware  that  their  freedom  de- 
pended upon  their  success,  therefore  they  took  the 
sacred  vow  which  bound  all  who  swore  it  to  conquer 
or  to  fall  together. 


*  B.  c.  309. 


*  Micah*,  vol.  t. 


8 


HISTORY  OF  ETKURIA. 


NAVAL  BATTLE. 


9 


The  Lucumoes  in  the  hostile  camp  had  ordered 
all  their  young  men  into  the  field  under  pain  of 
confiscation  of  their  goods  and  condemnation  of 
their  persons  to  the  infernal  gods.*  Each  man  chose 
his  mate,  and  so  went  into  battle.  On  their  irresist- 
able  assault  the  first  line  of  the  Romans  was  cut  to 
pieces,  the  second  line  was  driven  back,  and  the 
third  was  brought  up  almost  in  despair;  but  the 
cavalry,  which  was  fresh,  joined  them  and  succeeded 
in  breaking  the  phalanx  of  the  Tuscans.  The  Triarii, 
with  renewed  hope  and  courage,  pursued  them,  drove 
them  from  the  field,  and  took  their  camp.  The 
Etruscans  so  far  never  recovered  this  defeat,  that 
besides  cutting  up  their  noble  families,  it  destroyed 
the  prestige  which  had  hitherto  environed  their 
Ciminian  forest,  their  dark  lake  Vadimon,  and  their 
Sacred  Yow. 

We  are  surprised  not  to  find  more  important 
consequences  to  Rome  attending  such  a  glorious 
success ;  but,  apparently,  the  Romans  had  suffered  too 
much  to  follow  up  their  advantages ;  and  the  aid  of 
the  Consul  Fabius,  with  his  legions,  now  released 
from  Samnium,  seems  to  have  been  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  prevent  another  attack  being  made  upon  him 
by  a  second  army  of  the  indomitable  Umbrians, 
who  were  assembled  near  Menavia  on  the  Clitumnus.t 
The  appearance  of  Fabius,  .whom  they  imagined  at 
a  distance,  took  them  by  surprise,  but  they  endea- 
voured to  prevent  him  from  fortifying  his  camp,  and 


*  Ant.  History,  vol.  xvi. 


f  Micali. 


to  overwhelm  him  with  their  numbers.  He,  ever 
prudent  and  watchful,  opposed  them  with  a  per- 
severing and  skilful  resistance,  which  finally  threw 
them  into  disorder  and  disconcerted  all  their  plans. 
They  agreed  to  a  long  truce  and  gave  hostages 
yielding  at  the  same  time  Otricoli  to  Rome,  and 
thus  giving  the  Romans  a  further  position  in  their 
greatly  divided  country.  It  must,  however,  be 
granted  that,  as  a  general  rule,  the  Roman  treatment 
of  their  allies,  new  allies  especially,  and  when  they 
were  in  danger  from  other  enemies,  as  now  from  the 
Samnites,  was  eminently  calculated  to  soothe  all 
feelings  of  humiliation  or  dependence.  Provided 
they  made  no  war  against  the  consent  of  Rome,  and 
were  true  in  furnishing  the  stipulated  contingents  of 
foot  and  horse,  no  other  interference  was  attempted 
with  their  government,  and  they  shared  in  all  the 
Roman  conquests. 

It  is  about  this  date  that  the  maritime  cities 
aided  Agathocles  in  his  war  against  the  Cartha- 
ginians. He  had  both  Etruscans  and  Samnites  in 
his  pay.* 

Eighteen  Tuscan  vessels  helped  him  against  the 
Carthaginians  on  his  second  voyage  into  Africa,  and 
gained  a  victory  over  them.  This  is  the  last  naval 
battle  recorded  of  the  Etruscans. f 

The  Consul  Decius  marched  onward  into  Tar- 
quinia,    and    concluded    with    the    Lucumoes     an 

o  Muller.     Ant.  Hist, 
f  Micali,  vol.  vi.  p.  10. 


10 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


armistice  for  forty  years,  annexing  the  condition 
that  they  should  provision  his  troops  and  give  each 
man  two  suits  of  clothes.  He  thus  effectuallv 
separated  them  for  a  long  period  from  the  Etruscan 
warlike  league,  though  he  would  not  grant  them  the 
Jus  Latinum  and  the  equal  franchise  which  they  de- 
manded, and  which  upon  the  next  Roman  extremity 
thev  obtained. 

This  detachment  of  the  Tarquinians  at  this  cri- 
tical juncture  was  of  vital  consequence,  for  many  of 
their  states  joined  the  Samnites  in  their  third  and 
last  desperate  struggle  with  the  Romans ;  and,  had 
the  whole  league  joined  them,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Eternal  City  would  have  fallen  into  their 
hands.* 

The  strong  fortress  of  Nequinum,  in  Umbria, 
which  the  Tuscans  had  partly  garrisoned  by  Sam- 
nites, was  in  it.c.  303,  betrayed  to  the  Romans  and 
destroved.  Two  of  the  citizens  who  had  houses  near 
the  wall  caused  a  mine  to  be  worked  from  their 
residences  to  beyond  the  fortifications,  and  thence 
issuing  into  the  Roman  camp  offered  the  Consul  to 
introduce  a  bodv  of  men  into  the  citv.  The  Consul 
sent  300  men,  who  opened  the  gates  to  one  of  his  army 
in  the  night,  and  the  place  was  quickly  taken. f  The 
territory  was  immediately  colonized,  and  the  name 
of  the  town  was  changed  to  Narnia. 

Immediately  after  this,  the  Romans  were  alarmed 


*  For  the  wars  in  this  chapter  see  Livy,  x. 
t   Livy,  X.  10. 


MARCUS  VALERIUS. 


11 


with  the  idea  of  a  fresh  Etruscan  war,  because  the 
wealthy  and  powerful  family  of  the  Cilnii — pro- 
bably the  Lucumoes  of  Arretium, —  being  expelled  by 
a  rebellion  of  the  Plebs  and  the  ambition  of  their 
rivals,  took  refuge  in  Rome,  and  claimed  the  assist- 
ance of  their  allies  to  regain  their  position. 

Marcus  Valerius  was  appointed  Dictator  and 
ordered  to  reinstate  the  Cilnii.  His  master  of  the 
horse  was  surprised  by  an  ambuscade,  in  which  he 
lost  several  standards ;  which  was  considered  so  dis- 
graceful that  the  Senators  closed  the  tribunals  and 
put  the  city  in  a  state  of  defence.  The  Etruscans, 
however,  did  not  follow  up  their  advantage,  and  the 
master  of  the  cavalry,  recovering  from  his  surprise, 
had  thoroughly  reorganized  his  forces,  and  before 
Valerius  took  the  command  he  marched  without  op- 
position into  the  state  of  Rusella  (which  proves  that 
the  Tarquinians  allowed  him  a  free  passage  through 
their  territory),  to  a  city  which  had  been  partially 
burnt.  Here  the  Arretians  concealed  an  ambush 
within  the  ruined  walls,  and  thence  drove  some 
cattle  towards  the  Roman  camp.  The  commander, 
suspecting  stratagem  a  second  time,  would  not  allow 
his  men,  though  furious  to  avenge  their  late  dis- 
grace, to  leave  their  lines.  Upon  this  one  of  the 
seeming  herdsmen  called  out  to  the  others  in  a 
taunting  voice,  that  they  might  safely  drive  their 
cattle  through  the  camp  of  the  timid  enemy.  The 
General,  having  these  words  interpreted  to  him,  in- 
quired whether  the  language  was  that  of  the  common 
people  or  of  their  superiors ;  and  being  told  it  was 


12 


HISTORY  OF  ETRl  RIA. 


THE  GAULS. 


13 


that  of  a  patrician,  "  Go,  then,"  he  said,  "  and  tell 
them  to  uncover  their  ambush,  for  that  this  time  I 
shall  neither  be  conquered  by  fraud  nor  force."  * 
He  dared  not,  however,  attack,  but  sent  to  Valerius 
to  hasten  his  approach.  A  battle  ensued,  which  was 
for  some  hours  uncertain ;  but  when  the  Etruscans 
were  tired,  fresh  bodies  of  Roman  cavalry  galloped 
through  the  lines  and  decided  the  day.  The  Arre- 
tians  acknowledged  themselves  vanquished,  and 
sought  for  peace,  the  Cilnii  were  reinstated,  and 
the  Dictator  returned  to  Rome  to  enjoy  a  triumph. 

Part  of  the  Roman  policy  in  every  state  was  al- 
ways to  side  with  the  oligarchy. 

Livy  tells  us,  that  some  states  of  Etruria  pre- 
pared to  violate  the  truce  and  again  make  war  on 
Rome,  but  an  irruption  of  Gauls  upon  their  northern 
frontier  suspended  the  design.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  during  the  third  Samnite  war,  from  b.  c.  299 
to  B.  c.  293,  the  Samnites  under  their  great  general, 
Gellius  Egnatius,  made  unremitting  eiibrts  to  secure 
and  maintain  the  alliance  of  the  Etruscans  and 
Gauls  against  the  Romans,  and  that,  had  they  suc- 
ceeded, the  event  would  have  proved  fatal  to  their 
proud  rival :  but  all  their  combinations  came  too 
late,  and  the  Etruscans,  with  their  many  separate 
treaties  and  interests,  were  now  rather  a  religious 
federation  of  small  states  than  one  great  and  warlike 
nation.     Ca^re  never  more  took   the   field  against 

*  Livy,  X.  4.  "  Nee  magis  jam  dolo  capi,  quam  armie 
vinci  posse.*' 


Rome;  Tarquinia,  Faliscia,  Arretium,  or  Cortona, 
very  seldom,  and  never  for  long.  At  this  period 
the  Etruscans,  who  were  very  wealthy  from  their 
extensive  commerce,  bought  off  the  Gauls,  and  then 
demanded  their  co-operation  against  Rome  in  consi- 
deration of  the  money  they  had  paid. 

The  Gauls  replied  that  they  had  taken  the  money 
as  the  price  of  their  abstinence  from  ravaging  the 
Etruscan  lands  as  they  passed  through;  but  they 
were  perfectly  willing  to  engage  in  a  war  with  them 
against  Rome,  on  condition  that  sufficient  land  was 
granted  to  them  for  a  settlement  amongst  the  nations 
of  Italy.  The  States  dare  not  accede  to  such  terms, 
and  the  negotiation  consequently  came  to  nothing.* 

Polybius,  however,  asserts,  that  the  Gauls  marched 
through  Etruria  into  the  territories  of  Rome,  and 
carried  off  an  immense  booty,  with  which  they  safely 
returned  across  the  Apennines,  having  spread  terror 
wherever  they  appeared. f 

To  keep  the  League  in  awe,  and  prevent  their 
alliance  with  the  Gauls,  a  Roman  force  was  sent 
against  them  under  the  Consul,  Titus  Manlius,  who 
fell  from  his  horse  on  first  entering  their  territory, 
and  was  so  much  hurt  that  he  died.  This  was  con- 
sidered at  Rome  such  a  fearful  omen,  that  the  people 
wished  to  appoint  a  Dictator;  but  they  acquiesced  in 
their  armies  being  committed  to  the  tried  valour  of 
the  Consul,  Marcus  Valerius,  who  forced  the  Etrus- 
cans  to   keep   within    their    trenches;    and,   aft^r 


Niebuhr. 


t   liivy,  X.  11. 


14 


HISTORT  OF  ETRURIA. 


GELLIUS  EGNATIUS. 


15 


ravaging  the  country,  led  off  his  troops  into  Sam- 
nium,  where  they  were  imperatively  required.  Livy 
mentions  petty  wars  with  Etruria  for  many  years, 
but  his  language  is  so  loose  that  it  is  difficult  to 
know  what  he  means  by  the  word  **  Etruria."  Not 
the  twelve  states  certainly,  for  Veii  had  ceased  to 
exist,  Ctcre  and  Faliscia  were  in  bonds  of  strictest 
amity,  and  Tarquinia,  Arretiuni,  Cortona,  and 
Perugia,  were  bound  by  a  long  truce. 

There  remain,  therefore,  Volscinia,  Clusium, 
and  the  Northern  States,  upon  which  the  Gauls 
bordered,  such  as  Volterra,  Populonia,  Pisa,  and 
Luna.  Under  the  Consul,  Lu.  Scipio,  there  was  a 
hardly-contested  battle  in  Volterra,  which  lasted  the 
whole  day,  and  which  the  Consul  claimed  as  a 
victory,  because  the  Tuscans  abandoned  the  field  at 
night.  However,  instead  of  pursuing  them,  he 
retreated  to  the  strong  and  friendly  city  of  Faleria. 
Had  it  been  a  real  victory  it  would  have  been  re- 
corded upon  his  well-known  sarcophagus. 

The  Lucumoos,  however,  lield  a  meeting  at 
Yoltumna  to  decide  upon  their  future  proceedings, 
and  their  debates  were  so  stormy,  that  the  Romans 
fully  believed  they  would  complete  an  alliance  with 
the  Gauls  and  Samnites,  which  would  place  Latium 
in  the  utmost  danger;  and  under  this  impression 
they  broke  their  own  laws  by  electing  to  the  Consul- 
ship for  the  fourth  time  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus 
and  Decius  Mus. 

When  the  Lucumocs  heard  that  these  renowned 
generals  were  in  command,  they  decided  that  it  was 


best  to  keep  the  peace,  and  consequently  they  re- 
frained from  at  present  helping  the  Samnites,  and 
from  throwing  their  weight  into  this  all-important 
war. 

The  Roman  Senators  were  reassured  by  envoys 
from  Sutrium,  Nepete  and  Faliscia,  who  guaranteed  to 
them  Etruscan  neutrality,  and  they  gladly  contented 
themselves  with  an  advantage  which  enabled  them 
to  turn  their  whole  strength  against  Samnium. 

In  consequence  they  were  successful  through  two 
campaigns ;  and  one  of  the  Samnite  chiefs,  Gellius 
Egnatius,  changed  the  plan  of  the  war,  and  marched 
with  a  considerable  army  into  Etruria,  where  he 
demanded  another  assembly  of  the  Lucumoes  at 
Voltunma,  to  consider  his  claims  for  their  future 
aid.* 

"  You,"  he  said,  *'  who  are  the  most  powerful 
nation  in  Italy  for  men,  arms,  and  money,  ought  to 
support  us  in  maintaining  the  cause  of  liberty.  You 
only  are  capable  of  doing  so  along  with  your  neigh- 
bours the  Gauls  :  a  people  born  in  the  midst  of  arms. 
If  you  have  the  spirit  which  animated  your  ancestors 
in  the  days  of  Porsenna,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent 
you  from  expelling  the  Romans  from  all  the  lands 
on  the  north  of  the  Tiber,  and  compelling  them  to 
fight  for  their  very  existence,  instead  of,  as  latterly, 
for  an  intolerable  and  supreme  dominion." 

The  Lucumoes  were  persuaded  by  this  eloquent 
and  heroic  man  to  act  contrary  to  their  convictions ; 

*  Livy,  X.  16. 


I 


16 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


and  almost  all  the  states,  i.  e.y  Clusium,  Yolterra. 
Perugia,  and  others,  with  Yolsinia  at  their  head, 
joined  in  forming  a  league  with  the  Gauls,  and  in 
summoning  the  Umbrians  to  give  them  their  wonted 
assistance  in  a  national  war.* 

Arretium  seems  not  to  have  joined,  as  it  obtained 
assistance  from  the  Romans  against  the  Gauls,  B.C. 
284,  whilst  the  other  states  carried  on  war  by  the 
help  of  Gallic  mcrcenaries.f  The  Cilnii  probably 
maintained  the  alliance. 

Appius  Claudius  was  sent  with  36,000  men  into 
Etruria  to  try  and  break  this  formidable  confederacy, 
and  he  prevented  some  of  the  more  timid  states  from 
fulfilling  their  engagements ;  but  he  had  very 
dubious  success  in  the  battles  he  fought,  and  was  at 
one  time  so  much  pressed,  that  he  wrote  to  the 
Consul  Volumnius  to  leave  Samnium  and  hasten  to 
his  rescue.  By  the  time  Volumnius  arrived  he  was 
in  a  better  position,  and  ashamed  of  having  sent. 
The  men,  however,  were  clamorous  that  Volumnius 
should  remain  with  them,  and  that  the  two  consuls 
should  together  lead  them  out  to  the  combat.  A 
battle  was  fought  in  the  absence  of  the  great  com- 
mander, Gellius  Egnatius,  and  the  Romans  gained  a 
victory,  which  revenged  their  former  disasters,  and 
in  which  7000  of  the  enemy  were  slain.  Volumnius 
then  returned  into  Samnium,  but  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  left  any  terror  of  the  Roman  arms  behind 
him;    for   Gellius   Egnatius   immediately    raised    a 


FABIUS. 


17 


f 


fresh  army,  to  which  an  immense  body  of  Gauls  was 
joined.     Rome  was  in  such  alarm  that  a  second  time 
the   tribunals   were    closed,    and   the   Liberti  were 
enlisted   into   the    army.       Appius  Claudius  wrote 
supplicating  letters  for  reinforcement,  and  said  that 
he  had  four  warlike  nations  to  contend  against,  who 
were  already  near  him,  covering  the  earth  with  their 
separate  camps.      Fortunately  Volumnius,  who   so 
lately  had  experienced  the  strength  of  the  enemy, 
presided  over   the  elections,    and  through  his   in- 
fluence Quintus  Fabius  and  Decius  Mus  were  again 
appointed  generals.     The  Consul  Fabius  was  given 
Etruria  because  it  had  been  the  scene  of  his  former 
glory ;   and  we  find  that,  after  joining  Appius  Clau- 
dius, now  Praitor,  at  Aharna,  he  led  his  forces  to 
Clusium.     His  first  march  was  so  rapid  that  he  came 
upon  the  Prajtor's  men   by  surprise  as  they  were  * 
foraging  for  wood  to  make  an  additional  stockade. 
"  You  have    stockades   enough  already,"  he  said ; 
"  go  and  level  the  rampart :"  implying  that  their 
coui-age  ought  to  be  sufficient  defence  against  the 
enemy.    The  men  shouted  with  joy  when  they  knew 
that  he  was  to  be  their  commander  ;  and  Appius,  who 
was  jealous  of  him,  returned  in  displeasure  to  Rome, 
and  exaggerated  both  the  dangers  of  the  war  and 
the  reckless  spirit  in  which  Fabius  was  inclined  to 

prosecute  it.* 

It  would  appear  that  up  to  this  time  the  main 
army  of  the  Gauls  had  not  crossed  the  Apennines 


«  A.  R.  457. 


f   Nicbuhr. 


<*  Niebuhr. 


18 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


DECIUS  MUS. 


19 


because  they  were  impassable  from  snow.  To  check 
them,  and  to  avail  himself  of  the  aid  of  the  friendly 
Camertians,  Fabius  stationed  a  legion  at  Cameurinm, 
though  the  rest  of  the  army  was  near  Nucena.  A 
reserve,  to  overawe  the  Umbrians,  was  posted  in  the 
State  of  Faliscia,  near  Otricoli. 

However,    Fabius   had   to    leave  his   post   and 
appear  in  the  Roman  Forum,  in  order  to  quiet  the 
dread  of  his  countrjTnen  ;  and  here  he  asked  for  the 
assistance  of  the  second  Consular  army  under  Decius 
Mus,  and  said  that  with  him  he  had  always  strength 
enough   and   never   too   many   enemies.     The   two 
Consuls,  commanding  upwards  of  90,000  men,  now 
marched  forwards  with  the  confidence  of  victory,  and 
first  came  up  with  a  body  of  Senonian  Gauls  near 
Camerte,  who  had  defeated  and  cut   to  pieces  the 
'   forces  of  L.   Scipio,  and  were   returning   to   their 
camp  with  the  heads  of  their  enemies  and  the  spoil. 
These  men,  being  tired,  encumbered,  and  surprised, 
were   easily  defeated   and  cut   to   pieces;   and  the 
Consuls  then  proceeded  to  Sentinum,  near  which 
they  pitched  their  camp.      Their  estimation  of  the 
danger  which  they  had  to  meet   may  be  judged  of 
by  the  enormous  forces  under  their  command,  i.e. 
two   Consular   armies,   with   a   prodigious  body  of 
cavalry,  and  double  that  number  of  allies  and  of 
Latin  confederates.     Besides  these,  Cn.  Fulvius  lay 
with  an  army  of  reserve  at  Assisi,  whence  he  was 
desired  to  ravage  the  lands  of  Clusium  and  Perugia. 
Opposed  to  them  were  the  Samnites  and  Gauls 
in  one  camp,  who  were  to  begin  the  fight,  and  the 


/  B*. 


Etruscans  and  Umbrians  in  the  other,  who  were  to 
attack  the  Roman  camp  during  the  heat  of  the 
engagement.  This  plan,  however,  was  betrayed  by 
Clusian  deserters,  and  the  Consuls  summoned  two 
other  armies  posted  on  the  borders  to  join  them.* 

The  Consuls  drew  out  their  troops  in  order  of 
battle  every  day,  and  endeavoured  to  provoke  the 
enemy  to  an  engagement.  On  the  third  day  a  hind 
fled  between  the  armies,  pursued  by  a  wolf.  The 
hind  fled  towards  the  Gauls,  and  was  killed  by  them. 
The  Romans  allowed  the  wolf  to  escape,  and  one  of 
them  called  out,  "  This  is  an  omen  to  us  from  the 
gods."  On  that  side  where  the  animal,  sacred  to 
Diana,  lies  are  flight  and  slaughter.  On  this,  where 
the  wolf  of  Mars  has  escaped,  a  Victor,  unscathed 
and  untouched;  it  reminds  us  that  we  and  our 
founders  are  the  people  of  Mars. 

Fabius  attacked  the  Gauls,  and  Decius  the  Sam* 
nites  with  their  allies,  but  they  were  so  equally 
matched,  that  had  the  full  force  either  of  the 
Etruscans  or  the  Umbrians  joined  them,  instead  of 
having  been  called  off  to  defend  Clusium  and  Perugia, 
the  Romans  must  have  been  defeated.  Decius,  not 
being  so  prudent  as  his  colleague,  made  an  impetuous 
assault  with  his  cavalry,  and  soon  became  utterly 
disordered,  because  the  Gauls  rushed  upon  him  with 
their  war-chariots,  and  the  very  noise  frightened 
the  Roman  horses,  and  drove  them  panic-stricken 
from  the  field.     Decius,  in  despair,  remembered  his 

*  Livy,  X  27. 


I 


20 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA, 


TRIUMPH  OF  FABIUS. 


21 


father's  self-immolation,  by  which  victory  had  for- 
merly been  won  against  the  Latins.  He  called  upon 
the  Pontiff  who  rode  near  him  to  devote  him  as  the 
general  on  the  one  side,  and  all  the  forces  of  his 
enemies  on  the  other,  to  the  infenial  gods. 

In  the  picturesque  words  of  the  oath  he  said, 
"  Before  me  lie  terror  and  flight,*  slaughter  and 
death,  the  wrath  of  the  celestial  and  infernal  gods  : 
dire  contact  of  my  funeral  with  the  standards,  the 
arms,  and  the  weai)ons  of  the  foe.  On  the  same 
spot  with  me  may  ruin  seize  the  Gauls  and  Sam- 
nites."  He  then  rushed  into  the  battle  and  fell 
among  the  thickest  of  his  foes. 

The  Eomans  after  this  fought  with  a  degree  of 
fanaticism  totally  insensible  to  danger.  The  Gauls 
and  Samnites  were  wearied  and  surprised,  and 
Fabius,  who  had  been  successful  on  the  other  wing, 
was  able  to  bring  up  a  body  of  reserve,  which 
decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The  loss  of  Decius 
was  fully  compensated  by  the  death  of  the  Samnite 
hero,  Gellius  Egnatius,  at  the  foot  of  his  own  ram- 
parts, as  the  enemy  were  endeavouring  to  enter  his 
camp.  The  slain  on  the  Roman  side  were  numerous, 
but  Livy  reckons  that  the  Gauls  and  Samnites  lost 
25,000  slain  and  8000  taken  prisoners  out  of  an 
army  of  40,000  horse,  1100  chariots,  and  more  than 
200,000  foot.  The  arms  of  the  enemy  were  burnt 
upon  the  field  as  an  offering  to  Jupiter  Victor. 

^  "  Contacturiim  funebribus  diris  signa,  tela,  arma  hos- 
tium  :  locumque  eundem  sua?  pcstis  et  Gallorum  ac  Sam- 
nitium  fore." — LiVY,  x.  28. 


1 


Cn.  Fulvius  at  the  same  time  gained  a  victory 
with  his  legion,  in  which  3000  Clusians  and  Peru- 
gians  were  slain,  and  their  standards  were  taken. 

The  Perugians  are  indeed  singled  out  as  being 
the  most  obstinate  in  the  quarrel,  next  to  the  Vol- 
siniaus,  and  after  his  great  victory  at  Sentinum 
Fabius  had  to  turn  his  arms  against  them,  and  is 
said  in  a  pitched  battle  to  have  slain  upwards  of 
4000,  and  to  have  ransomed  upwards  of  1700  more, 
which  supposes  that  these  great  successes  which 
broke  up  the  Etruscan  federacy  were  once  more 
followed  by  a  truce.  During  this  Fabius  celebrated 
in  Rome  his  grandest  triumph  over  the  Etruscans 
and  Umbrians,  the  Samnites  and  the  Gauls,  four 
nations,  three  of  which  had  made  the  Eternal  City 
tremble  for  its  very  existence  more  than  once. 

The  effects  of  their  humiliating  defeat  may  be 
seen  upon  the  Etruscans  in  their  neither  advancing 
into  the  Roman  territories,  nor  yet  being  able  to 
send  auxiliaries  into  Samnium.  The  war,  which 
still  continued,  seems  to  have  been  purely  defensive, 
and  Arretium,  Volsinia,  and  Rusella  were  the  prin- 
cipals in  it.  The  Consul  Postumius,  who  succeeded 
Fabius,  ravaged  the  state  of  Volsinia,  and  captured 
the  city  of  Rusella ;  but  all  danger  to  Rome  was  soon 
averted  by  "  three  very  powerful  cities  of  Etruria," 
**  valid issimce  urbes  Etrurice  capita,''  to  use  Livy^s 
expression,*  Volsinia,  Perugia,  and  Arretium,  sueing 
for  peace.     They  promised  to  supply  the  Roman 

«  Livy,  X.  37. 


) 


22 


HISTORY  or  ETRURIA. 


TARENTUM. 


23 


army  with  com  and  clothing,  they  each  paid  a  fine 
500,000  asses,  and  they  concluded  a  peace  for  forty 
years. 

Perhaps  Livy  has  mistaken  some  other  name  for 
Volsinia,  otherwise  it  could  only  be  a  short  truce 
with  that  State,  as  the  war  continued  for  nine  years 
longer.*  Postumius,  on  his  return  to  Rome, 
triumphed  for  his  successes  by  the  will  of  the 
Plebs,  contrary  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  who 
could  not  compare  this  tame  peace  to  the  great 
victories  of  Q.  Fabius.  The  Clusians,  with  the 
Umbrians,  and  some  other  States,  still  remained  in 
arms,  faithful  to  their  alliance  with  the  Samnites ; 
and  some  of  the  Roman  Confederates,  complained  of 
their  ravages,  and  demanded  aid  to  repel  them. 
Amongst  the  States  accused,  of  which  Volsinia  was 
assuredly  one,  we  are  surprised  to  meet  with  Faliscia  ; 
but  the  Senate  considered  the  rising  of  the  Faliscians 
as  so  imminently  dangerous  that  Car  villus  was  de- 
spatched in  all  haste  with  a  Consular  army  against 
them.  His  first  exploit  was  to  besiege  Trossulum, 
i.e,  in  Volsinia,  which  he  took  by  storm,  allowing, 
however,  470  of  the  richest  inhabitants  to  ransom 
themselves,  thus  gaining  for  himself  a  certain  and 
easy  spoil.  He  then  captured  several  forts  in  Fa- 
liscia ;  and  the  Faliscians,  seeing  themselves  unequal 
to  the  contest,  sued  for  peace.  They  were  only 
granted  a  truce  for  a  year  upon  the  payment  of 
100,000  asses ;  and  when  that  truce  had  expired,  or, 


Q* 


«  Niebuhr,  n.  686. 


t  B.C.290. 


as  others  say,  when  they  were  tempted  to  break  it, 
they  were  conquered  by  the  Consul,  D.  Brutus;  but 
of  the  terms  which  were  granted  them,  or  the  events 
of  the  campaign,  no  record  remains.  About  this 
period  the  famous  Bronze  Wolf  of  the  Roman  Capitol, 
and  the  colossal  statue  of  Jupiter,  which  Spurius  Car- 
vilius  dedicated  to  Alban  Jove,  in  the  Roman  Forum, 
were  cast  by  Etruscan  artists  from  the  metal  taken 
as  spoil  in  these  wars.* 

Amongst  the  great  encroachments  of  Rome  con- 
sequent upon  the  battles  near  Volsinia,  may  be 
reckoned  the  reduction  of  Saturnia  into  a  Prefecture, 
thus  binding  it  not  to  make  peace  or  war  without 
the  permission  of  the  Romans. 

The  war  with  the  Volsinians,  and  probably  other 
maritime  towns  in  conjunction  with  the  Gauls, 
always  continued,  although  it  was  carried  on  lan- 
guidly ;  but  the  Greek  city  of  Tarentum,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  Italy,  becoming  jealous  of  the  great 
increase  of  Roman  power  in  that  direction  by  the 
recent  conquest  of  Lucania,  endeavoured  to  keep  up 
the  courage  of  the  Etruscans  and  Gauls  as  a  counter- 
poise to  themselves.  Dion  tells  us  that  they  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Etruscans,  Umbrians,  and  Gauls ; 
and  some  authors  say  that  they  made  an  alliance 
with  them.  Certain  it  is  that  the  Etruscans,  along 
with  an  army  of  Senonian  mercenaries,  enraged  at 
the  refusal  of  the  Arretians  to  join  the  League, 
besieged  Arezzo ;  which  thereupon  invoked  the  aid 
of  the  Romans,  and  the  Praetor,  L.  Metellus,  was  sent 

•  Micali,  vi.  p.  44. 


/ 


24 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


LAKE  VADIMON. 


25 


to  succour  it  with  20,000  men.*  The  result  spread 
consternation  in  Rome,  for  the  general,  with  seven 
Tribunes,  and  13,000  men,  were  left  dead  upon  the 
field  of  battle.  Indeed  the  whole  army  was  de- 
Btroyed,  and  the  day  of  8entinum  seemed  to  be 
avenged  ;  but  the  victors  knew  not  how  to  take 
advantage  of  their  successes,  and  instead  of  marching 
forwards,  they  linjsrered  idlv  about  Arretium.  The 
next  Pra)tor,  Curius,  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the 
Gauls,  to  treat  for  the  ransom  of  the  prisoners ;  and 
Britomaris,  the  Gallic  king,  equally  ignorant  and 
contemptuous  of  Italian  usages  and  burning  with 
anger  for  the  loss  of  his  father,  who  had  fallen  in  the 
battle,  would  not  give  audience  to  the  embassy,  but 
seized  the  Feciales  and  sacrificed  them  to  the  manes  of 
his  deceased  parent  and  chief.  This  forced  the 
Romans  to  send  another  army,  animated  by  the  most 
furious  resentment,  under  the  Consul  P.  Dolabella, 
who  marched  straight  though  the  friendly  States  of 
Etruria  into  Cisalpine  Gaul,  where  he  slew  the 
peasants,  ravaged  the  land,  and  carried  off  the 
people  as  slaves.  The  Senones  flew  to  the  rescue  of 
their  countrymen,  and  a  pitched  battle  ensued 
between  the  armies.  The  contest  was  long  and 
bloody,  but  it  ended  in  the  defeat  and  capture  of 
Britomaris,  who  was  exhibited  in  the  triumph  of 
Dolabella  at  Rome,  and  afterwards  beheaded. 

The  Senones  were  reduced  from  a  nation  to  a 
tribe,  and  the  colony  of  Sena  was  founded  in  their 
territory.       "  This  dreadful  catastrophe,  happening 

«  Niebulir,  n.  731. 


1 


^  ^ 


i 


to  a  people  w^hich,  a  hundred  years  before,  had 
destroyed  Rome,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Apulia, 
filled  their  kindred,  the  Boii,  who  dwelt  between  the 
Apennines  and  the  Po,  with  such  rage  and  appre- 
hension, that  their  whole  military  population  took 
arms  and  marched  into  Etruria  in  the  direction  of 
Fiesole."  ♦ 

The  fugitive  Senones  joined  their  ranks,,  and 
once  more  began  their  march  to  Rome.  The  Romans, 
however,  whose  vigilance  never  slept,  and  whose 
command  of  valiant  allies  was  increasingly  great, 
came  up  with  them  near  Lake  Vadimon,  of  evil 
omen  to  the  Etruscan  people,  and  here  forced  them 
to  make  a  stand. 

According  to  Polybius,  ii.  20,  the  Boii  armed  all 
their  youth,  and  returned  into  Etruria,  B.C.  282. 
10,000  of  them  were  placed  in  ambush  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Populonia,  and  would  have  brought  the 
Roman  army  into  great  danger  had  not  the  vigilance 
of  the  Consul  detected  and  frustrated  them. 

The  battle  was  desperate,  for  each  army  was 
animated  by  revenge  against  the  other.  It  was 
maintained  by  prodigies  of  valour  on  both  sides; 
but  Roman  discipline  prevailed  at  last,  and  the 
Gallic  and  Etruscan  host  sustained  a  signal  defeat. f 
This  second  contest,  on  the  shores  of  the  sacred 
Lake  Vadimon,  is  the  last  great  battle  between  the 
Etruscans  and  the  Romans,  and  in  it  the  strength 
of  the  nation  was  completely  broken.     They  made 


•  Niebuhr. 


t  B.  c.  283. 


26 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


PYRRHUS. 


27 


some  feeble  eflforts  at  resistance  the  following  year, 
but  at  the  same  time  sued  for  peace,  which  was 
granted  them  on  very  hard  terms.  The  Gauls  are 
believed  to  have  been  treated  more  leniently,  as  for 
fifty  years  they  kept  the  peace.  It  seems  that  the 
Consul,  M.  Philippus,  was  the  general  who  finally 
terminated  hostilities,  as  Dolabella  triumphed  one 
year  and  he  the  next  for  victories  over  the  Tuscans, 
and  these  are  the  last  recorded  in  the  Fasti  as 
national  triumphs.  It  seems  also  that  the  hard  terms 
imposed  by  the  Romans  were  not  observed  by  many 
detached  states  of  their  high-spirited  enemies ;  for 
two  years  later  Corancanius  Nepos  celebrated  another 
triumph  over  the  again  vanquished  Volsinians  and 
Vulcientes ;  and  this  time  a  Latin  colony  was  es- 
tablished in  Cosa,  one  of  the  cities  of  Vulci.  This 
was  a  severe  mortification,  and  tantamount  to  keep- 
ing a  garrison  in  the  country.  Saturn ia,  a  city  of 
Volsinia,  was  forced  to  become  a  prefecture,  L  e.,  to 
receive  Roman  citizenship  without  the  franchise, 
and  was  necessitated  to  contribute  men  and  money 
to  the  Roman  armies  when  they  had  to  take  the  field. 
During  this  desultory  war,  so  far  as  all  the 
States,  excepting  Volsinia  and  Vulci,  were  concerned, 
a  new  enemy  to  the  Romans  appeared  in  Italy. 
The  Tarentians,  after  grossly  insulting  the  Roman 
ambassador,  called  in  the  aid  of  Pyrrhus,  king  of 
Epirus,  the  most  able  and  warlike  prince  of  Greece. 
Pyrrhus  gained  a  great  victory  over  the  Romans 
near  Heraclea,  partly  by  the  aid  of  their  enemies 
the   Lucanians   and  Samnites   in   the   south ;    and 


could  he  have  allied  himself  with  the  Etruscans  also 
he  would  infallibly  have  conquered  Rome.  He  sent 
envoys  to  try  and  work  upon  the  different  states ; 
but  those  who  were  already  enjoying  the  peace 
hesitated  to  break  it,  and  the  sagacious  Romans, 
aware  of  their  danger,  took  timely  measures  to 
make  it  the  interest  of  their  allies  that  it  should  not 
be  broken.*  As  a  national  prejudice  the  Etruscans 
hated  the  Greeks,  and  many  of  the  States  considered 
Rome  a  barrier  and  defence  to  them  equally  against 
the  Gauls  to  the  north,  and  the  Greeks  to  the  south.f 
Niebuhr  asserts  that  it  was  peace  with  the  Tuscan 
States,  and  the  disappointment  consequent  upon  it, 
that  forced  Pyrrhus  to  retreat.  To  secure  this  object, 
he  says,  it  was  well  worth  granting  them  the  most 
favourable  terms,  and  Etruria  could  scarcely  ask 
more  after  recent  events,  than  an  honourable  and 
free  connexion  with  Rome.  But  whatever  it  was 
that  Etruria  demanded  in  the  first  instance,  the 
Senate  deemed  it  so  unreasonable  that  they  were 
resolved  not  to  accede.  Pyrrhus,  through  his  am- 
bassador   Cineas,    offered    to    restore    the    Roman 

*  A.  R.  474.  t  Note  743. 

J  "  Here  an  obstinate  resistance  would  delay  Pyrrhus 
whilst  he  was  hastening  onwards  in  order  to  bring  over  the 
Etruscans."  Again: — "Here  his  progress  was  stopped. 
Peace  was  concluded  with  the  Etruscans,  and  the  army  of 
Conincanius  had  re-entered  Rome."  ..."  The  hopes 
that  had  been  entertained  of  compelling  Rome  to  accept  the 
prescribed  terms  under  her  own  walls  had  vanished  with  the 
peace  of  the  Etruscans,  who  had  probably  even  promised 
auxiliaries." — Niebuhr,  n.  862. 


if 


28 


IIISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


APPIUS  CLAUDIUS. 


29 


prisoners  without  ransom  and  to  quit  Italy,  if  they 
would  make  peace  with  Tarentum,  and  restore  the 
property  taken  from  the  Samnites  and  the  Lucanians, 
and  if  they  would  receive  him  into  the  city  of  Rome. 
The  Senators  were  stron*>ly  disposed  to  accept  these 
terms,  when  Appius  Claudius,  one  of  their  most 
powerful  aristocrats,  and,  as  regards  useful  public 
works,  one  of  their  greatest  benefactors,  now  old  and 
blind,  and  long  retired  from  political  assemblies, 
caused  himself,  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  excitement, 
to  be  arrayed  in  his  robes  of  ceremony,  and  to  be 
carried  in  a  litter  to  the  steps  of  the  Senate-house. 
Here  his  sons  and  sons-in-law  came  out  to  meet 
him,  and  bore  him  with  the  deepest  filial  veneration 
back  to  his  long- vacated  seat. 

There  he  stood  in  the  majesty  of  his  age  and 
dignity,  with  all  the  fires  of  his  former  eloquence 
he  thundered  reproofs  upon  those  who  hesitated  as 
to  the  answer  they  should  return  to  the  Greciaa 
prince.  "Shall  we  see  him,'*  he  said,  "returning 
thanks  for  his  victories  in  our  temples,  and  ofiering 
us  his  protection  against  our  enemies  ?  No ;  far  rather 
let  us  grant  the  terms  demanded  by  the  Etruscans, 
with  whom  we  are  connected  bv  relijjion  and  ancient 
ties.*'*     The  Senators  yielded,  and  the  demands  of 

•  Niebiilir,  circa  n.  859,  thus  paraplirascs  the  speech  :  — 
*'  To  tlie  Etruscans  we  ouglit  indeed  to  grant  voluntarily 
that  which  may  give  them  the  appearance  of  an  equal  al- 
liance, and  secure  peace  for  ever  between  them  and  us.  They 
are  foreign  to  the  Italians  and  hostile  to  the  Greeks,  but 
related  to  us  by  their  religion  and  by  ancient  ties." 


" 

i 


the  States,  whatever  they  might  be,  were  entirely 
accepted  and  faithfully  observed.  Niebuhr  suggests 
that  Gorton  a  and  Saturn  ia  were  admitted  to  the 
Cajrite  franchise,  and  that  in  Yolsinia  even  the  Plebs 
were  admitted  to  marriage  and  citizenship.  Yolsinia 
had  certainly  gained  a  great  pre-eminence  by  her 
steady  maintenance  of  the  long  war  with  Rome ;  at 
the  same  time  it  forced  the  cession  of  unusual  privi- 
leges to  her  lower  classes  in  order  to  tempt  them  to 
enlist  and  to  adhere  faithfully  to  their  colours. 
"  There  is  no  doubt,"  says  Niebuhr,  "  that  a  general 
contract  was  concluded  with  the  whole  nation,  and 
upon  the  most  favourable  terms.  IIow  light  the 
burdens  were  which  they  undertook  as  allies  is  clear 
from  the  voluntary  contributions  which  they  after- 
wards made  to  Scipio  upon  his  expedition  into 
Africa.  These  were  so  great  that  they  only  could 
be  made  by  a  people  whose  resources  war  had  not 
exhausted.  They  were  considered  to  be  the  repay- 
ment of  an  obligation  contracted  by  an  unfair  con- 
cession of  privileges  on  the  other  side,  excusable 
only  because  they  were  inevitable  to  the  general 
welfare.  Their  cities  were  Ciritates  fwderatce,  and 
the  long  tranquillity  that  followed  demonstrates 
that  their  relation  to  Rome  could  neither  have  been 
oppressive  nor  humiliating.  The  Etruscan  war, 
more  or  less,  had  been  carried  on  to  its  thirtieth 
year,  some  towns  showing  but  a  faint  resistance,  and 
others  a  tenacious  and  obstinate  one.  In  the  early 
campaigns  their  infantry  seems  to  have  been  any- 
thing but  contemptible,  yet  nowhere  is  there  a  hero, 


1 1 
"I 


♦  > 


30 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


FABIUS  G  URGES. 


31 


and  nowhere  a  brilliant  undertaking.  Their  Oli- 
garchy did  not  allow  anything  great  to  be  done ;  * 
their  rich  country  was  doubtless  much  reduced  by 
hostilities  so  long  protracted,  but  it  quickly  recovered, 
and  the  two  centuries  of  almost  uninterrupted  peace, 
80  far  as  the  nation  was  concerned,  fostered  a  period 
of  great  prosperity  in  arts  and  manufactures,  which 
now  attained  their  highest  perfection.'' 

Perugiaf  is  mentioned  as  having  furnished  a  co- 
hort, who  were  perhaps  volunteers,  against  Pyrrhus. 
Peace  was  at  length  concluded  with  that  prince,  and 
he  was  killed  B.C.  273. 

In  the  year  B.C.  268  J  a  civil  war  summoned  the 
Romans  as  allies  of  the  Patricians  into  Volsinia. 
The  Plebs  and  Liberti  had  gradually  usurped  and 
absorbed  the  rights  of  the  nobles  to  levy  taxes,  to 
make  wills,  to  inherit  property  which  conferred 
rank,  and  to  occupy  the  great  offices  of  state.  They 
now  presumed  to  claim  the  disposal  of  rich  widows 
and  the  noble  virgins  in  marriage  without  their 
consent,  and  usurped  seats  in  the  Senate  from  claims 
of  equality,  and  began  to  assert  those  of  supreme 
rule.  Volsinia  had  once  been  pre-eminent  amongst 
the  States  for  the  excellence  of  its  laws  and  the 
superiority  of  its  manners  and  customs,  but  now 
everything  was  in  confusion,  and  the  government 
was  threatened  with  anarch v ;  some  of  the  nobles 

•  No  national  war  with  Rome  after  this.  Their  war 
with  Gaul  in  b.  c.  257  was  carried  on  in  concert  with  the 
Romans,  and  would  probably  have  failed  without  them. 

t  Niebuhr,  n.  743.  J  a.  r.  485. 


ynJ 


Y' 


^i> 


*'m> 


armed  themselves,  whilst  others  fled  and  invoked 
the  assistance  of  their  allies,  assuredly  first  from  the 
colony  of  Cosa  and  the  prefecture  of  Saturnia,  whilst 
others  secretly  proceeded  to  Rome.  The  required 
aid  was  gladly  given,  and  the  servile  revolt  was 
promptly  quelled.  But  now  a  quarrel,  of  which  we 
have  no  details,  arose  between  the  nobles  and  their 
defenders.*  Resort  was  again  had  to  arms.  The 
Romans  burnt  the  city,  razed  its  \walls,  and  carried 
off  2000  bronze  statues,  with  which  they  adorned 
their  own  Forum.  Volsinia  was  abandoned,  it  dis- 
appeared from  the  number  of  the  Etruscan  towns, 
and  a  new  city  was  built  called  Bolsena,  the  remains 
of  which  may  still  be  seen  upon  the  lake  of  that 
name. 

P.  Decius  was  granted  a  triumph  in  Rome  over 
the  Volsinians.  He  is  believed  to  have  been  Praetor 
when  Q.  Fabius  Gurges  perished.  The  nobles  first 
sought  the  aid  of  Rome  secretly,  and  were  betrayed. 
Then  Q.  Fabius  Gurges  was  sent  with  an  army  to 
their  relief.  Fabius  was  slain  in  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  storm  the  city.  Decius  blockaded  it,  and 
after  a  while  famine  compelled  the  inhabitants  to 
surrender.  It  was  also  assaulted  by  young  Appius 
Claudius  from  the  lake.  The  prisoners  were  executed 
or  made  slaves. f  As  no  Etruscan  State  even  claimed 
against  this  spoliation  and  destruction,  we  must  con- 
clude that  the  fault  of  the  rupture  lay  wholly  with 
the  Volsinians.     This  is  indeed  further  proved  by 


*  Val.  Max.  ix. 


t  Niebuhr,  n.  994. 


vl 


32 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


THE  GAULS. 


33 


their  protection  of  the  Roman  commerce  during  the 
Punic  wars,  and  in  the  ships  they  sent  hidcn  with 
provisions  for  the  army,  both  to  Carthage  and  into 
the  Adriatic.  Indeed  for  a  long  while  these  wars 
were  chiefly  carried  on  by  the  naval  allies. 

There  is  an  assertion  in  the  Roman  annals  that 
about  K.  c.  2G6  Fabius  Pictor  and  Junius  Pisa 
triumphed  over  the  Sarsiuati  in  Umbria,  and  re- 
duced Sarsinatum  to  a  munivipium.  It  enjoyed  the 
Jus  Italicum,  i.e.  its  lands  were  freed  from  taxes,  and 
continued  to  be  governed  by  its  own  people  and  its 
own  laws ;  but  it  could  not  make  war  without  the 
permission  of  Rome,  and  its  citizens  were  not  suf- 
fered to  arm  themselves. 

Until  this  date  Rome  had  established  very  few 
municipia,  or  colonies  in  Etruria,  but  between  the 
years  486  and  512  a.  r.*  she  founded  those  of  Cosa, 
Alsium,  Fregene,  Castrum  Novum,  and  Pyrgi,  all 
on  the  sea. 

Whether  the  destruction  of  Yolsinia  had  roused 
the  jealousy  of  the  Faliscians,  or  they  had  been  by 
any  means  mixed  up  in  that  quarrel,  we  are  not 
informed,  but  it  seems  strange  that  they  should 
immediately  after  have  risen  against  the  Romans 
and  declared  war.  They  appear  to  have  been  very 
ill  prepared  and  totally  unsupported,  for  the  Consids, 
A.  Manlius  Torquatus  and  Q.  Lutatius,  took  the 
strong  and  beautiful  city  of  Faleria  on  the  hill 
(Citta  Castellana),  dismantled  it,  and  forced  its  in- 

•  B.  c.  273  and  240. 


it 


habitants  to  build  a  new  city  on  the  plain — -^quum 
Faliscum — now  a  poor  village,  entitled  Sta.  Maria 
dei  Falleri.  They  seem  to  have  imposed  no  new 
burdens  on  the  inhabitants,  and  the  prosperous  and 
peaceful  natives  of  the  other  Etruscan  States  took 
no  umbrage  at  their  fate.* 

The  Consuls,  A.  M.  Torquatus  and  Q.  Lutatius, 
triumphed  for  their  successes  in  Faliscia.  All  the 
maritime  States  were  indeed  rejoicing  over  the  con- 
quest of  Corsica  and  Sardinia  by  the  Romans  from 
the  Carthaginians,  whose  conquests  of  those  islands 
from  themselves  150  years  previously  they  had  never 
forgiven,  and  the  injury  which  had  in  consequence 
accrued  to  their  commerce  was  one  reason  of  the 
determined  hostility  of  the  Tuscans  to  Hannibal. 

This  conquest  probably  facilitated  their  erection 
of  the  city  of  Nicea,  where  they  settled  factories,  and 
made  the  natives  tributary  in  wax,  honey,  and 
ragia,  or  r^sine. 

In  the  year  k.c.  237  the  Ligurian  Gauls  made 
war  upon  the  Romans,  and  continued  it  for  six 
years.  The  Gauls  now  could  only  become  dangerous 
to  Rome  by  conquering  and  wasting  Etruria,  and 
in  consequence  they  invaded  and  ravaged  the  rich 
State  of  Lucca,  t  The  Etruscans  made  a  manful 
resistance,  still  at  first  so  unsuccessfully  that  the 
Romans  solemnly  consulted  the  Sibylline  Books. 

**  Livy,  xix. 
f  See  Livy,  xli.  13.     "  De  Ligure  captus  is  ager  erat  ; 
Etruscorum  ante  quam  Ligurum  fuerat." 

D 


34 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


THE  GAULS. 


35 


These  "Libri  Fatales/*  as  we  have  already  said, 
were  essentially  Etruscan ;  and  in  thera  it  was  found 
written  that  in  cases  of  national  peril  they  should 
bury  alive  in  the  Forum  two  Gauls  and  two  Greeks, 
one  of  each  sex,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The 
Gauls  and  the  Greeks,  north  and  south,  were  the 
standing  enemies  of  Etruscan  quiet  and  trade. 

The  Etruscans*  and  Umbrians  were  looked  upon 
by  the  Latins  as  naturally  foreign,  and  had  different 
rights,  so  that  it  is  only  by  an  improper  extension 
of  the  name  that  they  are  included  amongst  the 
^oc'ii,  or  Italian  allies.  These  allies,  however,  en- 
joyed very  different  rights  and  privileges.  None  of 
them  paid  land-tax,  but  most  of  them  were  bound 
to  a  small  fixed  tribute,  and  to  send  contingents  in 
case  of  war.  Those  who  were  quite  independent 
and  in  equal  alliance  had  no  right  to  share  in  the 
Roman  domain  lands,  and  probably  that  desolation 
in  Etruria,  which  one  himdred  years  later  f  struck 
Tiberius  Gracchus  so  forciblv,  arose  from  the  Etrus- 
cans  not  possessing  this  right,  because  they  stood 
upon  the  footing  of  independence  and  equal  alliance. 

The  Prefects  of  the  allied  squadrons  were  chosen 
from  amongst  themselves.  Each  free  Italian  people, 
moreover,  had  a  Patron  in  the  Roman  Senate,  who 
watched  over  its  interests  as  Proxenus  and  repre- 
sentative, and  whose  relation  was  sacred.  He  was 
bound  to  take  the  part  of  the  oppressed,  even  against 
his  Qy^TL  relatives;  and  that  this  was  the  case  in 


Umbria  is  proved  by  fifteen  cities  thanking  their 
Patron,  C.  Miolucius,  for  upholding  their  rights  in 
Rome.  The  decree  was  engraved  upon  a  brass  tablet 
lately  dug  up  in  the  market-place  of  Foligno.  ♦ 

The  Senates  of  the  towns  were  generally  in  the 
Roman  interests,  because  the  Roman  Senate  sup. 
ported  the  aristocracy.  The  Latins  and  Etruscans 
m  the  Tribes,  such  as  those  of  Veii  and  Falerii, 
might  be  made  full  citizens  by  the  Censors.  They 
then  had  a  right  to  share  the  domain  lands  and 
to  found  colonies.  This  is  just  what  the  rest  of 
Etruria  claimed  in  the  Social  War.* 

In  the  year  224,   the  Gauls  from  Yenetia  and 
Cenomania    joined    together    to    drive    back    the 
LigAians,  and  having  disposed  of  them  proceeded 
to  make    conquests   for    themselves   amongst    the 
Etruscan  States.     They  came  in  formidable  numbers. 
Livy  states  them  at  50,000  foo*  and  20,000  horse, 
with  many  chariots.     The  Etruscans  called  upon  the 
Romans  for  help,  and  one  Consul  immediately  came 
to  their  assistance  with  20,000  men,  and  reinforced 
their  army  of  32,000  Tuscans  and  Sabines,  besides 
20,000  Umbri,  and  under  a  native  Prsetor,  Sarsunati, 
fighting,  as  they  believe,  for  their  own  freedom. 

Polybius  and  PHny  give  the  united  numbers 
from  Fabius  Pictor  at  700,000  foot  and  60,000 
horse  from  Etruria,  Rome,  and  Naples,  with  no 
common  head  but  Rome.  The  more  Hkely  number 
is  about  250,000. 


Niebuhr. 


t  Note  954. 


Micah*,  vi. 


t  Niebuhr. 


36 


HISTORY  OF  ETRnUA. 


PrXIC  WAR. 


37 


The  Gauls  crossed  the  Apennines  and  marched 
by  Lucca,  Bologna  (/.  e.  Felsina),  and  Chiusi,  spoiling 
as  they  went,  and  bent  upon  a  second  time  mastering 
the  Eternal  City.  Finding  that  they  were  vigor- 
ously resisted,  they  pretended  to  retreat  from  Chiusi 
upon  Fiesole,  and  laid  in  ambush  for  their  oppo- 
nents in  the  Val  di  Chiana.  The  Consul,  in  his 
impatience  to  follow,  was  drawn  into  it  and  shame- 
fully defeated.  Emilius  came  to  the  rescue,  but  too 
late  to  redeem  the  honour  of  his  countrymen.  The 
Gauls,  laden  with  booty,  resolved  to  place  it  in  safety 
by  returning  home  before  they  attempted  more 
distant  conquests,  and  they  pursued  their  way  follow- 
ing the  course  of  the  rivers.  The  Consul  Attilius, 
who  had  been  engaged  in  Sardinia,  and  kne^  no- 
thing of  what  had  happened  in  Italy,  disembarked 
at  this  juncture  at  Pisa,  and  took  the  Via  Aurelia  on 
his  peaceful  march  to  Rome.  He  was  amazed  to 
encounter  a  large  army  of  Gauls,  all  in  battle  array, 
at  Telamon,  whither  they  had  been  cautiously 
followed  by  Emilius.  He  unhesitatingly  gave  them 
battle,  and  they  had  the  disadvantage  of  fighting 
between  two  armies,  one  in  front  and  one  in  rear, 
yet  such  was  their  courage  that  it  was  only  the 
superior  discipline  of  the  Romans  which  in  the  end 
enabled  them  to  conquer.  The  Gaids  fled.  Attilius 
was  killed  in  the  fight,  but  Emilius  kept  his  ground. 
The  following  year  he  completely  subdued  the  Boii, 
and  the  spirit  of  the  Gallic  tribes  seemed  so  humbled 

*  Niebuhr. 


f  V 


a/>i 


that  the  Romans  anticipated  their  thorough  subju- 
gation. They  met,  however,  with  more  difficulties 
than  they  had  reckoned  upon,  and  it  was  yet  two 
years  before  they  were  able  to  cross  the  Po  and 
attack  Mediolanum  of  the  Insubri  (Milan).  The 
fall  of  this  important  city  broke  the  spirit  of  the 
Gauls,  and  they  consented  to  a  disadvantageous 
|jeace.  Had  the  Etruscans  entered  into  alliance 
with  the  Gauls,  and  turned  against  the  Romans,  the 
fate  of  Italy  would  certainly  have  been  changed. 
Cremona  and  Piacenza  were  colonized  by  the  Romans 
and  their  allies,  and  Venice  voluntarily  placed  her- 
self under  Roman  protection. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  the  date  of  the  Second 
Punic  War,*  and  the  successes  of  Hannibal  in  Spain* 
Suddenly  he  appeared  upon  the  plains  of  Liguria, 
and  invited  the  Gallic  tribesf  to  join  him,  promising 
them  freedom  and  spoil,  victory  and  revenge.  They 
all  obeyed  the  summons  and  joined  him,  smarting 
from  their  recent  reverses,  excepting  the  Cenomani 
and  the  Veneti ;  and  even  these  recovered  their 
courage  before  the  battle  of  Cannae,  and  were  found 
lighting  for  him  there.  The  Liguri,  who  had  suf- 
fered the  most  recently  from  Roman  haughtiness 
and  violence,  insisted  upon  his  marching  through 
Tuscany.  He  offered  the  Tuscans  their  entire  inde- 
pendence, and  to  restore  their  ancient  polity;  but 
they  could  not  be  induced  to  break  their  alliance, 

^  A.  R.  536. 
f  Senones,  Cenomani,  Liguri,  Boii,  Insubri,  and  Ilvatici. 


38 


HISTORY  OF  ETRIRIA. 


for  they  were  more  contented  with  their  allies  than 
with  each  other.  They  were  busily  engaged  in  an 
active  and  flourishing  commerce,  and  there  was 
much  jealousy  and  envy  between  many  of  the  cities : 
beside  which,  the  Carthaginians  had  been  for  many 
ages  their  rivals  and  enemies  in  commerce  and  naval 
warfare. 

The  Etrurian  contingents  joined  the  Consul 
Flaminius  at  Arretium,  and  gave  him  all  the  help 
in  their  power,  the  Consul  Servilius  being  quartered 
in  their  city  of  Rimini  ( Ariminum) ;  so  that  Han- 
nibal was  very  unwillingly  obliged  to  treat  them  as 
enemies,  and  to  ravage  their  lands  from  Arretium 
and  Fiesole  to  Cortona  and  Thrasyraene,  in  order  to 
provoke  Flaminius  to  fight  before  another  consular 
army  with  the  Latin  allies  could  come  to  their  as- 
sistance.* The  result  of  this  was  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Thrasymene  (b.  c.  217),  which  seemed  for  a 
time  to  place  all  Italy  at  Hannibal's  mercy.  Strange 
to  say,  however,  he  did  not  improve  his  victory 
by  marching  straight  upon  Rome.  He  had  passed 
through  the  marshes  of  Cortona ;  he  led  his  troops 
forwards  through  Umbria  and  Adriana  into  Lucania, 
and  the  greatest  of  captains  \'isited  Etruria  no  more. 

In  the  thirteen  years'  war  which  followed  the 
battle  of  Thrasymene  the  Etruscans  are  seldom  dis- 
tinguished from  the  other  Italian  allies.  They  were 
in  one  common  cause,  "  Socii  and  FoederataD." 

*  P.  Scipio  marched  from  Pisa,  and  was  defeated  in  the 
first  encounter. 


V 

1 

L 

i 

f 

1 


M 


V' 


i 


( 


rUNIC  WAR 


39 


A.R.  538  (B.C.  215),  "Libri  Fatales  consulted, 
and  the  nation  observed  a  sacred  spring.  Hannibal 
at  Capua  releases  the  Etruscan  prisoners  without 
ransom,  and  says  he  will  help  them  to  recover  an- 
cient cities  and  lands.     They  remember  Pyrrhus."  * 

In  A.R.  540  (B.C.  213),  Cn.  Fulvius  being  defeated 
by  Hannibal  at  Herdonia,  exiled  himself  to  Tar- 
quinia.  Two  years  later,  a.r.  543,  Livy  tells  us 
that  the  people  of  Casa  and  Pontia  were  thanked, 
along  with  those  of  Paestum,  for  the  active  assistance 
their  ships  had  rendered  against  Hannibal  at  Ta- 
rentum. 

The  same  policy  which  was  effectual  to  secure  the 
adherence  of  the  Tuscans  had  its  influence  in  Capua : 
and  the  great  Carthaginian  had  nearly  been  deprived 
of  that  city  because  its  nobles  enjoyed  the  Roman 
Civitas,  though  without  suffrage,  and  intermarried 
with  the  Roman  Patrician  women. 

A.R.  544,  when  Tarentum  was  betrayed  to  the  Ro- 
mans they  were  supported  by  twenty-four  legions  of 
allies,  amongst  whom  the  Tuscans,  under  their  native 
Prajtor,  Marcus  Acelus,  furnished  the  guard  of  the 
Consul  Marcellus.  They  were  round  him  in  the 
battle  of  Venusia,  and  were  reproached  with  cow- 
ardice because  he  was  slain  and  they  fled ;  but  they 
were  surprised  by  an  ambushed  enemy  in  superior 
force,  and  their  Praetor  was  killed  by  Marcellus's  side. 

The  Etruscan  nation  in  general  was  esteemed 
true  to  the  very  precarious  Roman  cause ;  but  it  is 

*  Niebuhr. 


40 


HISTORY  OF  ETRVRIA. 


PUNIC  WAR. 


41 


probable  that  the  blame  cast  upon  the  troops  on  this 
occasion  fanned  into  a  flame  a  rising  disaffection  at 
Arretium.       Hannibal's    brother,    Hasdrubal,    had 
nearly   accomplished   that   separation    of    interests 
which   the   great  hero  failed   to  effect.     Marcellus 
before  his  last  battle  had  been  hurriedly  summoned 
to  Arretium  to  investigate  the  truth  of  a  rumoured 
conspiracy;   but,  as  his  presence  overawed  all  the 
discontented,  and  he  was  a  humane  and  politic  man, 
he  returned  into  Apulia  without  showing  any  want 
of  confidence.     After  his  death,  however,  and  when 
Hasdrubal  hud  made  good  his  entrance  into  Italy, 
several  of  the  Tuscan  leaders,  and  foremost  amongst 
them  the  Arretians,  showed  a  disposition   to  treat 
separately  for  themselves,  and  though  they  would 
not  join  his  standard,  they  were  willing  to  promise 
perfect  neutrality,  B.C.  207.*     This  was  considered  at 
Rome  as  an  affair  of  such  vital  consequence,  that  the 
Senate  voted  it  as  tantamont  to  declared  hostility, 
and  required  Arretium,  the  boldest  of  the  offending 
States,    to   send   immediate   hostages  for  her  fide- 

lity.t 

A  large  army  was  despatched  to  keep  the  country 

in  check,  and  Cuius  Terentius,  without  further  warn- 
ing, marched  into  the  city,  demanded  the  hostages, 
threatening,  if  they  were  withheld,  or  even  delayed, 
to  carry  off  all  the  children  of  the  Senators.  This 
harsh  and  peremptory  proceeding  created  so  much 
alarm  that  many  of  the  Senators  took  to  flight  with 


I 

\ifM 


^   Livy,'xxvii.  38. 


t  Ibid,  xxvii.  21-24. 


their  families.  The  next  day,  when  their  names 
were  called  over  in  the  Senate-house,  these  men 
were  missing ;  upon  which  Terentius  declared  their 
guilt  to  be  self-evident,  and  ordered  their  property 
to  be  sold.  He  forced  the  Senators  to  deliver  up  120 
hostages,  whom  he  sent  to  Rome.  He  posted  guards 
at  all  the  gates  and  obliged  them  to  admit  a  Roman 
garrison  into  the  citadel.  The  Consul,  Hostilius, 
then  marched  his  troops  through  every  town  of  the 
malcontent  State.  No  wonder,  when  his  measures 
were  so  irrituting,  that  he  should  feel  convinced  of 
the  ill-will  of  the  people,  and  believe  that  their 
allegiance  could  only  be  secured  by  the  impossibility 
of  resistance. 

Haruspices  *  were  now  sent  for  from  Etruria,  to 
explain  divers  portents  in  the  Latin  State,  to  which 
the  native  Augurs  were  unequal.  They  probably 
came  from  Ca^re ;  but  as  it  was  to  consult  upon  the 
best  spiritual  arms  against  the  Gauls  in  the  north, 
and  the  Greeks,  or  Carthaginians,  in  the  south,  they 
were  sure  of  a  sympathetic  response  from  every 
State  of  the  Federation.  The  rites  they  ordered 
were  scrupulously  observed. 

The  Romun  Senate  was  much  alarmed  by  a  letter 
from  their  Prx'tor  in  Gaul,  informing  them  that  the 
purpose  of  Hasdrubal  was  to  pass  into  Liguria,  where 
an  army  of  8000  Gauls  were  prepared  to  join  hinx, 
unless  they  could  instantly  despatch  an  equal  force 
into  Liguria  to  attack  and  to  prevent  them.     Caius 

*  Livy,  xxvii.  37. 


42 


HISTORY  OF  ETRIRIA. 


Terentius  was  immediately  sent  through  Etruria  to 
join  a  body  of  Spaniards  and  8000  Gauls  of  a  tribe 
hostile  to  the  Ligurians,  and  allied  with  Publius 
Scipio.  It  was  well  for  the  peace  of  Italy,  that  the 
Gallic  tribes  were  so  generally  at  enmity  amongst 
themselves.  All  fears  from  that  nation  in  the 
present  emergency  were  greatly  dispelled  by  the 
victory  of  the  two  Consuls,  Claudius  Nero  and  M. 
Livius  Salinator,  over  Hasdrubal,  and  the  death  of 
that  great  commander  on  the  banks  of  the  Me- 
taurus.* 

The  following  year  the  Consul,  Livius  Salinator, 
was  specially  appointed  to  guard  Tuscany  and 
Umbria  ;  and  this  function  oi  guarding  them  during 
the  whole  continuance  of  the  Ilannibalian  and  the 
Gallic  war,  was  commonly  expressed  by  one  of  the 
Consuls  having  Etruria  assigned  "  as  his  Province,** -f 

At  length  the  great  Carthaginian  hero  was  re- 
called home  by  his  own  government,  then  under  the 
sway  of  factious  and  short-sighted  men,  who  hated 
him  more  than  they  loved  their  country.  Then  the 
gallant  and  successful  Scipio,  full  of  enthusiastic 
hopes,  resolved  to  follow  him  across  the  sea,  and 
caUed  upon  all  the  Allies,  but  chiefly  upon  the  mari- 
time states,  to  join  him.;  None  responded  to  him 
with  the  promptness  and  liberality  of  the  Etruscans, 
and  none  received  from  the  Senate  warmer  expres- 
sions of  cordiaHty  and  gratitude.     Perugia,  Clusium, 

*  Livy,  xxvii.  48.  f  a.  r.  547. 

{  A.  R.  547.     Livy,  xxviii.  45. 


« 


4 


0 

m 
A 


t 


PUNIC  WAR. 


43 


and  Rusella,  cut  down  and  despatched  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  fir-trees  to  provide  all  the  vessels  with 
masts,  besides  an  enormous  supply  of  corn. 

Caere  victualled  the  fleet  in  all  other  provisions ; 
Populonia  contributed  iron  from  her  foundries ;  Vol- 
terra,  tackling  and  corn ;  Tarquinia,  sails  from  her 
manufactories ;  and  the  lately  unquiet  and  suspected 
Arretium,  though  by  no  means  the  richest,  seems 
to  have  given  more  than  all  the  rest*  She  con- 
tributed, besides  grain,  30,000  helmets,  30,000 
spears,  axes,  swords,  javelins,  pikes,  and  halberds,  in 
proportion,  along  with  water  vessels  and  machines 
for  forty  ships  of  war.  We  must  infer  that  upon 
this,  if  not  done  previously,  as  indeed  seems  most 
probable,  her  120  hostages  were  returned.  The  free 
Eepublic  of  Camerte  sent  600  armed  men ;  and  the 
rest  of  Umbria,  which  never  was  a  commercial  or 
wealthy  country,  furnished  additional  volunteers. 

As  a  passing  remark  we  may  notice  that  this 
was  the  period  at  which  Plautus,  the  celebrated 
Umbrian  dramatist,  flourished  ;  and  that  he,  though 
a  Patrician  or  Lucumo,  ruined  himself  by  his  com- 
mercial speculations.  This  was  probably  owing  to 
his  not  having  been  brought  up  to  commerce,  and 
the  occupation  being  offensive  to  his  family. 

The  idea  that  it  was  beneath  a  Senator  to  be 
a  merchant  was  daily  gaining  ground  in  Rome 
itself,  t 

After  the  battle  of  Zama,  and  the  conclusion  of 


*  A.  R.  551. 


f  Livy,  xxi.  63. 


.1 


ri 


44 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


the  Second  Punic  War,  the  Romans,  in  order  to 
liquidate  their  vast  expenses,  ventured  to  tax  the 
Allies,  or  at  least  to  demand  from  them  such  pecuniary 
aids  as  were  felt  to  he  an  encroachment  and  a  burden. 
The  States  that  murmured  above  measure,  or  that, 
maintaining  their  independent  rights,  refused  al- 
together, were  instantly  deprived  of  the  "Jus 
Italicum;"  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the 
Etruscan  Lucumonies  were  included ;  their  recent 
generosity  probably  freeing  them  from  any  extra 
claims,  or  the  amount  solicited  may  have  been  left 
to  their  own  discretion. 

That  territory  round  Capua,  which  had  once 
been  South  Etruria,  was  divided  between  the 
victorious  soldiers  of  Scipio.  Such  of  the  central 
Etruscans  as  were  incorporated  with  the  Plebeian 
tribes,  doubtless,  came  in  for  their  share.  The  in- 
corporated districts,  however,  from  this  time  forwards 
became  gradually  neglected,  the  land  being  exhausted 
and  worked  by  slaves ;  so  that  when  Tiberius 
Gracchus  passed  through  it,  he  was  shocked  at  its 
desolation,  and  when  the  geograijher  Strabo  visited 
it  in  the  days  of  Augustus,  he  could  scarcely  credit 
its  former  fertility. 

We  must  now  look  back  about  five  years  to  B.C. 
266,  in  order  to  give  a  comprehensive  and  continuous 
account  of  the  Gallic  war,  which  during  this  period, 
and  for  long  after,*  was   waged  with  persevering 

*  The  Gallic  war  continued,  with  intervals  of  truce,  until 
n.  c.  177. 


VI 


i\ 


GALLIC  WAR. 


45 


enmity  by  many  powerful  Gallic  tribes  or  nations 
against  the  Etruscans  and  the  Romans.  It  was 
entirely  confined  to  that  country  which  either  was, 
or  had  been,  Etruscan ;  and  as  the  Romans  owed 
their  safety  and  their  victories  to  the  co-operation  of 
the  Tuscans,  who  probably  looked  upon  themselves 
as  the  principals,  and  their  Consular  Allies  merely  as 
faithful  and  useful  friends,  we  are  justified  in  giving 
the  Gallic  war  a  prominent  place  in  Etruscan  history. 
Its  theatre  was  Genoa,  Luna,  Pisa,  Bononia,  Comum, 
Placentia,  Cremona,  Arretium,  and  Felsina. 

To  commence  with  Genoa.  In  the  year  b.c.  206, 
Mago  the  Carthaginian  sailed  from  the  Balearic 
Isles,  and  arrived  before  this  city  with  12,000  foot 
and  2000  horse  in  thirty  ships  of  war.* 

He  allied  himself  with  a  tribe  of  Ligurians,  and 
soon  forced  the  city  to  surrender.  Eighty  transports 
were  despatched,  laden  with  its  spoils,  to  Carthage, 
the  old  enemy  of  Tuscans ;  but  they  were  fortunately 
arrested  on  their  voyage,  and  their  booty  was  re- 
captured. 12,000  slaves  had  been  liberated  in  order 
to  swell  the  force  which  could  be  raised  to  oppose 
these  Gauls  (i.  e.  Liguri)  and  the  Carthaginians. 

Mago  held  a  council  of  war,  in  which  he  an- 
nounced to  the  whole  Gallic  nation  that  he  was  come 
to  restore  them  to  their  former  power  and  indepen- 
dence;  but  that  he  could  do  nothing  unless  they 
gave  him  vigorous  aid. 

The  Gauls  answered  that  they  were  all  willing ; 

*  Livy,  xxviii.  46. 


Ai\ 


4G 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


but  that,  owing  to  the  might  and  proximity  of  their 
enemies,  several  of  the  tribes  could  only  give  aid 
secretly,  and  some  of  the  Liguri  demanded  four 
months  before  they  would  render  any  help  at  all. 
Meanwhile,  whilst  Scipio,  with  his  powerful  Etruscan 
reinforcements,  passed  into  Africa,  Marcus  Livius 
marched  with  the  volunteer  slaves  into  Gaul  itself, 
and  the  Consul  Cornelius  overawed  those  parts  of 
Etruria  in  which  disaffection  was  apprehended,  f 

Several  of  the  nobles  had  sent  deputies  to  Mago, 
offering  to  join  him  if  he  would  change  the  con- 
stitution of  their  states,  or,  in  other  words,  raise 
them  to  the  supremacy  in  their  respective  senates ; 
but  as  there  were  two  parties  in  these  Northern 
States  the  rival  Magnates  wrangled  to  avail  them- 
selves of  the  Roman  power  against  them.  Some 
were  tried  and  found  guilty,  and  others  went  into 
voluntary  exile. 

News,  however,  soon  reached  Romef  that  Cre- 
mona and  Venetia  were  attacked  and  plundered  by 
40,000  Gauls  under  the  command  of  Hamilcar,  a 
lieutenant  of  HasdrubaFs.  The  Praetor,  Lucius 
Furius,  was  powerless  against  them,  as  he  had  only 
5000  troops.  The  Consul  Aurelius  summoned  every 
disposable  Roman  to  Ariminum,  and  wrote  to  the 
Carthaginian  Senate,  complaining  that  Hamilcar 
made  war  upon  them  while  they  were  at  peace  with 
his  government,  and  demanding  that  he  should  be 

*  Livy,  xxix.  36. 
t  Ibid.  xxxi.  10.     A.  R.  552,  B.C.  201. 


1 

IT 


HAMILCAR. 


47 


0 


4 


h 


i 


delivered  up.  They  answered*  that  Hamilcar  had 
completely  withdrawn  himself  from  their  authority, 
and  that  all  they  could  do  was  to  confiscate  his  pro- 
perty and  doom  him  to  exile.  Hamilcar  accordingly 
continued  at  the  head  of  the  Gallic  legions,  and  in 
B.C.  196  he  fought  a  pitched  battle  with  the  Etrus- 
cans and  Romans,  in  which  he  was  totally  defeated. 
The  third  part  of  the  Ligurian  lands  was  confiscated, 
and  Bologna  and  Felsina  were  colonized  by  the  vic- 
tors. They  thus,  in  part,  returned  imder  their  an- 
cient lords. 

The  legions  under  the  Praetor,  Lucius  Furius, 
next  relieved  Cremona,  and  fought  a  battle  more  de- 
cisive than  any  of  the  preceding,  which  raised  their 
leader  to  the  pinnacle  of  military  fame.f  The  ca- 
valry of  the  allies  defeated  the  left  wing  of  the 
Gauls.  Hamilcar  was  slain  with  35,000  Insubri, 
and  the  loss  of  130  standards.  Insubria  surrendered, 
and  the  power  of  that  great  nation  was  for  a  time 
completely  broken.  The  Insubri  had  allied  them- 
selves with  the  Boii  and  the  Cenomani,  and  this 
dreadful  defeat  was  entirely  owing  to  the  treachery 
of  the  Cenomani,  whose  elders  did  not  approve  of 
the  war. 

The  Roman  Senate  granted  a  well-merited  triumph 
to  their  Praetor,  and  ordered  a  thanksgiving  of  three 
days.  The  war  with  the  Boii,  which  had  shaken  J 
Rome  and  Etruria  with  fear,  was  terminated  in  one 

*  Livy,  xxxi.  19.  f  Ibid,  xxxii.  30. 

t  Ibid.  xxxi.  47-49. 


48 


HISTORY  OF  KTRURIA. 


battle ;  and  the  Consul  Aurelius,  wlio  had  delayed 
too  long  to  be  present,  never  forgave  his  successful 

subordinate. 

Emulous   of  equal  glory  two  years  afterwards, 
another  Pnctor,  Cu.  Bcetius,  entered  Insubria,  and 
attacked  the  Gauls  in  their  own  homes.     He  was 
soon  made  to  repent  of  his  temerity,  for  he  was 
ignominiouslv  defeated  and  driven   back  with  the 
loss  of  6600  men.     He  was  recalled  and  superseded, 
but  the  cities  of  Cremona  and  Phuentia  were  once 
more  attacked,  and  the  colonists  in  them  were  driven 
away.     The  unlucky  Praetor,  some  few  years  after- 
wards, was  overtaken  and  assaulted  by  the  Liguri 
on  his  road  to  Spain.     His  retinue  was  slain,  and 
he  escaped  much  wounded  to  MarseUles,  where  he 
died.     This  was  considered  a  sort  of  atonement  for 
the  death  of  Tlamilcar  * 

Livy  records  another  great  victory  over  the 
Insubri  and  Boii,  which,  though  it  is  attributed  to 
the  year  556,  seems  to  be  merely  another  version  of 
the  one  already  mentioned  ;  for  there  could  scarcely 
be  two  great  victories  so  close  together,  with  triumphs 
and  thanksgivings  at  Home  each  time,  because  the 
Insubrian  nation  was  destroyed,  and  by  the  same 

man. 

Livy  sayst  that  the  Consul  Marcellus,  having 
been  defeated  by  the  Boii  under  their  chief  Corolan, 
with  the  loss  of  3000  men,  first  tired  out  their  pa- 
tience by  his  caution,  and  then,  when  they  had  dis- 


*  Livv.  xxxvii.  T)?. 


•f  Ibid,  xxxiii.  36. 


^1 


n 


THE  BOII. 


49 


persed  in  disgust,  suddenly  crossed  the  Po  and  sur- 
prised their  allies,  the  Insubri,  near  Comum.  He 
defeated  them,  with  the  loss  of  40,000  men  and  507 
standards,  432  chariots,  and  many  bushels  of  heavy 
gold  chains ;  one  of  which,  of  extraordinary  mass- 
iveness,  was  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
Capitolinus.  Comum  and  twenty-eight  forts  sur- 
rendered. 

Lucius  Furius  now  joined  his  colleague,  and  they 
devastated  the  country  together  and  reduced  Fel- 
sina.  On  their  homeward  march  the  legions  were 
attacked  by  the  careless,  ill-disciplined,  and  light- 
hearted  Boii.  The  battle  was  dreadful,  but  victorv 
declared  for  Rome  and  her  allies,  and  the  Boian 
force  was  all  but  exterminated.  Marcellus  was 
granted  a  triumph  over  the  Insubri  and  Cornii,  and 
L.  Furius  over  the  Boii.  Amongst  other  booty  ex- 
hibited was  much  Gallic  coin,  both  in  bronze  and 
silver.  The  former  were  asses,  the  latter  denarii 
stamped  with  a  chariot. 

In  the  year  558  (b.c.  195),*  the  Proconsul  Flaccus 
defeated  the  Boii  near  Mediolanum,  and  slew  10,000 
of  them,  with  their  chief  Dorulacus.  The  Consul 
Sempronius  penetrated  into  their  country,  but  was 
more  stoutly  opposed  than  he  expected  by  their 
tierce  and  brave  leader  Boiorix.  Finding  aid  need- 
ful, he  summoned  the  other  Consul  to  join  him, 
and  with  their  united  forces  he  intended  to  attack 
the  Boii ;  but  Boiorix  was  beforehand  with  him,  and 

•  Livy,  xxxiv.  46. 


50 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


attacked  the  Italians  first.  The  stubborn  contest 
ended  in  a  drawn  battle,  neither  side  being  able  to 
boast  of  victory.  Boiorix  retreated  into  the  heart 
of  his  own  country,  and  the  Consuls  fell  back  upon 
Placentia.  A  lull  followed,  which  was  supposed  to 
be  the  harbinger  of  peace,  for  neither  party  wished 
to  be  the  first  aggressor,  whpn  news  was  received 
by  the  Consul  in  Liguria*  that  he  must  instantly 
march  into  the  Etruscan  district  of  Pisa,  for  that 
20,000  Liguri  had  landed  at  Luna  and  were  de- 
vastating that  country.  The  Consul  ordered  the 
rendezvous  of  his  troops  to  be  at  Arretium,  and 
demanded  from  the  Allies  the  assistance  of  15,000 
foot  and  500  horse. 

These  are  the  terras  in  which  the  Roman  histo- 
rians tell  the  story  of  the  Etruscan  and  Gallic  war. 
Had  we  the  lost  annals  of  Etruria,  we  should  pro- 
bably find  the  Tuscans  narrating  how  they  had  suc- 
coured Cremona  and  Placentia ;  how  they  had  con- 
quered at  Comum  and  ^Icdiolanum  ;  how  persever- 
ingly  and  skilfully  they  had  pursued  the  Boii  into 
their  own  country,  and  how  they  had  flown  to  the 
assistance  of  their  country-men  at  Luna  and  Pisa ; 
being  in  all  these  wars  and  expeditions  loyally  sup- 
ported by  their  faithful  Roman  Allies, 

Whilst  reading  the  Roman  histories,  it  is  very 
difficult  to  remember  that  the  Etruscans  were  at 
this  date,  and  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  longer, 
a  free  and  independent  nation,  and  by  no  means  a 
part  of  the  Roman  dominions. 

•  Livy. 


SCIPIO. 


51 


Simultaneously  with  the  landing  of  this  host  of 
Gauls  at  Luna,  15,000  Liguri  once  more  attacked 
Placentia ;  and  the  Boii  manifested  signs  of  an  in- 
tention to  come  to  their  assistance. 

Altogether,  the  combination  of  the  Gauls  seemed 
80  formidable,*  that  whilst  Minucius  was  fighting 
them  in  the  Pisan  district,  the  famous  Scipio  Nascia, 
whose   sarcophagus  is  to  be  seen  in  miniature  in 
every  part  of  Europe,  was  chosen  to  head  the  Legions 
against  the  indomitable  Boii.     He  prevented  their 
advance  by  a  well-timed  invasion  of  their  country, 
and  he  brought  them  to  an  engagement,  in  which 
they  lost  28,000  slain  and  3400  prisoners.     Their 
camp  was  taken,  half  their  lands  were  forfeited  to 
the  conquerors,  and  hostages  were  given  to  Rome 
and  her  Allies.     Scipio  was  decreed  a  glorious  trin 
mnph,  and  6000  families  were  sent  to  colonize  the 
newly  acquired  territory.     The  old  Etruscan   city 
of  Bononia  was  part  of  this  conquest,  and  it  was 
settled  with  3000  families  of  military  men  ;  seventy 
jugera  being  allotted  to  each  horseman,  and  fifty  to 
each   foot-soldier.      This   decisive  victory  was   fol- 
lowed by  a  peace  which  lasted  for  four  years.f 

Simultaneously  with  the  last-mentioned  battles 
the  Ligurians  ravaged  Pisa  and  Felsina.J  They  de- 
scended from  their  mountains  divided  into  tribes  of 
Finnians,  Brinians,  and  Apuans,  and  they  made 
such  frequent  raids  into  the  exposed  States  that  the 


•  Livy,  xxxvi.  36-40.  f  Ibid,  xxxvii.  46,  47. 

X  Ibid,  xxxix.  2. 


52 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


inhabitants  were  prevented  from  cultivating  their 
lands. 

The  two  former  tribes  were  defeated  and  disarmed 
by  the  help  of  the  Legions,  and  the  hardy  moun- 
taineers were  hunted  out  of  their  fastnesses  and 
forced  to  settle  in  the  plains,  where  fewer  troops 
were  required  to  keep  them  in  check,  and  where 
the  Consuls  wisely  opened  up  the  country  by  mili- 
tary roads  from  Placentia  to  Ariminum,  and  from 
Bononia  to  Arretium.  It  appears,  indeed,  as  if  the 
people  of  Arretium  took  the  principal  part  in  these 
transactions. 

The  Apuans,*  more  inaccessible  in  their  position, 
were  not  so  easily  subdued  or  dislodged.  Quintus 
Marcius,  with  two  Legions  and  the  usual  complement 
of  auxiliaries,  was  seduced  by  them  into  a  defile, 
where  he  was  surrounded,  and  whence  he  escaped 
with  the  utmost  difficulty,  leaving  4000  men,  three 
Standards  of  the  Second  Legion,  and  eleven  standards 
of  the  Allies,  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  lie  never 
would  give  a  true  account  of  the  affair,  but  his 
flight  was  disgraceful,  and  the  defile  was  afterwards, 
in  derision,  called  by  his  name — **  the  Marcian 
Pass." 

To  revenge  this  mischance  Sempronius  marched 
from  Pisa  through  the  Apuan  country  to  Luna  and 
the  Kio  Macra,  a  very  small  distance  to  be  recorded 
as  a  very  great  feat;  but  the  Ligurian  Gauls  of 
that  age  seem  to  have  been  to  the  Italians  what  the 


•  Livy,  xxxiz.  20. 


DIONYSIAN  MYSTERIES. 


63 


Circassians  were  to  the  Russians  of  our  own ;  that 
is,  enemies  so  gallant,  so  determined,  and  so  dan- 
gerous, that  the  smallest  advantage  over  them  was 
a  matter  of  importance. 

The  next  year  brought  peace  for  a  time,  or,  as  it 
was  styled,  "the  submission  of  the  Ligurians.'' 

It  is  at  this  period  that  the  Dionysian  or  Bac- 
chanalian mysteries  were  introduced  from  Etruria 
into  Rome,*  where  they  occasioned  such  disorders  as 
to  be  forbidden  in  the  sovereign  State  and  in  all  its 
colonies   under  pain   of  death.      Up   to   this  time 
women  only  of  elevated  rank,  as  priestesses,  had 
been  employed  in  similar  avocations ;  the  mysteries, 
which  were  intended  to  represent  the  Furies  or  evil 
Genii  raging  against  their  enemies,  had  only  been 
celebrated  by  day,  and  the  conduct  of  the  celebrants 
had   been   irreproachably    pure.      But    now    their 
gloomy  character  was  changed  into  feasting,    the 
solemnities   were   held   by   night.     Men  joined  in 
them,  drinking  large  libations  to  their  gods,  singing 
licentious  songs,  and  then  rushing  frantically  from 
their  assemblies  with  flaming  torches   held   aloft, 
which  they  ran  to  extinguish  in  the  river.     The 
rites  were  originally  Grecian,  introduced  from  Capua 
into  Etruria  by  Greeks  of  mean  condition ;  but  after 
they  had  obtained  a  firm  footing  and  a  most  infec- 
tious influence  in  the  Lucumonies,  they  were  brought 
by  persons  of  rank,  apparently  Opitumius,  of  Faliscia, 
and  Paula  Namea,  a  Capuan  lady,  into  Rome.f   Here 


•  Livy,  xxxix.  8.     Paus.  vii.  10.         f  Livy,  xxxix.  13. 


54 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


a  frantic  infatuation  seems  to  have  seized  upon  the 
devotees,  and  at  night,  in  the  midst  of  wine  and 
feasting,  music  and  noise,  murder  and  every  species 
of  violence  and  wickedness  were  committed.  In  the 
colonies  many  hundreds  suffered  death,  unable  ap- 
parently to  control  or  resist  the  mad  excitement. 
The  painted  vases  from  Campania  chiefly  represent 
bacchanalian  scenes,  and  from  this  time  forward  they 
appear  in  the  vases  of  Central  Etruria  united  to 
legends  and  poetic  traditions  introduced  by  the  cap- 
tive Greeks,  who  after  the  war  with  Persius,  B.C.  165, 
were  dispersed  in  large  numbers  as  hostages,  artisans, 
or  slaves,  through  every  State  of  the  Confederation. 
Greek  influence  may  now  be  largely  traced  in  all 
their  arts ;  and  they  affected  in  their  luxurious 
homes  Grecian  pomp  and  voluptuousness.* 

After  the  Achaean  War  the  markets  were  filled 
with  Greek  slaves,  who  were  employed  by  the 
colonists  instead  of  natives  to  cultivate  the  public 
lands.  Ten  thousand  of  them  came  from  Delos,  and 
were  worked  upon  those  wasted  and  abused  lands, 
in  the  heart  of  Etruria,  through  which  Tiberius 
Gracchus  passed,  b.c.  162,  on  his  route  from  Rome 
to  the  coast  to  embark  for  Numantia. 

In  the  year  b.c.  184,  a  colony  of  Gauls,  who 
had  begun  to  build  a  city  on  the  waste  lands  near 
Aquileia,  were  forced  to  abandon  their  designs  and 
to  recross  the  Alps.     The  Romans  then  settled  a 


•  Polybius  was  a  captive  in  Rome  from  a.  R.  585  to 
A.R.  603. 


TIBERIUS  GRACCHUS. 


55 


Latin  colony  at  Aquileia  and  Roman  colonies  at 
Mutina  and  Parma.  These  provinces,  Livy  observes, 
formerly  belonged  to  the  Tuscans,  but  they  were 
taken  from  them  by  the  Boii,  and,  as  the  Romans 
helped  to  drive  away  the  Boii,  they  were  entitled  to 
settle  colonists  in  their  conquests. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  they  conferred  a  favour 
upon  the  whole  Etruscan  nation  by  sending  troops 
under  Manius  Acilius  into  one  of  the  Lucumonies 
to  put  down  a  rebellion  of  the  slaves.  His  osten- 
sible ofl&ce  was  to  judge  as  an  umpire  between  natives 
and  foreigners,  but  he  took  the  part  of  the  masters 
without  inquiry,  and  indiscriminately  forced  all  the 
insurgents  to  return  to  servitude.  The  refractory 
were  made  captives  and  scourged  or  slain.  It  would 
appear  from  this  that  the  Etruscans  now  commonly 
referred  to  the  Romans  in  their  quarrels,  instead  of 
seeking  aid  or  justice  from  each  other. 

The  name  of  the  appellant  state  is  not  given,  but 
it  seems  from  concomitant  circumstances  to  have 
been  Volsinia,  for  on  no  other  supposition  can  we 
explain  the  settlement  in  this  same  year  of  two 
colonies  in  her  lands,  one  at  Saturnia  and  the  other 
at  Caletra.  The  colonists  were  conducted  thither 
by  Tib.  Gracchus,  who  assigned  to  each  man  (in 
number  2000)  a  portion  of  ten  acres.  The  assign- 
ment of  20,000  acres  of  Etruscan  land  to  such 
near  and  very  dangerous  allies  must  surely  have 
been  the  price  or  reward  of  assistance  in  some  im- 


•  Livy,  xxxiii.  34. 


56 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


minent  peril,  for  every  one  of  these  colonists  was  a 
Roman  soldier,  prepared  to  fight  for  the  supremacy 
of  Rome;  whilst,  at  this  juncture,  the  whole  of 
Etruria  only  acknowledged  a  friendly  equality. 
But  Rome  was  becoming  every  day  more  united  in 
one  grand  interest  under  one  central  head ;  whilst 
Etruria  was  becoming  more  and  more  divided  under 
many  heads  and  many  petty  commercial  interests. 
The  one  was  degenerating  into  Individualism,  whilst 
the  other  was  rising  into  Nationality.* 

The  Etruscans   seem  scarcely   to  have  enjoyed 
two  years  of  peace  when  they  were  again  attacked 
by  the  Ligurians.     The  famous  Emilius  l^aulus  was 
forced  to  lead  a  large  army  against  the  Inguanians, 
a  powerful  tribe  of  that  people,  who  first  solicited 
from  him  a  truce  of  ten  days   to   settle  all  their 
differences,  and  then,  when  he  was  thrown  off  his 
guard,  marched  down  upon  him  and  besieged  him  m 
his  camp.     Paulus  sent  to  Pisa  for  8uccour,t  and 
described    these    audacious    Ligurians    as    having 
achieved  what  neither  the  Spaniards,  Gauls,  Mace^ 
donians,  nor  Carthaginians,  had  ever  as  yet  dared 
to  attempt ;  namely,  that  they  had  had  the  temerity 
to  march  up  to  the  trenches  of  a  Roman  camp,  and 
assault  it.     The  Senate  sent  him  15,000  foot  and 
800  horse  of  the  Allies,  besides  an  auxiliary  force 
which  was  raised  in  Pisa,  and  a  huge  squadron  of 
ships,    which    was    ordered   to   co-operate   off  the 
Ligurian  coast. 


•  B.  c.  182.  t  Livy,  xl.  25.         1  Ibid.  27. 


EMILIUS  PAULUS. 


57 


Emilius  had   six   cohorts   of  auxiliaries   in  his 
camp  under  Valerius,*  besides  a  wing  of  the  Allies 
under  Q.  F.  Flaccus,  who  did  him  good  service,  and 
are  mentioned  with  honour.    The  first,  by  an  appear- 
ance  of  timidity,   threw   the  Inguanians  off  their 
guard,t  and  then  fought  a  battle,  in  which  above 
15,000  were  slain  and  2500  were  taken  prisoners. 
This  seems  to  have  annihilated  their  military  re- 
sources;  for  three  days  after  the  little  state  gave 
hostages    and    surrendered.      Thirty-one   Ligurian 
pirate  vessels  were  also  taken  and  destroved.  Emilius 
returned  to  Rome,  where  a  three  days'  thanksgiving 
was  decreed.     The  Allies  were  excused  from  further 
levies,  and  the  temporary  soldiers,  who  had  been 
enlisted  on  account  of  the  sudden  alarm,   were  dis- 
charged.    The  result  of  these  successes  to  Etruria 
seems  to  have  been,  that  for  the  further  protection 
of  their  country  the  colony  of  Gravisia  was  settled, 
and  five  acres  were  given  to  each  man.     It  was, 
however,  upon  territory  strictly  Roman,  for  it  had 
been  conquered  from  the  Tarquinians  in  their  last 
war  with  Rome. 

In  the  year  181  L.  Pore.  Cato  dedicated  a  temple 
to  Venus  Erycina  which  he  had  vowed  during  the 
Ligurian  war,  and  Emilius  Paulus  triumphed  over 
the  Inguanians,  carrying  in  procession  twenty-five 
golden  crowns  and  many  Ligurian  chiefs.  We  are 
not  told  what  the  Inguanians  did  with  ^A^/r  captives, 
but  they  seem  to  have  treated  them  well,  for  am- 
bassadors from  the  Liguri  appeared,  saying  that  they 


Livy,  xl.  27. 


f  Lib.  ix. 


58 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


never  again  intended  to  make  war  upon  the  Romans, 
and  though  not  believed  beyond  the  present  exigency, 
they  were  civilly  received,  and  a  peace  was  concluded 
with  them. 

A.R.  573,  Liguria  still  continued  a  Consular  pro- 
vince,* as  the  Consuls,  Publius  Cornelius  and  Marc 
Baebius,  were  ordered  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the 
Apuan  Ligurians  with  the  full  complement  of  two 
Roman  legions  and  15,000  allies.  They  were  to  succeed 
veterans  who  had  been  encamped  there  during  the 
last  twelve  months,  and  who  were  now  withdrawn ; 
so  that  the  Apuans,  dreading  no  evil,  believed  their 
country  free  from  an  enemy  and  took  no  precautions. 
Suddenly  they  were  amazed  by  an  irresistible  Con- 
sular force  entrenching  itself  in  the  place  so  recently 
vacated  by  the  Roman  veterans.  Peremptory  orders 
being  conveyed  to  the  Apuan  mountaineers  from  the 
united  Consuls  (after  their  army  of  12,000  men  had 
been  surprised  and  captured),!  that  they  should 
descend  from  their  mountains  with  women,  children, 
and  property,  and  settle  in  the  plains  upon  new 
lands  which  the  Romans  would  assign  them. 

They  had  no  alternative ;  and,  to  the  great  joy 
of  the  Tuscans,  this  troublesome  and  warlike  tribe  of 
Highlanders  was  transplanted  far  away  from  them 
into  the  waste  lands  of  the  Taurasians  amongst  the 
Samnites.  The  Consuls  triumphed  over  a  foe  with 
whom  they  had  never  fought,  and  against  whom 
they  seem  to  have  employed  most  disgraceful 
treachery.*  Livy  says  that  hostages  alone  could  be 
•  Livy,  c.  35.  f  c.  38.  J  c.  41. 


THE  LATIN  LANGUAGE. 


59 


led  in  the  procession,  for  there  were  no  captives  to 
show  and  no  spoils  to  divide.* 

The  following  year  two  more  legionary  armies 
were  despatched  against  the  Apuans — one  from  the 
eastern,  and  the  other  from  the  western  side  of 
Etruria.  Their  vineyards  were  burnt  and  their 
corn  carried  away  to  make  them  deliver  up  their 
arms,  and  a  body  of  7000  of  them  being  dislodged 
from  the  Rio  Macra  were  sent  to  join  their  comrade 
exiles  in  Samnium. 

The  Gauls  had  first  appeared  in  Central  Italy  at 
Clusium  just  after  the  fall  of  Veii,  a.  r.  360,  de- 
manding a  settlement  amongst  the  Italians ;  but 
now  when  lands  were  granted  them,  even  more  in 
the  heart  of  the  country  than  Clusium  or  Rome, 
they  do  not  seem  much  to  have  relished  the  gift. 

Consequent  upon  this  removal  of  a  dangerous 
and  incessant  enemy  appears  to  have  been  the  grati- 
tude of  the  Pisans  towards  the  Senate,  whose  good 
service  they  acknowledged  by  a  liberal  offer  of  lands 
in  their  government  for  the  establishment  of  a  Latin 
colony.  This  offer  was  thankfully  accepted  by  the 
wise  and  far-seeing  Romans. 

From  this  period  and  onwards  the  Latin  language 
is  frequently  used  for  epitaphs  in  the  Etruscan  sepul- 
chres. We  find  from  a  passage  in  Livy  that  the 
use  of  it  in  any  public  manner  was  a  privilege  con- 
ceded to  favoured  allies.  Livy  records  that  in  a.  r. 
573  the  Oscans  asked  and  obtained  permission  to 


•  B.C.  180. 


60 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


PISA. 


61 


use  the  Latin  language  in  their  public  deeds  and 
muniments  !* 

Next  year  we  again  find  both  Consuls  in  Liguria, 
endeavouring  to  dislodge  more  mountain  tribes  and 
force  them  to  settle  in  the  plains.f 

The  Proconsul  stationed  at  Pisa  gave  information 
to  the  Senate  that  several  powerful  Ligurian  tribes 
were  again  preparing  for  war, J  and  that  he  had  not 
troops  enough  to  cope  with  them.  He  was  authorized 
accordingly  to  summon  to  his  aid  his  kinsman,  the 
Consul  Caius  Claudius,  who  had  just  triumphantly 
concluded  a  campaign  in  Istria. 

Caius  surprised  the  Gauls  encamped  upon  the 
Scultenna,  and  forced  them  to  a  pitched  battle,  and 
gained  a  glorious  victory,  slaying  15,000  men  and 
taking  fifty-one  standards.  The  Ligurians  left  their 
camp  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  abandoned  their 
settlement  in  the  rich  plains,  and  escaped  back  to 
the  mountains. 

Luna  was  colonized  by  2000  persons  possessed 
of  the  Roman  citizenship  (they  might  be  of  any 
nation),  and  to  each  were  assigned  fifty-one  acres  of 
land.  Livy§  says  that  this  land  formerly  belonged 
to  the  Etruscans,  but  was  conquered  from  them  by 
the  Ligurians,  and  as  the  Ligurians  in  turn  suc- 
cumbed to  Roman  power  the  Romans  colonized  their 
new  acquisition. 


•  Livy,  xl.  43. 

}  Ibid.  xl.  53  ;  xli.  12. 

§  See  page  33. 


t  A.  n.  574. 


At  his  triumph  C.  Cladius  apportioned  to  the 
allied  troops  one-half  less  booty  than  to  the  Romans. 
A  novel  proceeding,  and  one  which  caused  so  much 
discontent,  that  they  followed  his  chariot  in  solemn 
silence. 

Strange  to  say,  whilst  the  triumph  for  their  sub- 
jugation was  celebrating  in  Rome,  the  Ligurians, 
recovering  heart,  descended  from  their  rocky  fast- 
nesses and  captured  the  city  of  Mutina.  C.  Claudius 
was  continued  Consul  to  finish  the  war,  and  was 
ordered  back  into  Etruria  to  recover  the  vanquished 
city,  which  he  seems  to  have  effected.  But  Pisa  (or 
the  Pisanese)  and  Liguria*  were  allotted  to  the 
Consuls  separately,  and  two  Legions  were  raised  for 
each,  to  each  of  which  the  Allies  were  required  to 
contribute  10,000  foot  and  600  horse. 

It  was  therefore  no  small  affair  which  they  had 
taken  in  hand,  even  after  all  the  bloody  victories 
which  they  boasted  of  having  gained. 

For  the  next  twenty  years  Livy,  in  mentioning 
the  stations  of  the  different  armies,  constantly  speaks 
of  Pisa  as  if  it  were  a  portion  of  the  Roman  domin- 
ions, so  that  in  a.r.  602,  b.c.  151,  we  are  astonished 
at  its  re-appearance  as  an  allied  and  perfectly  inde- 
pendent State.  There  was,  as  we  have  noted,  a 
large  colony  all  possessed  of  the  Roman  citizenship 
settled  within  its  territory,  which  became  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Roman  Legions,  and  hence  Livy  term^ 

Livy,  xli,   14.     "Pisas  et  Ligures  provinciaa  coneu- 
Hbufl  decrevit.     Cui  Pisaa  provincia  obveuisset." 


6-2 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


MARCUS  POPILIUS. 


63 


it  "  the  Province  of  Pisa'* — "  Pisas  eamque  Pro- 
vincias,"  and  places  it  in  the  same  category  of  fixed 
camps  with  the  similar  settlements  of  Aquileia  and 
Ariminimi. 

In  the  year  B.C.  176  all  the  country  watered  by 
the  Serchio  was  delivered  from  the  Gauls,  and  the 
grateful  Roman  Senate  ceded  to  the  Pisans  the  third 
part  of  the  lands  recently  won  from  the  Ligurians 
in  recompense  for  the  effective  aid  which  they  as 
allies  had  afforded  them.* 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  war  of  Italy  with 
Persius,  king  of  Macedon,  being  brought  to  a  close, 
Etruria  was  inundated  with  Greeks,  prisoners,  slaves, 
and  hostages,  men  of  every  degree,  who  were  dis- 
tributed amongst  their  cities  or  sold  to  work  their 
lands.  According  to  Polybius,  the  historian,  who 
was  a  captive  at  Rome  for  fifteen  years,  1000  of  the 
noblest  Greeks  were  sent  into  Etruria,  and  when 
after  many  years  the  survivors  were  permitted  to 
return  home  at  his  solicitation,  their  number  was 
reduced  to  300.  The  influence  of  Grecian  refine- 
ment was,  however,  dominant  in  Etruria  from  this 
time  forward.  Two  of  the  Greek  exiles,  Actolaus 
and  Dioeus,  were  afterwards  Pnctors  in  Achaia.f 

Pausanias  speaking  of  this  time,  592,  tells  us 
that  all  Greek  artists,  as  well  as  philosophers  and 
historians,   were   ordered  to  quit  Rome   for   other 

•  Livy,  xli.  13. 

t  Polybius  was  preceptor  to  Scipio  Emilianus,  the 
youDgest  soQ  of  Emilius  Paulus. 


cities,  but  it  appears  that  most  of  them  joined  their 
Achaian  countrymen  in  Etruria. 

Gajtus,  the  last  King  of  lUyria,  with  his  queen, 
sons,  and  brother,  were  captives  at  Iguvium  in 
Umbria,  and  ended  their  days  there. 

In  the  year  B.C.  173,  the  Consul,  Marcus  Popilius, 
at  the  head  of  the  Legions  and  the  Allies,  stimulated 
by  a  restless  desire  to  distinguish  himself,  attacked 
the  peaceful  city  of  Carystas,  in  the  district  of 
Statiella,  belonging  to  a  tribe  of  the  Liguri.  This 
city  was  strongly  garrisoned,  and  had  never  warred 
with  Rome.  Suddenly  the  Consul  besieged  it,  and 
after  a  bloody  battle,  in  which  10,000  of  the  Liguri 
were  slain  and  eighty-one  standards  taken,  forced 
it  to  surrender  at  discretion.  As  the  citizens  of 
Carystas  had  offered  no  resistance,  they  ought  in 
any  case  to  have  been  spared,  but  Popilius  in  blind 
fury  rased  the  town,  confiscated  the  lands,  and  sold 
10,700  innocent  men  into  slavery.  He  then  wrote 
to  the  Senate  boasting  of  his  exploit  and  demanding 
a  triumph.  The  Senators  heard  the  news  with  con- 
sternation and  dismay.  They  voted  the  attack  upon 
Carystas  to  have  been  unprovoked  and  unjustifiable, 
and  they  ordered  the  aggressive  Consul  to  redeem 
the  prisoners  and  to  restore  their  effects.  Popilius 
refused  obedience,  sent  his  troops  into  winter  quarters 
at  Pisa,  and  proceeded  to  Rome  to  argue  his  own 
cause.  There  he  rebuked  the  Conscript  Fathers  in 
full   Senate,   and  made   strenuous    efforts,   though 

•  Livy,  xlii.  7-9. 


64 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


MARIUS  AND  SULLA. 


60 


happily  in  vain,  to  obtain  a  reversal  of  their  decree. 
This  honourable  conduct  we  cannot  doubt  would 
have  its  effect  upon  all  the  Etruscan  States,  and 
quiet  any  rising  doubts  as  to  the  expediency  of 
allowing  them  to  establish  so  many  colonies  near 

their  great  towns. 

The  Liguri  were  now  quiet  for  several  years,  or 
at  least  gave  their  neighbours  no  serious  uneasiness. 
Risings  of  some  of  the  tribes  are  recorded  in  587  and 
591 ;  but  no  large  force  was  needed  to  quiet  them 
until  A.  R.  599,  when  a  tribe  of  Liguri  attacked  two 
cities  belonging  to  the  Massilians,  and  they  were 
defeated  with  great  loss  by  the  Consul  Q.  Opinius.* 

In  the  year  B.C.  151,  Rome  commenced  her  third 
and   last   war   with   Carthage,    and    the   States   of 
Etruria  again  came  forward  with  their  liberal  and 
voluntary  aid.f     Amongst  them  Pisa   was  distin- 
guished, and  she  was  thanked,  not  as  a  dependent 
province,  but  as   an  independent  and  allied  State. 
When  Carthage  fell  all  the  Allies  shared  in  the  spoil. 
The    Gauls    gradually    abandoned    a    hopeless 
struggle.      One   Ligurian   tribe    tried   its    fortune 
against    M.    Fulvius    Flaccus,    and    another    (the 
Stonians)    against    Quintus  Marcus;    after   which 
they  seem  to  have  sunk  into  quietude.     Such  in- 
significant actions  are  scarcely  worth  mention,  only 
that  the  name  "  Flaccus,**  being  Etruscan,  it  seems 
probable  that  this  commander  was  of  that  nation  and 
possessed  of  the  Roman  citizenship. 


*  Livy,  xlvii. 


f  Ibid.  xlix. 


From  A.R.  650  to  663  all  the  Gallic  colonies 
were  faithful  to  C.  Marius,  and  received  the  Roman 
and  Tuscans  as  friends  and  protectors  aganist  the 
Cimbri  and  the  Teutones. 

From  the  year  B.C.  118  we  count  about  sixteen 
years  of  perfect  peace  and  commercial  prosperity, 
until  B.C.  92,  when  the  Social  War  raged  in  Italy ; 
and  for  a  few  months  the  Etruscans  and  Umbrians 
joined  the  Marsian  League  against  the  Romans. 
They  had  been  friends  and  confederates,  fighting 
together  against  the  Greeks,  the  Carthaginians,  and 
the  Gauls,  for  upwards  of  two  centuries,  and  the 
matter  in  dispute  was  settled  by  Rome  with  all  her 
pride  yielding  to  the  claims  of  the  Socii. 

A  short  time  previously  Marius  the  Volscian, 
who  had  raised  himself  by  his  military  successes  to 
the  Consulate,  had  conferred  full  Roman  citizenship, 
with  power  to  vote  in  all  elections  and  to  be  eligible 
to  all  magistracies,  upon  1000  of  the  inhabitants  in 
Umbria  as  a  reward  to  them  for  their  gallantry 
under  his  command  against  the  Cimbri.*  The  Con- 
script Fathers  were  outraged  by  such  a  usurpation 
of  power  upon  his  part  without  reference  to  their 
sanction  ;  but  it  was  promised  to  a  regiment  on  the 
field  of  battle,  and  Marius  maintained  his  point, 
merely  alleging  in  his  justification  that  "Law  could 
not  be  heard  amidst  the  din  of  arms."  Marius  in 
his  heart  entirely  approved  of  the  claims  of  the 
Socii,  because  he  was  a  new  man ;  whilst  Sulla,  of 

•  Roman  History  Univ.  p.  116. 


66 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


MARIUS  AND  SULLA. 


67 


the  Gens  Cornelius,  a  stem,  aristocratic  patrician, 
persistently  and  implacably  opposed  them.* 

"Where,"  he  asked,    "was   the   supremacy   of 
Rome  if  all  the  Socii  were  to  be  admitted  to  full 
citizenship,  and,  above  all,  if  they  were  to  be  dis- 
persed   through  all  the   thirty-five  voting   tribes? 
They   were  more  numerous  than   the  Romans  and 
would  swamp  them  in  their  own  elections,  held  in 
their  own  metropolis."     Marius,  on  the  other  hand, 
anxious  to  deprive  Sulla  of  power,  required  for  that 
purpose  to  command  the  votes  of  the  Plebs,  and  as  he 
knew  that  all  the  new  citizens  would  adhere  to  him 
he  was  resolved  to   disperse  them  through  all  the 
Tribes.     The  Etruscans  and  the  Umbrians  were  the 
first  to  be  conciliated,   upon   which   they   rejoined 
their  ancient  Allies,  and  helped  them  to  recover  Alba 
from  the  Italians.     Marius  desired  to  confer  the  full 
franchise  upon  three  members  of  ever}*^  colony  in 
Gaul,  but  the  Senate  indignantly  refused.     So  long 
as  this  contest  lasted  they  admitted  the  Etruscans 
and  Umbrians,  the  Latins  and  the  Ilernici,  into  all 
the  Tribes ;  but  afterwards  eight  new  Tribes  were 
created  to  include  the  whole  body  of  the  Socii,  who 
were  thus  compelled  to  vote  after  the  thirty-five ; 
and  when  Sulla  was  established  in  despotic  power, 
these  eight  were  again  reduced  to  two,  thus  com- 
pletely annihilating  every  hope  of  influence.     Sulla 
'*  kept  the  promise  to  the  ear,  but  broke  it  to  the 


sense."  In  this  war  Otricoli  and  Fiesole  suffered 
much,  and  the  recusant  freedmen  were  punished  for 
their  short  hostility  by  being  forced  to  serve  in  the 
army  under  Roman  officers,  and  not  under  their  own 
Prefect. 

When  the  Social  War  was  ended  Sulla  and  Marius 
began  to  contend  with  each  other,  and  for  a  short 
time   carried  on  the  most  frightful  civil  war  that 
ever  desolated  Rome.     All  Etruria  took  the  part  of 
Marius,  and  when  he  returned  from  Africa  he  landed 
at  Telamon,  where  5000  volunteers  joined  his  stan- 
dard and  marched  with  him  from  Ostia  to  his  last 
occupation  of  Rome.      Upon  his  death  they  were 
still  faithful  to  his  cause,  and  joined  Pap.  Carbo  his 
friend  and  young  Marius  his  son.     But  both  were 
routed  and  killed  :  Clusium,  which  was  defended  by 
the  former,  and  Praeneste,  by  the  latter,  were  taken ; 
and,  one  by  one,  all  the  strongly  fortified  and  beau- 
tiful  cities  of  the  Etruscans  fell  into  the  terrible 
dictator's    hands.      His   system   was   to   dismantle 
them  all — to  destroy  their  public  buildings,  burn 
their   records,   throw  down  their   monuments,  and, 
where  possible,    raze  their  walls.      Instead  of  the 
ruined  Fiesole  upon  its  towering  height,  he  built 
Florentia  in  the  plains,  and  settled  it  as  a  military 
colony.     Arretium  suffered  least,  because  Cicero  was 
its  patron,  and   we  may   conclude   also   Metellus,* 
whose  noble  statue  has  been  found  there  in  bronze. 


^  Scipio  Erailianus,  Caius  Gracchua,  and  Julius  Cffisar, 
were  all  favourable  to  the  Socii. 


♦  Probably  Metellus  Pius,  who  was  often  in  Liguria 
he  was  Consul  in  B.C.  81. 


68 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


Volterra  resisted  the  Cornelian  arms  for  two  full 
years,  and  was  not  taken  until  li.c.  83.*  After  Sulla's 
death  in  that  year  its  loyal  daughter  Populonia 
followed  its  fate,  and,  Strabo  tells  us,  was  besieged 
and  destroyed,  indeed  all  but  razed.  Sulla's  system 
was  to  deprive  every  Italian  municipium  that  took 
part  with  Marius  of  citizenship  and  of  its  right  to 
share  in  the  public  lands.  Volterra  was  never  de- 
spoiled of  its  citizenship  in  consequence  of  its  pro- 
longed resistance,  and  of  enjoying,  in  common  with 
Arretium,  the  patronage  of  Cicero.  Subsequently 
the  Triumvirs  established  eighteen  colonies  in  the 
land,  and  Augustus  Cipsar,  as  Octavianus,  twenty- 
eight  more. 

Sulla  fined,  taxed,  and  colonised,  the  whole  of 
Tuscany,  in  which  he  had  forty-seven  Legions  to 
reward.  His  booty,  we  are  told,  was  immense  in 
costly  armour,  embroidered  carpets,  richly-dressed 
slaves,  and  an  abundance  of  vessels  in  gold  and 
silver.  The  Etruscan  sepulchres  bear  evidence  to 
the  vast  wealth  and  refinement  of  the  people,  and 
Posidonius,  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  Athenajus,  all 
testify  to  their  Asiatic  luxury. 

Sulla's  principle  of  government  was  to  exter- 
minate all  his  opponents,  or  else  exact  from  them 
unconditional  surrender.  He  left  their  religious 
privileges  untouched,  and  the  Etruscan  rites  and 
brotherhoods  accordingly  endured  for  some  cen- 
turies after  the  Christian  era ;  but  he  abolished  at 


Livy,  Ixxxix. 


AUGUSTUS. 


69 


one  fell  swoop  all  their  civil  rights.  They  were 
henceforward  Romans,  merged  in  the  conquering 
people,  and  for  many  years  cruelly  oppressed  by  the 
Cornelian  veterans,  to  whom  their  lands  were  con- 
fiscated. But  when  Sulla's  cruel  influence  had 
passed  away,  when  Cajsar  and  Pompey,  Cicero,  Mark 
Antony,  and  Augustus,  came  upon  the  scene,  sharing 
none  of  his  antipathies,  and  wishing  rather  to  unite 
the  land  than  to  keep  up  his  oppression,  then,  not- 
withstanding that  the  Triumvirs  had  settled  eighteen 
colonies  in  the  country,  and  Octavianus  twenty-eight 
more,  yet  most  of  the  former  proprietors  were  able 
to  buy  back  their  ancient  estates  from  the  reckless 
and  extravagant  soldiery. 

Amongst  the  most  powerful  friends  of  Augustus 
we  find  the  wealthy  Maecenas  of  Arretium,  glorying 
in  his  descent  from  the  old  kings  of  that  state; 
Virgil  of  Mantua,  the  sweet  singer  of  legendary 
Italian  story;  and  Livy  of  Padua,  who  wrote  a 
history  in  language  scarcely  less  musical,  and  in  its 
earlier  portion  scarcely  less  imaginary,  than  the 
-^neid  of  Virgil. 

One  act  of  Augustus,  namely  the  burning  of 
Perugia  in  his  wars  with  Antony,  though  he  con- 
sidered it  unavoidable,  created  a  lasting  indignation 
in  the  country ;  and  Propertius  was  bold  enough  to 
accuse  him  "  of  wasting  "  the  cradle  of  the  race,  "  the 
hearthstone  of  the  Etruscans."  But  when  his  power 
was  established,  and  he  divided  the  whole  of  Italv 
into  eleven  regions,  he  carefully  consulted  the 
feelings  and  respected  the  rights  of  every  people, 


70 


HISTORY  OF  ETRURIA. 


and  he  placed  the  Etruscans  under  the  rule  of  their 
own  regal  chief  MsDcenas. 

According  to  persistent  Etruscan  tradition  the 
powrer  of  the  nation  was  to  continue  for  1100  years 
beginning  with  the  year  434  (b.c.  1187),  before  the 
foundation  of  Rome,  and  therefore  ending  about 
A.R.  665  (B.C.  87).  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
belief  in  this  tradition  discouraged  the  people  in 
their  opposition  to  Sulla,  which  they  looked  upon  as 
fighting  against  inevitable  fate ;  and  alter  the  re- 
duction of  several  of  their  capitals,  which  were  pro- 
bably in  no  state  of  defence  against  so  very  unfore- 
seen a  foe,  one  of  the  Haruspices  publicly  counselled 
submission,  declaring  that  he  had  heard  the  shrill 
blast  of  a  trumpet  in  the  air,  mingled  with  a 
voice  which  proclaimed  in  tones  of  loudest  brass  that 
"  the  day  of  Etruscan  dominion  was  at  an  end.** 

The  people  of  Tarchon  were  henceforth  united 
with  the  people  of  Romulus,  and  their  civil  history 
was  closed. 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS,  RELIGION 

AND  ARTS, 


OF 


THE    ETRUSCANS.* 


BOOK  I. 

ON  THE  AGRICULTURE,  COMMERCE,  AND  INDUSTRY 

OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

Chapter  I. 


AGRICULTURE. 

In  the  most  fruitful  lands  it  has  pleased  God  to 
ordain  that  human  industry  should  still  be  necessary 
to  bring  out  all  their  riches.  Campania  alone  of 
the  Etruscan  settlements  yielded  much  food  to  little 
labour.  Etruria  proper  was  full  of  insalubrious 
salines,    pestiferous    swamps,    and    fever-breeding 

*  Freely  translated  from  the  German   of   Karl  Otfried 
Miiller. 


/ 


72 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


marshes.  This  we  know  from  the  state  of  its 
western  coasts  at  this  moment,  and  the  ill  fame  it 
has  borne  ever  since  the  commencement  of  the 
Christian  era,  denounced  alike  by  poet  and  historian 
as  prejudicial  to  human  life  from  its  sulphurous 
exhalations  and  desolating  malaria.  Yet  this  thinly 
inhabited  and  often  barren  country  was  once  the 
site  of  powerful  and  populous  cities,  so  numerous  as 
scarcely  to  be  credible  to  modern  travellers.  In 
this  region  flourished  Melpum  and  Vetulonia,  Rusella 
and  Saturnia,  Gravisia  and  Cosa,  Populonia  and  Tar- 
quinia,  where  scarcely  anything  now  remains  of 
them  excepting  the  site  of  their  enormous  walls, 
and  the  graves  or  tumuli  of  their  dead.  Human 
skill  and  industry  once  made  this  soil  fruitful  and 
wholesome. 

The  same  may  be  said  if  we  turn  our  attention 
to  the  rich  Northern  Lucumonies  of  Pisa,  Fiesole, 
and  Arretium.  Pisa  was  constantly  liable  to  bo 
overflowed  by  the  Arno  and  the  Ausur,  or  Serchio, 
which,  though  now  running  in  separate  channels, 
were  formerly  united,  and  emptied  themselves  by 
the  same  mouth  into  the  sea.  Modem  engineers 
affirm  that  but  for  the  canals  and  colossal  drains  of 
its  ancient  people,  Pisa,  in  Etruscan  days,  instead  of 
being  a  mart  of  commerce,  and  the  strongest  barrier 
between  fertile  Italy  and  the  intruding  Gauls,  would 
soon  have  become  one  vast  shallow  lake.  The  whole 
course  of  the  Arno,  from  its  rise  in  the  mountains 
to  its  fall  into  the  sea,  bears  traces  of  human  inter- 
ference;   and  both  above   and   below   Fiesole,  the 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


73 


direction  of  its  waters  seems  to  have  been  turned. 
This  artificial  channel  is  called  by  the  Italians  "  La 
Incvia''  or  **  The  Cut."  Who  can  measure  the  bold 
struggles  which  were  required  in  the  first  ages  of  a 
primitive  race,  against  an  intractable  country  by 
any  scale  known  to  our  later  times  of  a  comparatively 
hijjh  civilization  ? 

Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  soil  there  are  fewer 
settlements  between  Volterra  and  Volsinia  than  in 
any  other  part  of  the  land ;  for  Sienna  (Sena  Julia) 
is  never  mentioned  as  a  place  of  importance  earlier 
than  the  Social  War,  B.C.  90.     The  valleys  of  the 
Arnus,  rich  in  minerals,  are  destitute  of  ports.     The 
country  between   Clusium  and  Saturnia   as  far  as 
Rome,  is  all  volcanic,  and  so  it  must  once  have  been 
as  far  as  Campania.      Yet  it  was  redeemed  by  an 
industrious  and  numerous  people,  who  knew,  when 
its  fires  had  subsided,  how  to  preserve  it  from  de- 
struction, by  guarding  against  the  overflow  of  its 
innumi  rable  volcanic  lakes.     One  of  their  educated 
professions  was  that  of  the  "  Aquilex,"  and  such 
appears  to  have  been  also  that  of  the  "  Haruspcx," 
who  suggested  the  canal  which  saved  Alba  during 
the  siege  of  Veii,  B.C.  403.     The  artificial  outlets 
which  the  Etruscans  made  to  these  formidable  lakes 
have  not  yet  received  the  investigation  they  deserve. 
Upper  Etruria  seems  to  contain  the  oldest  cities 
(next  to  the  coast) ;  for  here  are  Arretium,  Cortona, 
Perusia,  and  Clusium,  each  the  capital  of  a  Lucu- 
mony,  and  scarcely  sixty  miles  apart.    The  population 
must  have  required  much  food,  and  could  nowhere 


74 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


/•l 


have  found  a  more  fertile  land  when  turned  to 
account  by  hard  and  persevering  labour.  Pliny's 
Tuscan  villa  boasted  of  a  healthy  site,  mild  air,  cool 
and  pure,  even  in  summer;  high  woods  in  the 
vicinity;  fruitful  hills;  broad,  and  fair,  and  well- 
watered  plains,  furrowed  by  deep  ploughshares,  or 
stocked  by  large  oxen  and  other  cattle.  Such  was 
the  vale  of  Thrasymene,  and  such  the  whole  course 
of  the  Clanis,  otherwise  and  but  for  the  marvellous 
net-work  of  canals  by  which  it  was  controlled,  the 
wildest  and  most  unmanageable  of  rivers. 

The  cities  were  almost  all  built  upon  heights, 
dominating  tracts  of  pasture  and  arable  land,  with  a 
view  to  defence,  to  health,  to  security,  and  to  long- 
continued  rule.  Such  was  Populonia  with  its 
harbours,  Cosa,  Rusella,  Volaterra,  the  highest  town 
in  Italy,  Perugia,  Cortona,  Tarquinia,  Fiesole,  Veii, 
Fidene,  and  Arret iura.  To  these  we  may  add 
Volsinia  and  Falerii  before  their  conquest  by  the 
Romans,  who  forced  their  inhabitants  to  quit  the 
heights  and  build  new  cities  in  the  plains. 

Throughout  Etruria  proper,  the  aspect  of  the 
country  always  points  out  where  great  cities  have 
been,  and  where  their  ruins  may  still  be  found. 
From  the  labour  and  skill  required  in  the  construction 
of  these  cities,  the  regulation  of  the  wild  and  rapid 
rivers,  and  the  drainage  of  the  marshes  round  them, 
we  may  form  some  estimation  of  what  was  required 
in  the  plains  of  the  Po,  or  Padus,  or  Eridanus,  which, 
in  still  more  remote  times,  they  inhabited  and  civi- 
lized.    In  those  days  the  mouth  of  the  river  Po  lay 


considerably  south  of  its  present  embouchure,  and 
the  rich  city  of  Spina  covered  the  site  now  occupied 
by  Porto  di  Primaro. 

In  Strabo's  time  the  alluvium  had  so  increased 
that  Spina  lay  ninety  stadii  inland,  and  had  dwindled 
down  into  a  village.  Now  its  exact  site  is  unknown  ; 
but  it  is  certainly  between  three  and  four  miles 
inland,  for  Ravenna,  which  was  then  like  Venice 
built  into  the  sea,  is  now  a  full  mile  from  the  shore. 
The  river  mouths  at  Spina  and  Caprasia  were  turned 
by  the  Tuscans  into  the  seven  mnr>iJm  (a  Delta),  and 
all  the  waters  of  the  Padus  land  were  so  deepened 
and  channelled  as  to  be  compelled  to  fall  into  them. 
The  Lagunes  of  Venice  appear  to  have  been  reckoned 
as  one  of  them.  Polybius  speaks  of  the  Sagis  and 
the  Volana  Tuscan  outlets,  and  Pliny  of  the  Car- 
bonaria  and  the  Fossa  Philistina.  This  Philistinian 
canal  united  the  Padus  with  the  Atrianus  or  Tartarus, 
which  was  led  into  the  harbour  of  Atria.  In  our 
days  the  Po  runs  south  of  this  channel,  having 
formed  itself  a  new  bed  in  a.d.  1150  ;  and  the  coast, 
which  once  bounded  Atria,  is  now  at  least  209 
stadii  distant,  the  vestiges  of  the  ancient  city  lying 
above  the  plain,  which  has  been  formed  by  the  river 

mud. 

When  the  Etruscans  first  entered  this  prodigious 
plain  of  the  Padus,  the  river  probably  was  like  an 
inland  sea,  or  series  of  lagunes,  and  often  affected 
by  the  ebb  and  flow.  It  was  highly  dangerous, 
continually  increasing  in  width  and  diminishing  in 
depth,  so  as  to  be  pestilential  and  destructive.     The 


i  b  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 

course  of  the  real  river  was  southward,  through  these 
lagunes.  What  the  Tuscans  required  to  do  was, 
what  the  Venetians,  with  infinite  pains,  have  failed 
to  effect  with  their  tiny  stream  of  the  Brenta, 
namely,  to  confine  it  to  the  course  of  the  lagunes, 
and  make  it  a  drain  to  the  neijrhbouring:  lands. 
For  this  purpose  they  dug  channels  of  irrigation 
along  the  whole  course.  IVobably  they  foresaw  the 
raising  of  the  land  about  Comantin,  in  consequence 
of  draining  its  lagunes  by  these  outlets.  So  long 
as  Atria  flourished  these  outlets  and  canals  were 
cleansed  and  kept  in  order ;  and  when  this  caro 
ceased  under  the  Gauls,  the  haven  became  blocked 
up,  and  what  was  not  marsh  was  converted  into 
sterile  dry  land.  Greek  fables  tell  of  its  former 
fruitfulness,  and  even  Aristotle  refers  to  what  it  had 
been. 

It  is  most  probable  that  the  swamps  between 
Placentia  and  l*anna,  which  were  redeemed  by 
Emilius  Sc luius  after  his  conquest  of  the  Gauls,  by 
means  of  the  Fossa  Emilia,  was  only  the  restoration 
of  a  former  work  by  the  Tuscans,  neglected  and 
abandoned  for  so  long  a  time  as  to  have  become 
forgotten. 

Chapter  II. 


AGRICULTURE. 


Agriculture  was  honoured  in  Etruria,  and  when 
the  various  Lucumonies  helped  P.  Cornelius  Scipio 
to  fit  out  his  fleet  for  the  invasion  of  Africa,  B.C. 


the  ETRUSCANS. 


77 


206,  we  find  that  wheat  and  other  grain  were  con- 
tributed by  many  of  them  amongst  the  supplies. 
For  example  :  Ca)re,  Volterra,  Arretium  (which  was 
then  especially  flourishing),  Perusia,  Clusium,  and 
Rusella. 

Livy*s  enumeration  shows  for  what  the  different 
States  were  famous :  the  spelt,  wheat  and  maize,  of 
Clusium  and  Pisa,  were  the  nourishment  of  Italy. 
The  fable  of  Tages  ploughed  up  by  Tarchon  shows 
how  they  honoured  the  plough  ;  so  also  marking  all 
their  city  boundaries  by  the  plough,  and  having  a 
store-granary  for  wheat,  is  the  mundus  of  the  central 

point. 

In  this  respect  they  differed  from  the  Greeks, 
and  far  excelled  them.  Their  knowledge  of  the 
plough  was  older  than  their  acquaintance  with  iron, 
for  their  sacred  and  state  ploughs  were  of  bronze, 
and  of  a  more  curved  form  than  in  later  days. 

Flax  and  hemp  were  grown  in  Tarquinia  and 
Falerii;  Tuscan  wine  took  rank  next  to  Albanian 
and  Falernian,  and  their  vines  grew  to  such  a  size 
that  in  Populonia  a  statue  was  erected  to  Jupiter  of 
this  wood.  Oil  was  the  special  commerce  of  Vol- 
sinia.  Firs  for  house  and  ship-building,  tar  and 
other  products,  flourished  most  abundantly  in  Pe- 
rusia, Clusium,  and  Rusella;  and  their  long  and 
broad  stems  were  in  great  demand  for  building  at 
Rome. 

The  forests  were  full  of  game.  The  Tuscan  boar 
was  preferred  even  to  the  Umbrian,  and  the  coins 
of  Clusium  (Kamare)  have  for  their  type  a  boar. 


78 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


The  white  oxen  of  Falerii  were  prized  in  Rome  for 
sacrifice.  The  cheese  of  Luna  was  sought  for  in 
the  Italian  markets.  Sheep's  wool  was  spun  by  the 
women  of  all  classes,  and  woven  into  the  fine  fabrics 
of  their  robes.  Tlie  legend  of  Tarquin  extols  Tana- 
quil  as  the  best  spinner  in  Etruria,  and  her  distaff 
was  long  preserved  in  the  Temple  of  Sancus  at  Rome. 
Horses  were  bred,  not  only  for  burden  and  for 
battle,  but  for  races,  and  the  race  formed  one  of 
their  sacred  games. 

The  swine  were  kept  in  large  herds,  and,  Poly- 
bius  tells  us,  were  taught  to  follow  the  sound  of  the 
trumpet  {bHcci/ia).  Perhaps  it  is  from  them,  through 
the  Gauls  and  Tyroleans,  that  the  present  Germans 
lead  out  and  collect  their  swine  by  a  horn ! 

The  fisheries  of  the  Tuscans  were  numerous  and 
profitable,  and  appear  to  have  been  largely  carried 
on  at  Populonia,  Cosa,  and  Pyrgi. 

Etruria  abounds  in  minerals,  the  oldest  worked 
of  which  appears  to  be  copi)er,  and  the  most  valu- 
able iron.  The  best  iron  was  found  in  masses  in 
the  island  of  Ilva,  and  smelted  in  Populonia :  thence 
the  Greeks  and  other  nations  purchased  it.  Traces 
of  very  ancient  and  early  abandoned  copper-mines 
may  still  be  seen  in  Ilva.  A  mountain  of  iron  rises 
up  out  of  the  granite  in  the  centre  of  it,  and  sug- 
gested to  the  Greeks  the  name  of  JEthalia. 

Volaterra  abounds  in  the  richest  copper,  which 
the  Tuscans  used  plentifully  for  arms  and  armour, 
statues,  ornaments,  and  coins.  The  same  may  bo 
said  of  silver,  of  which  there  are  mines  at  Montieri, 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


79 


near '  Volaterra ;  and  it  is  probable  that  in  early 
times  they  had  many  mines  rich  in  the  precious 
metals,  which  after  the  conquest  of  Spain  were 
thrown  into  oblivion  by  the  more  abounding  and 
accessible  mines  of  that  rich  mineral  country. 

The  Tuscans  made  little  use  of  marble,  though 
they  had  the  quarries  of  Luna  (amongst  the  finest 
in  the  world),  Massa,  and  Carrara.  The  walls  of 
Luna  were  indeed  built  of  it,  but  we  do  not  know 
that  it  was  used  for  statuary,  though  the  Tuscans 
were  so  fond  of  images,  before  the  days  of  Augustus. 
Some  twenty  years  earlier  it  is  recorded  of  Mamurra, 
that  the  pillars  of  his  house  were  of  this  marble. 
Strabo  speaks  of  it  as  used  to  make  large  tables  and 
pillars,  but  it  was  never  an  article  of  commerce  nor 
employed  in  works  of  art.  Strabo,  indeed,  best 
knew  the  quarries  of  Pisa,  which  are  very  inferior 
to  those  of  Carrara.  The  Tuscans  chiefly  employed 
in  their  statuary  a  dark-coloured  volcanic  stone,  like 
peperino,  found  near  Tarquinia  and  Volsinia.  Vi- 
truvius  says,  that  it  was  impervious  alike  to  weather 
and  fire,  and  that  he  saw  very  ancient  and  very 
beautiful  specimens  of  it  in  Tarentinum. 

The  images  of  the  dead,  the  monumental  effigies 
and  funereal  urns,  are  generally,  if  not  always,  of 
the  stone  or  clay  of  the  locality :  hence,  in  Volaterra 
they  are  of  alabaster ;  in  Clusium  and  Perusia,  of 
travestine ;  and  in  Toscanella,  of  brick.  The  best 
clay  was  found  at  Arretium,  which  seems  to  have 
been  the  emporium  of  the  best  Etruscan  clay  works. 
Hence  their  ordinary  building  material  was  brick. 


80 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OP 


Chapter  III. 


DOMESTIC  LIFE  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


A  FEW  words  may  be  bestowed  upon  the  dwellings, 
dress,  and  food  of  the  Etruscans  ;  because  the  man- 
ners of  a  nation,  being  the  expression  of  its  character, 
have  always  an  ethnical  importance. 

Their  cities  were  surrounded  with  high  walls, 
built  of  enormous  blocks  of  stone,  which  may  very 
possibly  have  been  extracted  from  the  hill-tops  on 
which  these  walls  were  erected,  when  they  levelled 
the  ground,  and  so  in  many  instances  may  have 
saved  them  labour :  but  the  uniformity  of  the  style 
implies  some  principle  of  architecture.  They  were 
of  giant  proportions,  and  though  built  without 
mortar,  have  lusted  until  our  day.  Everywhere  the 
stones  were  wrought  by  the  hand  of  man.  Nowhere 
were  rude  masses  piled  upon  each  other.  The  com- 
mon form  was  a  parallelopiped,  as  in  Volaterra  and 
Fiesole :  but  some  of  them  were  polygonal  and  ir- 
regular, as  in  Saturn  ia  and  Cosa.  This  style  of 
building,  peculiar,  so  far  as  we  know,  to  the  Greeks 
and  the  Italians,  is  one  reason  with  many  authors 
—  Niebuhr,  for  example — for  believing  that  the 
Etruscans  were  a  tribe  of  the  Pelasgi,  and  of  the 
same  original  stock  as  the  Hellenes. 

The  Tuscan  walls  bear  no  trace  of  towers,  yet 
both  Latin  and  Greek  writers  derive  their  name 
of  Tyrseni,  or  Tyrrheni,  from  tower  buildings,  which 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


81 


they  are  said  to  have  first  introduced  into  Italy. 
At  all  events,  they  are  the  earliest  architects  that 
we  can  trace,  and  the  only  ones  before  the  Romans 
deserving  of  the  name. 

Most  of  the  cities  were  small,  only  two  or  three 
miles  in  circumference  ;  but  a  few  of  them,  such  as 
Volaterra,  Veii,  and  probably  Tarquinia,  were  large 
enough  to  contain  100,000  inhabitants,  and  had 
their  Acropolis,  like  the  Greeks. 

All  the  walled  cities  were  sacred.  Besides  the 
cities  there  were  also  castellan  places  of  refuge  and 
safety,  in  great  numbers  scattered  through  the  land. 
Mantua  was  one  of  them ;  and  Castellum  Axia,  near 
Viterbo,  now  Castel  d'Asso,  gives  an  excellent  idea 
of  the  defensible  groimd  upon  which  they  were 
usually  built.  The  architectural  tombs  and  temples 
still  remaining  in  those  rocky  ravines  testify  to  the 
civilization  and  opulence  of  the  nation. 

In  a  private  house  the  principal  apartment  was 
the  afriumy  or  cai'mllum,  or  court,  adopted  in  all  its 
uses  by  the  Romans.  Here  the  father  dined  with 
his  children,  and  here  the  mother  span  with  her 
maids.  Here  stood  the  images  of  revered  ancestors, 
by  which  their  names,  their  virtues,  and  their  ex- 
amples, were  kept  in  memory ;  and  here  were  as- 
sembled the  family  clients :  around  there  were 
sleeping  apartments,  store  -  closets,  and  needful 
offices. 

The  atrium  was  roofed  over  on  aU  sides  to  a 
certain  distance,  beyond  this  it  was  open  to  the  sky  ; 
and  in  the  centre,  towards  which  aU  the  roofs  in- 


82 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


clined,  there  was  a  deep  basin  for  water  (impluvium). 
It  is  probably  from  this  universal  usage  that  the 
Tuscan  city  of  Hatria  or  Atria,  on  the  Ilatriatic  Sea, 
took  its  name,  as  it  was  built  at  the  confluence  of  all 
the  rivers  of  the  Padus  Valley,  viz.,  the  Padus  or  Po, 
the  Athesis  (Adige),  and  the  Tartarus.  The  atrium 
had  originally  no  pillars,  and  in  very  early  times 
was  called  in  Roman  houses  "  Tuscan icum."  In 
later  ages,  both  in  Etruria  and  in  Rome,  other 
Atria  were  added,  pillared  all  round  and  without 
the  impluvium,  simply  for  the  accommodation  of 
ffuests  and  clients. 

To  the  Tuscans  we  must  also  attribute  the  intro- 
duction of  the  arch  into  Italy;  and  though  the  Cloaca 
Maxima  is  the  best  known  example  which  remains 
to  our  day,  it  is  by  no  means  the  only  one,  as 
specimens  may  be  seen  at  Vala  Ceria,  Clusium,  and 
some  other  of  their  ruined  cities.  It  is  believed  to 
have  been  used  by  the  Etruscans  at  least  B.C.  900, 
whilst  it  can  hardly  bo  traced  in  Greece  before  the 
time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  B.C.  340.  The  most 
remarkable  specimen  of  their  skill  in  arch-building 
is  the  great  gate  of  Volaterra,  bearing  the  heads  of 
the  three  superior  gods.  The  bas-reliefs  of  the 
funeral  urns  seem  to  show  that  arched  doors  were 
common  in  their  private  dwellings. 

The  dress  of  the  Etruscans  we  may  partly  de- 
duce from  the  royal  robes  with  their  gold  and  purple 
borders,  which  passed  from  them  to  the  Roman 
magistrates,  and  from  the  Romans  to  the  kings  of  the 
Franks,  the  Teutons,  and  the  Britons.     The  purple 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


83 


dye  for  the  borders  was  probably  procured  from  the 
Phoenicians  or  Carthaginians. 

Lucilius,  in  his  scorn  of  Roman  luxury,  speaks 
of  these  robes  as  the  work  of  the  hated  Lt/dians, 
meaning  amongst  the  Lydians  to  class  the  Etruscans. 
Queen  Tanaquil  is  said  to  have  woven  the  toga  with 
an  undulating  pattern  for  young  Servius,  which  was 
afterwards  hung  up  and  exhibited  for  many  cen- 
turies in  the  Temple  of  Fortune. 

The  toga,  as  worn  by  the  Lydians  and  ancient 
Pelasgi  (called  also  te/ienna  and  chlmnyH)  was  the 
national  garb  of  the  Etruscans — so  also  was  the 
close-fitting  tunic  worn  under  it.  All  these  were 
home-spun.  In  the  temple  service  the  officiating 
priest  wore  his  toga  in  such  a  form,  that  one  end  of 
it  could  be  drawn  over  to  cover  his  head.  The  toga 
in  war  and  in  certain  religious  ceremonies  was 
fastened  tightly  round  the  body  by  a  girdle. 

The  shoe  seems  to  have  been  a  characteristic 
part  of  the  national  dress,  for  some  statues,  other- 
wise quite  unclothed,  yet  have  shoes.  The  greater 
part  of  the  vases,  bronzes,  paterae,  and  urns,  show 
the  foot  enveloped  in  a  leather  shoe,  with  a  wooden 
sole,  pointed  at  the  end.  The  best  known  Roman 
example  is  the  very  ancient  Lavinian  Juno,  and 
her  shoe  is  said  to  have  been  derived  from  the 
Tyn^heniam,  The  most  ornamented  sandals,  also 
some  of  them  covering  the  heel  and  toes,  were 
called  "Tyrrhenian  sandals."  They  were  adopted 
by  Phidias,  for  those  sculptured  upon  his  Minerva 
of  the  Parthenon  were  called  by  the  same  name. 


81 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Some  of  them  were  of  crimson  leather,  and  a  kind 
worn  by  the  old  kings  of  aVlba  were  studded  with 
ornamental  nails. 

The  head-dresses  of  the  Tuscans  were  of  different 
forms,  and  were  called  in  Latin  Galerus,  Apex,  and 
Tutulus. 

The  "Galerus"  was  a  hat  of  fur,  and  was  worn 
by  the  Lucumoes.  The  hat  which  the  eagle  bore  off 
the  head  of  Tarquin  (if  the  legend  be  true)  was  pro- 
bably of  fur,  which  it  mistook  for  a  hare,  as  dogs 
often  make  the  same  mistake  with  a  muff  or  a  tippet. 
However,  Cicero  calls  it  an  "  Apex.*'  It  was  high 
and  pointed,  of  a  conical  fonn  —  probably  like  the 
hats  of  the  Abruzzi  peasants  of  the  present  day — 
and  it  was  distinguished  by  a  small  rod  or  wand  of 
authority  being  fixed  in  the  centre.  This  wand 
was  also  borne  by  the  Flamens  in  their  hats. 

The  "  Tutulus  "  was  of  wool  in  the  form  of  a  co- 
lumn, and  was  worn  by  priestesses  and  women  of 
rank.  They  also  wore  the  Greek  atrophion — corrupted 
into  struppm.  In  Falerii  one  of  the  festive  days 
was  called  "  Struppearia." 

The  Tuscans  adopted  the  Western  usage  of  shav- 
ing their  beards,  and  were  careful  to  keep  the  body 
free  from  superfluous  hairs. 

The  food  of  the  nation  was  pulse,  with  such 
varieties  of  acorns,  beech-masts,  chestnuts,  and  pre- 
paration from  the  milk  of  sheep  and  goats  as  we  at 
present  find  nourishing  some  of  the  finest  men  in 
the  world,  viz.,  Umbrians  in  their  ancient  sites. 
But  thev  J  Jso  consumed  in  large  quantities  poultry, 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


85 


game,  and  fish,  besides  the  flesh  of  oxen,  sheep,  and 
swine,  as  we  learn  from  their  incessant  funeral 
feasts,  and  the  sacrifices  at  their  fairs,  treaties, 
auguries,  tern  pic- worship,  and  all  their  solemn  and 
state  assemblies.  The  Etruscans  were  famed  or 
notorious  for  their  luxurious  living,  and  were  known 
by  the  epithets  of  "  Pinguis  Tyrrhenus  "  and  "  Obe- 
sus  Etruscus,"  tantamount  to  "  Jolly  Englishman/' 
"  Stout  John  Bull,"  &c. 

They  made  two  meals  a-day,  contrary  to  the 
custom  of  the  hardier  Sabines,  who  made  only  one, 
and  their  women  sat  on  the  same  couches,  and 
mingled  on  equal  terms  in  all  their  entertainments, 
to  the  scandal  and  disgust  of  the  Greeks,  amongst 
whom  all  the  virtuous  women  ate  by  themselves. 
This  mingling  of  the  sexes  was,  however,  the  old 
Italian  custom,  and  in  the  images  of  their  gods 
(their  highest  ideal  of  holiness  and  purity),  Talna 
(Juno)  and  Minerva  are  seated  on  the  same  form 
with  Tina  or  Jupiter. 


Chapter  IV. 


COMMERCE  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


The  Tuscans  in  the  days  of  their  prosperity  were 
the  most  important  mercantile  nation  in  the  Medi- 
terranean, next  to  the  Phoenicians,  the  Greeks,  and 
the  Carthaginians,  to  whom  they  were  vexatious 
rivals.     Their  tolerance  of  piracy,  however,  was  an 


86 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


87 


evil  to  themselves  as  well  as  to  tbeir  neighbours, 
and  they  were  restricted  in  its  exercise  by  the 
scarcity  of  good  harbours  along  their  seaboard. 

But  they  carried  on  a   much   more  important 
inland   commerce,   though    veiled    in    poetry    and 
mystery,  by  means  of  their  possessions  on  the  Padus, 
with  Greece  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Baltic  Sea  on 
the  other.     Connected  with  this  is  the  Greek  fable 
of  Europa,  and  the  hints  at  a  sacred  road  across  the 
Alps,  protected  by  the  barbarous  nations  along  its 
whole  route.      Themistocles  of  Molossis  met  with 
Ligurian  merchants  in  Epinis,  who  were  travelling 
towards  Macedonia,  and,  according  to  all  probability, 
they   came  from   Tuscan   Iladria.      Our  strongest 
proofs  of  an   extensive    and    continued  commerce 
northwards  lie,  however,  in  the  accounts  the  ancients 
srive  of  the  trade  in  amber  or  elckfron.    This  sub- 
stance  in  all  times  came  to   the   southern  nations 
from  the  Baltic,  sometimes  through  Goths,  at  others 
through  Esthonians.     In  Pliny's  days  the  highway 
led  through  Pannonia,  and  such  had  been  the  abun- 
dance transported,  that  the-n,  as  wo?r,  the  peasant 
women  wore  necklaces  of  this  much-prized  substance. 
This  highway  must  have  been  the  very  same  600 
years  before  Pliny's  time,  for  the  name  of  the  river 
Eridanus  {alias  Padus  or  Po)  is  always  connected 
with  amber.      Amber  or  elektron  was  held  by  the 
Greeks  to  be  the  congealed  tears  of  the  daughter  of 
the  Sun,  the  sister  of  Phaeton,  who  wandered  under 
poplar -trees    upon   its    banks,   bewailing  her  lost 
brother.     It  was  on  these  grounds  that  Pherekydes, 


in  the  75th  Olympiad,  pronounced  the  Padus  to  be 
the  Eridanus,  because  elektron  came  to  the  Greeks 
from  its  banks. 

The  ports  from  which  they  obtained  it  were 
Hatria  and  Spina,  and  thence  also  it  was  procured 
at  a  still  earlier  period  by  the  Phocians,  and  the 
Corcyrians.  Occasionally,  doubtless,  the  Etruscans 
themselves  took  it  directly  into  Greece. 

Most  of  the  early  geographers,  and  especially 
Scylax,  call  the  Padus  Eridanus  in  their  works. 
Hence  later  geographers  were  amazed  when  they 
came  to  see  the  river  not  to  find  elektron  poplars 
growing  on  its  banks. 

iEschylus  calls  the  Phone  the  Eridanus,  partly 
from  the  similarity  of  sound  "  Rhodanus,"  and 
partly  because  the  Greeks  obtained  amber  from 
Marseilles,  and  therefore  imagined  the  Rhone  to  be 
the  amber-bearing  river.  But  the  Massilians  pro- 
cured their  amber  from  Liguria,  as  Theophrastus 
has  fully  proved.  There  appears  to  have  been  a 
road  leading  to  them  from  Upper  Italy,  and  they 
exchanged  for  the  precious  gum,  tin,  which  they 
obtained  in  large  quantities  from  Britain  (Cassi- 
terides),  through  Gaul. 

That  the  Kasiteros  road  was  i^connected  with 
Hatria  we  learn  from  the  old  tradition  that,  besides 
amber  islands,  the  Padus  flowed  round  another  island 
bearing  tin.  uEschylus  placed  his  Eridanus  in  Spain 
(Iberia),  and  yet  he  says  it  was  the  women  of  Hatria 
who  mourned  for  Phaeton. 

Euripides  places  the  amber-weeping  Heliades  on 


HS 


MANNERS  AND  CISTOMS  OF 


the  banks  of  the  EridanuB,  and  he  means  by  that 
river  the  Rhone.  Pliny  also  holds  the  Rhone  to  be 
an  afflux  of  the  Eridanus,  and  ApoUonius  boldly 
solves  the  mystery  by  informing  us  that  the  great 
river  of  the  north,  the  Rhone,  divided  itself  into 
three  branches,  falling  into  the  ocean  as  the  Rhanus, 
into  the  Sardinian  Sea  as  the  Rhodanus,  and  into 
the  Ionian  Sea  as  the  Eridanus.  To  this  latter, 
however,  he  assigned  the  Amber  Island. 

We  have  thus  elicited  from  this  description  that 
in  the  third  century  of  Rome  there  was  a  commercial 
traffic,  which  had  been   long   established,    leading 
from  the  Baltic  provinces  into  the  Padus  lowlands 
of  the  Etruscans,    which  first   reached  a  southern 
seaport  at  Hatria.     Herodotus  assures  us  that  elek- 
tron  did  not  reach  the  Greeks  by  sea,  but  came  to 
them  from  the  uttermost  parts  of  Europe.     lie  dis- 
believes altogether  the  existence  of  a  northera  sea, 
and  doubts  about  the  Eridanus.     Homer  speaks  of 
amber  as  their  own  in  Greece.     Ilesiod  adopts  the 
whole  fable  of  its  production  on  the  banks  of  the 
Eridanus  as  the  tears  of  the  Ileliades.     Some  authors 
have  surmised  that  amber  might  be  procured  from 
the  Phconicians,  but  we  have  no  trace  of  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a  substance  amongst  them.     It  may  be 
thought  that  a  commercial   highway   through   the 
wild  nomadic  tribes  of  Germany  into  Italy,  before 
the  time  of  Homer,  was  too  dangerous  to  be  tra- 
versed ;   but   whence   came   the  numerous   caravan 
roads  which  we  find  from  the  earliest  times  in  exist- 
ence to  allow  passage  to  whole  migiatory  popula- 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


89 


tions,  each  following  without  impediment  in  the 
wake  of  the  other,  the  moment  that  history  pierces 
the  veil,  and  shows  us  Gauls  and  Teutons,  Cimbri 
and  Longobardi,  Goths  and  Vandals,  full  on  the 
march  to  seek  for  themselves  new  and  pleasanter 
habitations  ? 

The  sea  trade  of  the  Etruscans  undoubtedly 
began,- as  with  all  the  ancient  nations,  in  piracy;  and 
as  Tyrrhenian  or  Pelasgian  pirates  they  were  known 
and  feared  by  all  the  nations  in  the  east  and  southern 
coasts  of  the  Mediteranean,  especially  by  the  Greeks, 
hut  also  by  l^ha-nicians,  Carthaginians,  Phocians, 
Cretans,  and  Sicilians.  This  sea-marauding,  which 
(though  prisoners)  settled  many  foreigners  in  the 
country,  became  ameliorated  in  time  by  effectual 
resistance  and  by  treaties  into  a  regular  and  profit- 
able commerce,  the  one  nation  improving  the  other, 
and  each  admitting  settlers  from  each. 

It  must,  however,  be  confessed,  that  although 
the  Greeks,  the  Phocians,  and  the  Sicilians,  were  all 
at  times  pirates,  the  Etruscan  piracy  continued  for 
many  centuries.  It  is  named  by  Homer  and  Ilesiod 
in  their  days,  and  it  is  severely  animadverted  upon  by 
Cicx?ro  in  his  day  (see  ** Hortensius ").  The  Rhodians 
fought  the  Etruscan  pirates  after  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander. It  is,  however,  more  than  probable  that  all 
pirates  from  the  Italian  Peninsula,  including  every 
one  of  the  Magna  Grecian  cities  themselves,  would 
be  reckoned  by  other  vexed  Greeks  or  Asiatics 
under  the  head  of  Etruscan  pirates.  One  of  the 
Tyrrhenian  pirates  captured  by  Timoleon  was  named 


90 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


"  Posthumius,"  and  this  is  a  Latin  and  not  an 
Etruscan  name.  Antium,  where  a  Latin  colony 
was  zealously  cngap^ed  in  piracy,  sent  private  cor- 
sairs into  Greece.  In  the  early  days  of  Rome  we 
never  hear  of  the  Etruscans  attacking  her  dominions 

from  the  sea. 

As  proofs  of  the  peaceful  and  regular  trade  of 
the  Tuscans,  we  may  mention  that  iheir  domestic 
luxury,  continued  through  long  centuries,  could  not 
have  existed  on  piracy  alone.     This    and  the  arts 
which  have  flourished  amongst  them  required  for 
their  stability  treaties  between  the  various  Tuscan 
States  and  their  foreign  allies.     We  know  that  such 
existed   between   them   and   the   Carthaginians,  in 
which  there  were  express  stipulations  as  to  exports 
and  imports  and   safe  conducts.     We   can  gather 
their  substance  from  similar  treaties  between  Car- 
thage  and   Rome  in   a.r.   245  and   a.r.    409.     In 
these,  commerce  with  Sardinia  was  prohibited,  and 
probably  also  with  the  south-eastern  coast  of  the 
Mediterranean   and   Libya.      Doubtless,  also,  with 
Southern  Spain  about  Carthagena  and  Gadira.     This 
does  not  apply  to  Northern  Spain,  where  Tarraco  is 
regarded  as  a  Tuscan  settlement,  and  is  believed  to 
owe  to  the  Tuscans  its  rocky  walls. 

In  Magna  Grajcia  we  know  of  their  active  trade 
with  Sybaris,  which  they  supplied  with  many 
luxuries,  and  in  which  they  enjoyed  many  privileges. 
Caere  early  separated  herself  from  the  pirates  and 
was  held  in  honour  by  all  the  Greek  States  for  the 
justice  and  integrity  of  her  dealings ;  yet,  because  of 


TTIE  ETRUSCANS. 


91 


her  nationality,  she  afforded  a  pretext  to  Dionysius 
the  Elder  to  plunder  her  as  a  nest  of  Tyrrhenian 
pirates ;  and  the  immense  booty  he  took  from  her 
temple,  viz.  1000  talents,  shows  us  the  greatness  of 
her  wealth.  Spina,  on  the  Adriatic,  was  equally 
honest  in  her  dealings,  and  so  favourable  to  the 
Greeks,  that  she  came  at  last  to  be  reckoned  as  a 
Greek  city.  Both  Spina  and  Agylla  (CaDre)  had 
treasures  in  the  temple  at  Delphi. 

In  speaking  of  tlioir  harbours  we  must  not  omit 
Luna  with  its  marble  walls,  which  we  infer  from 
Ennius  were  built  by  the  Tuscans  before  the  place 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  Ligurians.  Strabo 
tells  us  that  the  ports  included  several  minor  havens, 
and  that  it  was  well  suited  to  shelter  the  fleets  of  a 
people  who  ruled  the  sea.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  he  describes  the  bay  of  Spezia,  called  by  the 
Greeks  Selene,  and  by  the  Romans  Luna,  from  its 
form — translating  probably  the  old  Tuscan  name. 
The  coasts  of  Italy  have  undergone  changes  on  both 
sides  since  those  days  when  the  city  of  Luna  stood 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Macra,  at  a  little  distance 
from  its  port. 

Less  favourably  situated  was  the  harbour  of  Pisa 
for  the  commerce  of  the  Etruscans,  but  more  im- 
portant to  them  than  Luna,  as  having  remained 
longer  in  their  hands. 

This  city  stood  upon  a  branch  of  the  Arnus,  and 
the  finest  fleets  of  Etruria  issued  from  her  haven  on 
account  of  the  incomparable  timber  which  was 
grown  in  the  vicinity.     Partly  for  this  reason,  as 


92 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


93 


well  as  for  its  size  and  shelter,  the  harbour  main- 
tained its  reputation  throu<i^h  the  centuries  of 
antiquity  down  to  the  Middle  Ages. 

Vohiterra  had  only  an  insignificant  station  for 
ships  on  aeccmnt  of  the  sliallowness  of  its  waters; 
but  its  great  trade  was  entered  in  the  spacious 
harbour  of  Populonia,  which  at  Porto  di  Baratto 
eontinned  to  be  frequented  when  tlie  great  city  upon 
the  heiglit  above  was  reduced  to  a  mass  of  ruin. 
Ships  of  war  could  not  lay  here  in  any  number,  but 
it  was  crowded  with  vessels  which  carried  iron  to 
the  other  ports  of  Italy. 

Argocis  was  tlie  haven  of  Elba  Ilva,  and  Diodorus 
reckons  it  as  tlie  finest  on  that  coast.  It  is  indebted 
for  its  name  to  the  Greeks,  as  well  as  the  island  of 
^^thalia.  They  IleHenized  tlie  Etrusean  names,  and 
then  commonly  attached  to  them  some  Greek  fable, 
ascribing,  for  instance  Argoos  to  a  connexion  with 
the  Argonauts;  so  also  Tciamon,  which  still  pre- 
serves its  name  in  Talamone,  though  we  cannot 
decide  whether  it  was  the  Port  of  Kusella,  Saturnia, 
or  Volci. 

There  were  no  other  harbours  upon  the  coast 
excepting  the  small  Portus  liauretanus  and  the 
harbour  of  Cosa  until  [we  came  to  the  Centum  Celltc 
(Civita  Yecchia)  of  Trajan,  and  therefore  it  would 
seem  as  if  Tarquinia  never  could  have  been  a  com- 
mercial city. 

The  celebrated  harbour  of  Cajre  (Pyrgoi),  esteemed 
alike  by  Greeks  and  Romans,  ean  be  no  other  than 
the  now  insignificant  inlet  of  San  Severe — such 


have  been   the  changes  in  the  coast  since  ancient 
days. 

The  largest  harbours  of  Western  Etruria  were 
Pisa,  Populonia,  and  Caere,  of  Eastern  Etruria, 
Spina  and  Hatria.  Ilatria  was  a  large  and  flour- 
ishing city  somewhat  inland  and  Matrinum  was  the 
name  of  its  port. 

The  twelve  cities  of  Southern  Etruria  possessed 
the  harbours  of  Capua  and  Marcina,  and  drove  a 
thriving  commerce  with  the  Greeks  from  the  fer- 
tile banks  of  the  Volturnus,  the  Clanius,  and  the 
Sarnus. 

The  commerce  of  the  Etruscans  with  foreigners 
was  ruled  by  their  desire  for  gain,  and  limited  by 
their  danger  from  powerful  enemies.  Their  trade 
with  Greece  was  seldom  direct,  but  through  the 
cities  of  Magna  Groccia.  Populonia,  for  instance, 
sent  her  iron  to  Dicoearchia  in  Campania.  We 
never  hear  of  Tyrrhenian  vessels  in  the  Pirseus. 
The  Phocians  ventured  up  to  Iladria  in  the  Adriatic, 
and  a  successful  voyage  doubled  their  gains;  but 
even  in  the  time  of  Lysias  it  was  reckoned  a  perilous 
adventure. 

The  Tuscans  sent  help  to  the  Athenians  against 
Syracuse.  They  fought  with  the  Phoeians  and 
against  Lipara,  and  the  rostra  of  their  vessels  were 
exhibited  as  trophies  in  the  harbours  of  Rhodes. 
The  Greeks  believed  the  Tuscans  to  be  the  inventors 
of  shipbuilding  in  the  Ionian  Sea,  and  one  old  writer 
ascribes  to  them  the  invention  of  the  guiding 
hehn. 


94 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Tyrrhenian  wine  was  sent  from  Etruria  into 
Greece  and  its  islands,  which  is  the  more  remarkable 
as  so  little  wine  is  now  exported  from  Italy.  Tyr- 
rhenian shoos  were  celebrated  in  the  year  300  of 
Rome.  Fictile  ware  was  xcvy  early  distributed 
throughout  Italy,  and  Etruscan  works  of  art  in  iron 
and  bronze  were  prized  in  Greece  at  the  date  of  the 
Peloponnesian  War.  Amber  was  also  sold  by  them, 
the  source  of  which  was  kept  a  j)rofound  secret. 
The  architecture  of  Italy,  and  the  ornaments  for  the 
temples  or  basilicas,  were  exclusively  either  Tuscan 
or  Greek.  Thcv  seemed  to  have  workcxl  together 
and  aided  each  other. 

Besides  amber  we  know  that  they  imported 
incense  for  perfumes,  and  spices  for  worship,  and 
ivory  for  thrones  and  sceptres,  at  least  600  years 
B.C.,  in  the  days  of  the  elder  Tarquin  ;  and  they  used 
the  precious  metal  in  far  greater  quantities  than 
their  land  produced,  and  manufactured  with  a 
delicacy,  beauty,  and  skill  only  to  be  found  in 
Egypt  or  India.  The  stone  scarabiri  used  in  the 
burial  of  the  dead,  the  Egyptian  symbols,  the  veiled 
head  of  Isis,  the  lion*8  claws,  the  sphynxes,  the 
painted  tombs,  and  the  ostrich-eggs,  all  point  in 
the  same  direction  to  commerce,  either  direct  or 
through  the  medium  of  some  common  mart,  with 
Egypt  or  Asia  Minor  and  the  countries  adjacent.* 


*  Those  who  wish  to  assure  themselves  of  the  proficiency 
of  the  Orientals  in  very  early  times,  probably  1700  yeara 
before  Christ,  in  working  the  precious  metals,  have  only  to 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


95 


It  is  evident  that  an  active  commerce  was  always 
carried  on  in  Italy  amongst  the  States  themselves 
at  their  various  annual  fairs  ;  and  in  this  manner 
Etruscan  pottery,  glass,  and  bronzes,  may  be  found 
all  over  the  land. 

The  twelve  States  of  Central  Etruria  held  their 
annual  meetings  at  the  temple  of  Voltumna.  The 
thirty  Latin  States  and  their  allies  met  in  the  Grove 
of  Ferona  on  ^Mount  Soracte.  Here,  on  the  borders 
of  the  Latin,  Sabine,  and  Etruscan  States,  the  three 
nations  used  to  hold  their  common  fair,  and  worship 
one  common  divinity.  From  this  mart  the  wares  of 
Caore,  Pisa,  Spina,  and  Ha tria,  circulated  throughout 
Italy;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  States 
east  of  the  Apennines  had  a  good  road  to  commu- 
nicate with  their  brethren  west  of  those  mountains. 
The  Periplm  of  Scylax,  undertaken  before  the 
Padus-land  was  wholly  Gallic,  describes  Tyrrhenia  as 
reaching  from  sea  to  sea,  and  gives  us  the  distance 
from  one  city  to  another  all  the  way  from  Pisa  to 
Spina,  three  days*  journey. 


ON  ETRUSCAN  COINAGE. 

But  the  most  significant  evidence  that  this 
commerce  was  really  carried  on  by  the  Etruscans 
with  the  Italians,  with  the  Sicilians,  and  with  the 
Greeks,  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact,  that  the  coinage 

recollect  the  ornaments  of  the  Egyptian  queen  Aahotess, 
belonging  to  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  and  shown  in  the  Inter- 
national Exhibition  in  London  of  1862. 


96 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


97 


of  these  nations  was  made  to  bear  a  proportionate 
value  with  that  of  Etruria. 

We  have  no  occasion  to  prove  that  we  may  with 
propriety  include  in  this  list  the  Latins,  the  Sabines, 
and  the  Umbrians,  because  they  have  placed  it  upon 
record  themselves  that  they  borrowed  their  monetary 
system  from  the  Etruscans.  The  Etrurian  coinage 
of  cast  copper  or  bronze  appears  to  have  been  an 
entirely  original  system,  in  which  the  as,  or  the 
pound  of  twelve  ounces,  was  the  standard  unit ;  and 
when  the  Greeks  colonized  Southern  Italy,  they 
constituted  the  Peloponnesian  oho/ifs  of  equal  value 
with  the  as,  and  they  placed  peculiar  marks  upon 
their  other  coins,  for  the  purpose  of  designating  the 
minor  divisions  of  that  unit.  This  arrangement 
was  disturbed  and  finally  overset  by  the  continually 
increasing  value  of  copper,  arising  from  the  lloman 
wars,  until  at  last  a  lump  of  copper  of  one  ounce 
weight  came  to  bear  the  same  nominal  value  as  the 
ancient  as  of  twelve  ounces. 

After  the  Social  War,  B.C.  90,  the  as,  in  con- 
sequence of  its  depreciation,  was  replaced  by  a  new 
coin,  in  imitation  of  the  Greek  drachma,  called  the 
silver  denaritts.  This  coin  was  known  to  the 
Romans  almost  as  early  as  the  time  of  Pyrrhus, 
but  it  did  not  become  national  until  the  period  of 
the  Social  War. 

Copper,  and  not  silver,  was  the  national  coin  of 
Italy,  hence  all  the  early  tributes  to  Rome  were 
reckoned  in  asses.  Silver,  and  not  copper,  was  the 
current  coin  of  Greece.      The  Greek  money  was 


round  and  stamped.  The  Etruscan  and  its  deri- 
vatives were  in  the  beginning  square,  or  oblong 
and  cast. 

A  long,  narrow  plate  or  ingot  of  copper  was  cut 
into  the  quantities  required.  This  money  is  now 
only  found  in  Central  Italy,  either  in  Etruria  Proper 
or  amongst  the  conterminous  tribes.  The  copper 
itself  all  came  from  the  Etruscan  mines ;  and  the 
mints,  which  are  ascertained  from  inscriptions,  are 
Volaterra  or  Feltri,  Clusium  or  Kamers,  Telamon, 
Rom,  Tuder,  Iguvium  or  Ikuvine,  Pisaurum,  and 
Taii,  or  Hat,  or  Hatri. 

As  the  Greeks  always  spelt  this  last  name  AAPr, 
the  coins  marked  Hat  must  have  been  struck  whilst 
the  Etruscan  influence  there  was  stronger  than  the 
Greek. 

Doubtless  many  other  flourishing  cities  had 
mints,  such  as  Caere,  Veii,  Volsinia,  Tarquinia, 
Arretium,  and  Cortona  ;  but  we  do  not  with  certaintv 
recognise  their  name  upon  the  coins.  The  tradition 
that  Janus  was  the  author  of  the  first  coinage  doubt- 
less arose  from  the  double  head  being  the  recognised 
sign  of  the  Acs  grave. 

The  duodecimal  system  of  the  Etruscans  agreed 
with  their  twelve  states,  their  twelve  great  gods, 
and  the  general  sacredness  of  their  number  twelve ; 
and  probably  the  very  names  of  as,  libra,  or  lipra, 
uncia  and  unca,  came  from  them  also,  and  were 
transferred  from  them  to  the  Romans  and  the 
Greeks,  being  slightly  latinized  or  hellenized,  as 
suited  the  genius  of  their  respective  tongues. 


k 


98 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Etruscan  money  was  current  in  Sicily  long  bo- 
fore  the  Sicilians  had  any  money  of  their  own. 
Hence  we  find  the  Syracusan  poets,  Epicharmus  and 
Sophronius  (Olymp.  76  and  00)  speaking  of  "  Xirea 
and  ouyx/a/*  to  designate  money.  From  Sicily  the 
terms  passed  to  Athens,  Corinth,  and  other  parts  of 
Greece. 

It  is  proper  to  notice  that  two  or  three  of  the 
Greek  cities,  such  as  Zanote  and  Himcra,  had  an 
iEginetan  coinage  as  early  as  b.(  .  484  and  460, 
but  this  was  not  general. 

In  Rome,  derived  from  Etruria,  according  to 
Livy,  we  find  the  as-semis,  triens,  quadrans,  sextans, 
and  uncia.  In  Sicily  we  have  the  corresponding 
litra,  hemilitron,  pentuncion,  tetras,  trias,  hexas, 
and  unkia. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  Etruscan  commerce 
first  introduced  coin  and  its  names  of  value  into 
Sicily ;  and  the  Greek  settlers,  finding  a  monetary 
system  already  established  there  when  they  first 
arrived,  adopted  it,  and  adapted  to  its  value  tho 
coinage  of  their  mother  country.  Epicharmus  speaks 
of  gold  and  copper  as  current  in  Syracuse. 

The  asses  of  II atria  are  marked  with  an  L, 
which  means  liibra  or  Lipra,  and  this  word  in  Sicily 
expressed  the  weight  as  well  as  the  coin,  thus  in- 
timating that  the  Etruscans  introduced  the  first 
system  of  weights  and  measures  into  Sicily  as  well 
as  into  Rome;     The  Greeks  proper  never  adopted 


•  B.  c.  circa  550. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


99 


this  coinage,  but  equalised  their  own  with  it.     Ari- 
stotle tells  us  that  the  litra  was  equivalent  to  the 
Eginetan  obolus ;  and  this  seems  to  refer  to  a  time 
when  both  the  as  and  the  obolus  retained  their  full 
weight.      The   Eginetan  money  was  large,  heavy 
silver,  minted  in  Egina,  and  current   through  the 
greater  part  of  Greece.     The  Dorian  colonies  brought 
it  with  them  from  their  homes,  where  it  bore  a  fixed 
proportion  to  the  Athenian  drachma.     In  Sicily  and 
in  Italy  it  became  law  that  the  as,  litra,  and  obolus, 
should  express  equal  values ;  so  that,  if  they  were 
of  the   standard    weight,    they    became  easily    ex- 
changeable in  trade.     Aristotle  tells  us  further  that 
the  Corinthian  stater  was  equal  to  the  Syracusan 
decalitron,  or  piece  of  ten  oboli.     The  stater  was  the 
current  coin  in  cities,  and  was  used  in  gold  and  silver 
for  pieces  of  high  value,  and  it  was  divided  at  Athens 
into  draolimac  and  mina). 

Now   why  was  the   Corinthian  stater  made   to 
weigh    If   of  a    drachma   instead  of  two  or  four 
drachma),    like    the  Athenian?      It    was    because 
throughout  Italy,  from  the  sacred  twelve-ounce  as 
upican/s,  values  were  calculated  in  tenths,  decusses, 
ceuttmes,  &c. ;   and  in  Etruria,  such  decusses  (ten- 
as  pieces)  were  cast  in  one  piece,  which  originally,  and 
before  reduction,  must  have  been  very  large.     These 
decusses  were  the  equivalents  not  of  the  Attic,  but 
of  the  Corinthian  stater,  and  by  them  the  Etrus- 
cans   were    accustomed    to    reckon    their    foreign 
trade.  ^ 

In  this  manner  are  explained  a  number  of  co- 


100 


MANNERS  AND  Cl'STOMS  OF 


incidences  between  the  early  Italian  and  the  Greek 
coins. 

First,  it  appears  that  the  sif>na  of  value  between 
the  as  and  the  uncia  were  derived  from  the  Italians 
to  the  Greeks.  Tin's  chanj^c^  was  very  gradual,  be- 
cause in  the  beginning  the  Greeks  did  not  impress 
their  coins  with  any  marks  of  value.  In  Etruria 
the  mark  of  the  as  was  I,  of  the  semis  II,  of  the 
tressis  III,  of  the  quinquessis  or  fifth  multiple  V, 
and  of  the  decussis  or  tenth  multiple  X.  These 
signs  are  idl  found  upon  the  copper  money  of  Magna 
GroDcia.  The  ounces  were  ex{)ressed  by  little  round 
dots  (o  o  o  o) ;  and  these  are  found,  not  only  through 
all  the  Greek  cities  of  Italy,  but  through  those  of 
Sicily,  as  Syracuse,  Ilimera,  Agrigentum,  Kentoripa, 
&c.,  and  also  in  Velia  and  Picstum,  at  a  time  when 
the  native  influence  was  strong  enough  to  change 
these  names  into    Vc  and  Paifi. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  same  marks  are 
found  upon  some  smidl  and  very  ancient  silver  coins 
of  Syracuse  and  Tari^ntum,  evidencing  how  firmly 
the  Etruscan  monetary  system  had  there  rooted  itself 
before  Rome  had  any  influence. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  mark  G,  which  is  found 
upon  the  Tuscan  semis,  is  borrowed  from  the  Greeks, 
who  were  accustomed  to  mark  their  half  obelus,  di- 
viding the  O  thus,  C  or  0.  An  obolus  was  equivalent 
to  an  as,  and  a  half  obolus  to  a  half-as  or  semis. 

The  name  numus  for  money  was  also  derived 
from  the  Greeks.  It  was  the  term  for  small  silver 
coins  amongst  the  Sicilians  and  the  Taren tines  ;  and 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


101 


when  the  Tuscans  began  to  coin  silver,  they  seemed 
to  have  expressed  the  article  by  the  word  7iHmCy  and 
either  from  them  or  from  the  Greeks  the  Romans 
borrowed  their  word  uunnnio^. 

It  is  probable  that  in  Greece  the  numus  expressed 
a  proportion  of  the  decalitron,  from  which  the 
Roman  deiKirius  was  imitated,  either  a  sestertius 
(fxn  a{LimM7d>.i7^ov)  or  a  quinar  (a  crscraX/r^oi/),  which 
latter  is  the  more  probable,  because  in  Syracuse  120 
litras  composed  a  talent,  and  this,  in  still  remoter 
times,  was  expressed  by  120  nomen. 

It  is  only  by  considering  all  these  circumstances 
that  we  can  explain  the  reduction  of  the  as,  the 
original  standard  of  Italy,  to  a  smallness  exceeding 
all  common  sense. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  as  was  literally  the 
<7.v  lihralo  (pound weight),  and  when  in  lower  Italy 
and  Sicily  the  obolus  of  Egina  had  an  equal  w^eight, 
and  was  exchangeable  with  it. 

Etruria  had  then  no  silver  monev,  but  received 
large  quantities  of  silver  from  foreign  sources,  which 
was  consumed  upon  articles  of  luxury.  The  cradle 
of  the  precious  metals  lay  in  the  East,  and  they  first 
came  into  Europe  through  the  Greeks  by  means  of 
their  commerce  with  the  Levant  and  Phoenicia. 

Afterwards  this  supply  was  increased  by  tributes 
and  the  H\yo\h  of  war.  We  must  not,  however,  omit 
altogether  from  our  calculation  the  gold  obtained 
from  the  rivers  of  Liguria,  and  the  silver  from  the 
mines  in  Spain,  though  the  Carthaginians  guarded 
these  latter  with  jealous  care.     We  must  observe 


102 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


108 


that  silver  was  the  only  money  which  formed  a 
common  standard  to  the  Italians,  Greeks,  Etruscans, 
Carthaginians,  and  Milesians.  The  gold  of  Asia 
and  the  copper  of  Italy  were  as  articles  of  commerce 
or  barter,  whose  price  was  determined  by  the  silver 
standard.  For  this  reason  Rome  always  demanded 
her  tributes  from  conquerwl  nations  in  silver,  and 
never  in  gold ;  and  therefore  gold,  even  so  late  as 
the  time  of  the  Punic  wars,  could  command  a  price 
in  Italy  from  which  it  hud  long  sunk  in  Greece. 

Tlie  Tuscan  copper,  owing  to  its  great  cheapness, 
was  certainly  in  early  days  coined  in  immense  quan- 
tities and  transported  to  Greece,  there  to  be  melted 
down  into  vessels  for  domestic  use.  Now  as  a 
natural  consequence  of  tlie  abstraction  of  copper  its 
price  in  Italy  rose,  and  in  proof  of  this  we  have 
certain  fixed  data. 

During  the  perio<l  of  Tuscan  domination  asses 
were  coined  marked  with  a  single  initial  signifying 
a  pound.  At  the  date  of  the  first  Punic  war,  about 
A.R.  487,  asses  were  coined  which  weighed  only  the 
sixth  of  a  pound,  and  sixteen  of  which  were  reckoned 
to  the  denarius.  It  did  not  fall  suddenly,  as  Pliny 
states,  for  otherwise  we  should  have  no  intermediate 
weight ;  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  Roman  asses  in  con- 
siderable quantity  have  been  found  weighing  eleven, 
ten,  and  eight  ounces,  showing  that  the  decrease  was 
gradual.  This  took  place  between  the  a.r.  200  and 
500,  and  it  would  seem  to  follow  of  necessity  that 
the  same  fall  in  value  was  synchronous  in  Etruria. 
According  to  Passeri  the  as  of  Volaterra  fell  from 


12  oz.  to  3J,  and  this  was  probably  about  a.r.  470, 
from  twenty  to  thirty  years  before  the  Roman  as  fell 
to  two  ounces.  Tuder  fell  from  thirteen  to  one  ounce, 
and  this  must  have  occurred  after  a.r.  486,  when 
Umbria  became  Fwdcmfe  to  Rome.  Hatria  appears 
always  to  have  maintained  an  extra  weight,  for  rude 
and  heavy  pieces  marked  IIat  and  Tah  begin  long 
before  the  Greeks  settled  in  Picenum,  and  are  car- 
ried on  to  a  time  when  the  stamp  was  so  admirably 
executed  as  to  be  almost  a  work  of  art. 

We  see  that  under  these  circumstances  it  was 
necessary  to  have  constant  recourse  to  the  scales  in 
order  to  obtain  the  existing  weight  of  the  as,  and 
the  date  of  its  most  recent  symbol.  Asses  of  full 
weight  cannot  have  existed  beyond  the  third  cen- 
tury of  Rome,  and  none  such  have  ever  been  found. 
Probably  they  were  all  melted  down.  Asses  of  from 
ten  to  six  ounces  we  may  assign  to  the  fourth  century. 
Those  of  four  ounces  belong  to  the  fifth  century. 

It  follows  from  these  premises  that  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  as  was  another  name  for  the  rise  in  the 
value  of  copper,  and  this  is  also  proved  by  other 
considerations. 

The  modius  of  wheat,  for  example,  in  a.r.  500 
was  sold  for  precisely  the  same  number  of  light 
asses  that  it  had  cost  in  a.r.  300  of  heavy  ones. 
Its  usual  price  was  from  two  to  three  asses,  whilst 
the  equivalent  measure  in  Athens — the  hedar — 
varied  from  three  to  five  oboli. 

A  still  stronger  proof  is  the  pay  of  the  soldiers, 
which  in  a.r.  700  was  350  light  asses,  exactly  the 


104 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


105 


same  sum  as  formerly  paid  in  "Acs  grave,"  as  mea- 
sured by  the  deealitron  or  the  denarius.* 

During  the  Peloponnesian  war  the  Greeks  paid 
their  cavalry  three  Eginetan  oboli  a-day,  and  in 
Sicily  the  pay  seems  to  have  been  the  same. 

Now  the  Etruscans  must  have  given  a  sum  of 
equal  value,  for  they  maintained  large  bodies  of 
foreign  troops,  and  they  sent  auxiliaries  to  the 
Greek  cities.  If  the  pay  of  these  men  had  been 
lessened,  they  would  have  deserted  and  gone  over 
for  a  higher  salary  to  the  better  paymaster. 

I  am  persuaded  that  the  tressis  of  Etniria  was 
of  the  same  value  as  the  triobolus  of  Egina,  and 
that  it  was  the  pay  of  the  troops  in  Camillus's  days, 
and  perhaps  much  earlier.     In  the  time  of  Polybius 
and  Plautus  the  foot-soldier's  pay  continued  to  be 
only  three  asses  a-day,  though  all  the  necessaries  of 
life  had  risen  in  price ;  and  such  a  result  can  only 
take  place  when  a  very  ancient  usage  continues  to 
be  submitted  to.     Julius  Caesar  was  the  first  com- 
mander who   altered   and  doubled   the   pay.     The 
diminution  of  weight  in  the  as  had  not  been  pre- 
viously considered,  because  three  asses,  whether  light 
or  heavy,  were  always  reckoned  as  three-tenths  of 
the  deealitron  or  denarius ;  and  even  in  the  second 
Punic  war,  when  the  as  was  reduced  to  one  ounce,  and 
reckoned  as  the  sixteenth  only  of  a  denarius,  the  as 
of  the  soldier's  pay  was  still  esteemed  the  tenth. 

*  Nicbuhr  opines  that  the  aes  grave  of  eiglit  ounces  was 
marked  with    an  ox,  in   consequence  of  the  Lex   Papiria 
1  S.  475. 


His  pay  for  ten  days  was  exactly  three  denarii. 
We  see  from  this  that  the  pay  was  three-tenths  of 
a  deealitron  per  man,  exactly  as  it  had  been  in 
Peloponnesus  200  years  earlier,  although  the  soldier 
was  thereby  defrauded  of  his  just  reward,  for  the 
denarius  of  that  date  was  worth  in  silver  little  more 
than  one- third  of  the  old  Syracusan  deealitron. 

Whilst  the  Tuscans  enhanced  the  value  of  their 
copper  by  reducing  the  as  in  weight,  and  still 
reckoning  an  as  at  the  worth  of  a  Sicilian  obolus, 
the  Greeks  reduced  their  silver,  as  may  be  seen  in 
any  numismatic  collection.  This,  of  course,  altered 
the  standard,  and  drove  the  heavy  Eginetan  litras 
out  of  Greece.  We  know  that  the  old  deealitron 
of  Syracuse  weighed  228  or  229  Paris  grammes,*  or 
10  Eginetan  oboli ;  and  the  denarius  of  the  later 
Roman  republic  weighed  73^.  But  at  this  time 
there  must  have  existed  a  silver  coin  to  express  the 
decussis,  and  this  would  first  be  minted  in  imitation 
of  the  Greeks.  This  coin  is  actually  found  at  Popu- 
lonia,  though  usually  without  inscription.  Gold 
coins  have  also  been  found  there  and  at  Volsinia. 
Silver  was  coined  in  Luna,  and  probably  in  Tuder. 

The  marks  upon  the  coins  of  Populonia  are  X 
and  XX,  that  is,  they  are  single  and  double  denarii ; 
and  they  are  heavier,  and  therefore  in  date  earlier, 
than  the  heaviest  Roman  coins  with  which  we  are 
acquainted. 

The  void  between  these  coins  of  Populonia,  which 
weigh  from  150  to  160  grans,  and  the  old  deealitron, 

*  187  English. 


4 


106 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


107 


must  be  filled  up  by  the  Ma^^na  Greeian  and  Sicilian 
coins  in  our  museums ;    and  it  were  to  be  wished 
that  numismatists  would  study  them  in  a  much  more 
historical  point  of  view   than    they    have   hitherto 
done.     The  ori<,n*nal  decalitron  weighed  228  Paris 
grammes,  the  pentalitron  114,  the  sestertius  57.    Now 
in  Sicily  we  find  coins  that  weigh  328,  164,  82,  and 
41,  aliquot  parts  of  each  other,  and  exactly  agreeing 
with    tlie  Attic   tetradrachm,    didrachm,    drachma, 
and  triobolus.     Where  these  have  been  long  current 
they  have  l)ecome  somewhat  reduct»d  in  weight,  but 
not  much.     Now  how  ciime  an  Attic-drachma  cur- 
rency to  obtain  in  Syracuse,  where  we  know  that 
the  money  was  reckoned  in  litra,  nomen,  and  dc^ 
calitron  ?     We  must  hold  these  coins  as  equivalent 
10   the   double    decalitron,   single   pentalitron,   and 
sestertius;  whence  it  follows  that  the  litra,  anciently 
weighing  twenty-three  granmies,  had  sunk  down  to 
sixteen,  and  had  come  near  to  the  Attic  obolus  of 
ItH-      The   Eginetan   obolus,    in   the  time   of  the 
Pelopounesian  war,  had  sunk  from  twenty-three  to 
twenty  grammes.    The  Sicilians,  therefore,  appear  to 
have  altered  their   standard  for  the  sake  of  their 
increased  trade  with  the  Athenians,  who  paid  in  coin 
with  their  oboli  of  the  finest  silver,  which  now  began 
to  be  prized  by  all  the  nations  bordering  on  the 
Mediterranean.     The  Sicilian  decalitron  was  made 
to  suit  the  didrachm;  and  the  proportion  between 
the  litra  and  the  obolus,  instead  of  as  six  to  ten,  be- 
came as  six  to  seven.      Aristotle's  account  of  the 
equality  between  the  Italian  litra  and  the  Eginetan 


obolus  must  necessarily  refer  to  times  very  anterior 
to  his  day. 

We  must  also  remember  that  Dionysius,  the 
Syracusan,  coined  a  small  piece  of  money  worth 
only  one  Attic  drachm,  which  he  forced  his  subjects 
to  take  for  four  drachmno,  and  so  he  made  the 
pentalitron  for  a  time  worth  double  the  decalitron  ! 
This  false  standard  spread  from  Sicily  into  Italy, 
and  maintained  itself  there  for  a  long  while. 

These  coins  of  328  and  164  grammes  are  found  in 
quantities  at  Gcta,  Agrigentum,  Catarra,  Selinus, 
and  elsewhere;  also  in  Rhegium  (Rectnon),  in 
which  Aristotle  tells  us  they  were  coined  by 
Anaxilas. 

But,  most  remarkable  of  all,  as  mediums  of  ex- 
change, expressly  adjusted  to  the  Italian  weights, 
are  the  coins  of  Corinth,  as  seen  in  the  Hunterian 
Museum  at  Glasgow.  They  are  forty-three  in 
number,  and  all  weigh  between  135  and  164  Parisian 
grammes.  The  other  coins  are  under  fifty-four 
grammes,  and  represent  the  Corinthian  stater ;  but 
these  forty-three  are  decalitrons,  thence  proving 
that  the  litra  in  Corinth  weighed  sixteen  grammes. 

From  these  premises  I  think  it  certain  that  the 
magnificent  silver  medals  of  Syracuse  are  pente- 
contalitrons :  different  specimens  weigh  from  807  to 
818  Paris  grammes ;  and  if  to  this  latter  number  we 
add  2  grammes,  wc  have  the  exact  weight  of  50  litra, 
weighing  16^  each.  This  brings  out  the  medals  as 
belonging  to  the  widely  celebrated  class  of  the 
'*numismata  Demareteion,**  first  minted  by  Gelon 


■■ 


V 


108 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


109 


in  honour  of  his  wife  Demareta.  We  are  told  that 
the  demareteoia  weighed  50  litra,  and  were  worth 
ten  Attic  drachma).  I  believe,  witli  Payne  Knight, 
that  these  medals  belong  to  the  date  B.C.  380  to 
330,*  and  therefore  I  should  assign  that  date  to  the 
debasement  of  the  litra  from  23  grammes  to  16 J. 

This  litra  was  considered  as  equal  to  many  of 
the  staters  of  Corinth  and  Sicily,  which,  to  judge 
from  their  dies,  are  of  a  much  higher  antiquity. 
They  are  equal  also  to  the  later  and  finer  coins  of 
Agathocles,  and  to  some  Panormitan  coins  with 
Punic  inscriptions.  Our  inference  is,  that  the  Co- 
rinthian and  Syracusan  decalitrons  underwent  no 
change  in  150  years.  Copper,  in  the  meanwhile, 
had  so  changed  its  value  that  it  was  necessary  to 
express  the  decussis  by  silver,  and  the  substituted 
coin  was  call(»d  a  denarius. 

In  A.u.  400  the  proportion  of  copper  to  silver 
was  1  to  187 ;  at  the  date  of  the  Punic  war  it  had 
risen  as  1  to  140. 

The  subject  of  Coins  can  only  be  studied  success- 
fully in  a  museum,  and  by  experienced  eyes.  The 
following  are  the  Etruscan  cities,  or  their  allies,  the 
coins  of  which  have  been  ascertained  and  arranged : 

1.  Popui.oNi  A. — The  coins  of  this  city  are  marked 
PuPLUNA,  PuPLANA,  and  Pup.  The  bronze  money 
is  abundant.  The  silver  is  sometimes  marked  X  or 
XX,  and  sometimes   is  without  mark.      The  gold 

•  A.  R.  373  to  B.  c.  423. 


coins  are  without  inscription,  but  with  proper  em- 
blems: viz.  Vulcan's  head,  with  a  hammer.  The 
head  of  Hermes,  with  a  herald's  staff  and  a  trident : 
emblems  of  navigation  and  commerce.  Head  of 
Minerva,  with  the  owl;  with  the  half-moon  and 
the  Gorgon's  head.  A  female  head,  with  the  lion's 
skin :  on  the  reverse  a  club.  Sextans,  with  a  youth- 
ful Hercules'  head  on  one  side  and  the  club  on  the 
other. 

2.  YoLATERRA. — All  heavy  copper.  Inscription, 
Felathri  or  Felatri.  The  type,  a  double  head 
with  pointed  hat. 

3.  Clusium.— Marked  Kam  or  Ka,  for  Kamass, 
the  Etruscan  name.     Distinctive  type,  a  boar. 

4.  Some  coins,  marked  Kas-  and  Ka-  rait,  are 
referred  to  Caere  :  but  though  Ca)re  must  have  pos- 
sessed a  mint  amongst  the  earliest,  her  coins  are  not 
ascertained. 

5.  Telamon. — Inscription,  Tla  or  Ait,  or  Ti, 
or  T,  or  Tel.  Types,  the  same  as  the  Roman :  a 
Jupiter's  or  Janus'  head  for  the  as,  and  a  ship's 
prow  for  the  semis.  The  sextans  bears  the  head  of 
a  youthful  Hercules  with  a  trident,  between  dol- 
phins.    Telamon  belonged  to  the  Volsci. 

6.  VoLsiNiA,  or  Felsune.  Inscription  on  a  gold 
coin,  Felsu,  with  a  female  head  and  a  lion.  Many 
bronze  coins  with  an  F  probably  belong  to  this  city 
which  are  ascribed  to  Volterra  or  Velterra.  One, 
however,  marked  Fe,  with  a  Vulcan's  head,  and  on 
the  reverse  a  hammer  and  tongs,  appears  certainly 
to  have  been  minted  in  Volsinia. 


m 


.• 


no 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OP 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


Ill 


States  allied  with  the  Etruscan,  and  adopting 
THEIR  Manner  of  Writing. 

1.  Tuder. — Ilea vy  copper :  the  .silver  coins  seem 
doubtful.  Inscription,  Tvtkiik  or  Tu.  Peculiar 
emblems,  a  male  head  on  one  side,  a  cross  and  hook 
or  crook  on  the  otlier;  or  a  iro^^;  or  an  anchor 
marked  by  the  letters  Tu.  There  are  many  other 
emblems,  such  as  a  satyr's  head,  an  eagle,  a  cornu- 
copia, a  lyre,  a  wolf  and  two  cubs,  a  sow  with  a 
litter,  and  numy  others. 

» 

2.  Iguvium  (Ikuvine),  Ikufini. — Heavy  copper. 
Ik  or  Ikvvin.  Types,  the  crescent  moon  with  stars, 
or  a  cornucopia,  or  tongs,  or  a  palm-branch. 

3.  Vettuna.  — It  is  now  ascertained  that  the  as 
and  its  series,  with  wheel  and  anchor  on  the  reverse, 
and  the  inscription  Fetl  .  .  a,  which  was  read 
Fetlana  or  Fetluna,  or  Vettuna  or  Vettona,  de- 
signated a  small  town  in  Umbria,  near  Perugia, 
and  is  the  same  with  Feltuna.*  Abundance  of 
copper  coins  is  found  on  the  site  of  this  place,  and 
its  coinage  was  probably  consequent  on  its  fede- 
ration with  Rome. 

4.  PisAURUM.  — Heavy  copper,  from  the  as  to 
the  quadrans,  with  the  letters  Pis.  Tj-pes:  Cerberus, 
Hercules  with  Cerberus,  and  bearded  head  with  an 
ivy  wreath.     This  city  is  not  Pisa. 

5.  Hatria.— Heavy  copper.     The  inscription  is 

•  And  not  Vetulonia  ? 


written  in  old  Greek  or  Latin  letters,  and  the  money 
is  abundant.  Types :  Silenus'  head,  wolf,  fish,  cock, 
and  Pegasus'  sandals.  The  later  coinage  of  this 
city  is  unusually  fine,  and  is  probably  Greek. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Hatria  some  coins  of 
heavy  weight,  such  as  a  sextans  of  nine  ounces,  and 
some  silver  coins,  are  found,  marked  Ves.  Their 
meaning  is  uncertain:  perhaps  Vcscia,  united  by 
commerce. 

Coins  whose  Mint  is  uncertain. 

1.  Luna. — The  Guarnacci  Museum,  in  Italy, 
possesses  a  series  marked  Luna;  but  it  is  much 
corroded,  and  may  possibly  stand  for  Pupluna. 

2.  Peithesa,  or  Pethesa,  or  Piethesa.— Some 
small  copper  coins  have  been  found  with  this  in- 
scription, and  are  attributed  by  numismatists  to 
Perugia,  or  to  Veii.  But  Italy  had  no  such  small 
coins  until  after  the  destruction  of  Veii,  and  it  more 
probably  designates  Pisa  (Peisse). 

3.  Perugia.— A  quadrans  in  the  Museum  of 
Perugia,  with  the  inscription  Fir.,  is  supposed  to 
indicate  this  city.  The  type  is  a  youthful  hand  and 
three  balls ;  an  ox's  head  on  the  obverse. 

It  belongs  to  an  eight-ounce  coinage. 

Coins  erroneously  attributed  to  Etruscan 

Cities. 

I.  Silver  coins,  with  the  legend  FAAEiriN  and 


112 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


FA,  were  supposed  to  denote  Falerii.     They  belong 
to  the  Greek  city  of  Elis. 

2.  Coins  marked  rPA,  and  the  sign  of  a  sextans, 
assigned  to  Gravisia,  belong  to  some  Sicilian  or 
Magna  Grecian  city — perhaps  Agrigentum. 

3.  Coins  marked  COZA  and  K02nN  were  cer- 
tainly struck  in  Thrace. 


TriE  ETRrsCANS. 


11.'] 


BOOK  II. 

DOMESTIC  LIFE  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


ClLVPTER  I. 


TroN  the  domestic  life  of  the  Etruscans  our  inform- 
;ition  is  v(M-y  scanty,  and  wo  must  lament  the  loss 
of  all  those  records  which  touched  upon  the  subject, 
especially  of  those  Kituals  in  which,  according  to 
Festus,  their  rides  were  written  for  founding  cities, 
consecrating  altars  and  temples,  blessing  the  walls 
Jind    the   gates,   dividing   into   tribes,    curia?,   and 
centuries,  raising  armies,  and  whatever  other  cere- 
monies pertain  to  peace  or  war.     These  books,  which 
were  of  authority  till  the  third  century  of  our  era, 
were  to   the  Etruscans  what  Leviticus  was  to   the 
J(^ws,  or  the  Laws  of  Menu  to  the  Hindoos. 

In  Roman  history  we  find  the  Twelve  States  of  the 
Ltiuseans  proper  constantly  mentioned,  and  we  also 
ioarn  that  this  people  had  a  similar  federation  of 
T\>ehe   States    in  the  Padus   Valley,  and  Twelve 

I 


114 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


115 


States  in  Campania  ;  bnt  both  these  latter  were  soon 
broken  up,  and  we  only  know  the  separate  names  of 
the  Twelve  States  in  Central  Italy.  Even  these  were 
occasionally  changed,  but  the  conventional  number 
was  always  reckoned  as  twelve.  I^ivy  tells  us  that 
at  one  time  Cortona,  Perusia,  and  Arretium,  were 
the  leadino^  cities ;  at  another  time,  Arretium,  Pe- 
rusia, and  Volsinia.  To  those  we  must  add  Tar- 
quinia,  the  city  of  Tarchon ;  Chisium,  the  mi<^hty  State 
under  Porsenna ;  and  Volaterra,  probably  the  strongest 
and  hirgcst  of  them  all.  Rusella  comes  forward  as 
allied  with  the  Latins  in  the  days  of  Tarquin  the 
Elder  ;  and  Vetulonia,  a  luxurious  capital  destroyed 
bv  the  Gauls,  gave  tlie  pompous  insignia  of  the 
throne  and  the  magistracy  to  the  llomans.  Popu- 
lonia,  important  for  its  wealth,  industry,  and 
tomnu^rce,  was  never  one  of  the  twelve  ruling  cities, 
excepting  as  an  api)cndagc  to,  or  a  colony  of,  Vola- 
terra. Cosa,  though  strongly  walled  and  fortified, 
was  not  amongst  the  rulers.  Pisa  appears  to  have 
been  reckoned  one  of  the  number  and  to  have 
maintained  its  importance  down  to  the  latest  times ; 
it  was  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Tarchon. 
Fiesole  asserts  its  claim  through  walls  which  even 
now  awe  the  beholders  of  the  mighty  works  of  old. 
Luna  is  doubtful,  and  was  more  probably  included  in 
the  government  of  Pisa.  Veii  was  one  of  the  most 
prominent  amongst  the  twelve,  though  its  kings 
were  disliked  by  the  other  States  ;  and  with  it  were 
usually  allied  Falerii  and  Ctere.  Capena  and  Fidcne 
were  probably  colonies  of  Veii.     Saturnia  is  reck- 


oiu'd  bv  Dionvsius  as  amono;st  the  oldest  cities  in 
the  land;  but  its  name  is  later  than  that  of  Ah  r  hi  la, 
and  it  was  probably  the  Latin  name  given  to  a 
lionuin  colony  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  and  ruined 
Aurinia.  Statonia  ai)pears  to  have  been  a  city  of  the 
Vulci,  to  whom  all  Vulci  (famous  for  its  beautiful 
vases)  and  Cosa  belonged.  They  bravely  resisted 
the  llomans  until  a.r.  472.  Salpina  is  also  a  city 
of  state,  named  in  the  wars  with  Home. 

In  this  manner  we  extract  from  the  Greek  or  Ko- 
man  historians  the  names  not  of  twelve  only,  but  of 
st^venteen  independent  and  powerful  Eti-uscan  States, 
viz.  Cortona,  l*erusia,  Arretium,  Volsinia,  Tarquinia, 
Clusium,  Volaterra,  Ilusella,  Vetulonia,  Pisa,  Fiesole, 
Veii,  Ciere,  Falerii,  Aurinia  (or  Celetra  or  Saturnia), 
Vulci,  and  Salpina.  Some  authors  have  imagined, 
that  at  one  time  one  metroi)olis  was  acknowledged, 
and  at  another  time  upon  its  destruction  or  decay 
another;  but  it  seems  more  probable  that  at  the 
assembly  of  tlie  States  for  national  purposes,  such  as 
to  elect  a  leader  in  war,  or  to  promulgate  new^  laws 
for  the  benefit  of  all,  twelve  votes  only  were 
allowed,  and  that  certain  cities  always  voted  to- 
gether, such  as  Pisa  and  Fiesole,  Vetulonia  and 
Ilusella,  Vulci  and  Cosa,  &c.  &c.  In  this  manner 
we  can  easily  account  for  the  number  of  the  States 
being  always  reckoned  as  twelve,  the  sacred  number 
at  the  shrine  of  Voltumna. 

It  appears  from  history  that  all  claimed  equality, 
and  that  no  one  city  was  ever  acknowledged  as  the 
permanent  head  and  leader  of  the  others.     If  such  a 


116 


MANN  Hits  AND  (  I  >1()MS  OF 


claim  was  over  advanced  it  was  imiacdiat(*ly  resisted. 
Tarqiiiuia,  wliicli  was  really  raisinl  to  a  superiority 
for  a  time,  was  upset  by  an  internal  revolution 
brought  about  by  Volsinia  and  Chisium. 

The  political  tie  between  them  was  kept  loose  by 
republican  jealousy,  the  religious  bimd  was  what 
bound  them  to":ether.  Kverv  year  the  Twelve 
States  met  at  the  fane  of  Yoltumna  near  Viterbo  to 
elect  a  high-priest  who  officiated  tor  the  nation,  and 
who  offered  up  the  sacritices  a(*'oni])anied  by  music 
and  games.  United  witli  tlie  religious  solemnities 
was  a  fair  for  all  sorts  of  niercluindise,  to  which  the 
allies,  the  neighbouring  tribes,  and  sometimes  even 
foreign  nations,  wvw  invited. 

When  pressing  necessity  for  national  union  was 
required,  this  council  might  be  summoned  by  the 
high-priest  to  meet  at  any  time,  f>r  any  numlxM-  of 
times,  as  \\v  see  in  tlu^  case  ot'  Veii,  when  her  proud 
and  unpopular  king  sought  aid  against  the  liomans. 

When  an  "Embratur"  was  chosen  at  these 
meetings  to  connnaiid  tlu*  whole  League  in  any 
national  war,  we  an'  infoinird  by  Dionysius  that 
each  State  funiished  him  with  a  lictor.  In  the 
greater  nund)er  of  their  wars  only  a  few  of  the 
States  were  engaged  at  the  same  tinu%  and  the 
council  decided  which  were  to  be  selected.  Ifad 
any  such  refused  they  would  have  been  exi)elled  tlie 
League.  There  was  much  similarity  between  this 
council  of  the  Etruscans  and  the  councils  of  the 
Greeks  in  Lesser  Asia. 

Amongst    the    ancient    nations    the    destruction 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


117 


of  a  political  union  did  not  necessarily  draw  with 
it  the  disruption  of  religious  ties,  and  it  appears 
from  inscriptions  late  in  Imperial  times  that  this 
was  the  case  in  Etruria.  At  Arretiura  and  other 
places  inscriptions  are  found  speaking  of  oaths  taken 
by  or  administered  by  the  Pontifex,  "  ad  sacra  Etru- 
ria)," or  "  Etrusca.*' 

We  find  also  in  Perugia  and  elsewhere  mention 
frequently  made  of  the  "  I*ra)tores  Iletruriac  XV 
Populorum."  The  XV  are  supposed  to  include 
three  tribes  of  Umbri  united  to  the  original  sacred 
twelve. 


Chapter  II. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  DIFFERENT  STATES. 


Ai.THOifJH  we  have  shown  in  the  last  chapter  that 
in  many  cases  several  large  and  powerful  cities  were 
probably  united  together  and  shared  one  v^ote  be- 
tw(»en  them  in  the  Diet,  originally  having  been 
colonies  from  a  connnon  centre,  yet,  following  the 
universal  rule  in  Greece  and  Italy,  every  State  must 
have  had  one  city  which  was  its  capital  and  the  seat 
of  its  government.  To  this  city  the  others  were 
subordinate,  although  they  might  independently 
appoint  their  own  magistrates  and  levy  their  own 
troops.  In  the  case  of  Veii  we  find  that  her  de- 
pendants, as  well  as  the  Capenites  and  Faliscians 
who  went  over  to  Rome,  were  as  a  reward  formed 


IIS 


M  VNNKUS  AM)  (I  MOMS  O] 


TTIK   1:TKI  SCANS. 


119 


into  new  tribes  and  incorporated  as  free  Plebeians. 
The  Stellatina  wasassicrued  to  the  Capenites,  and  the 
Sabatina  to  the  Faliscians;  and  these  latter  must 
have  been  native  Veientines,  for  the  lake  and  terri- 
tory of  Sabatina  lay  close  into  Veii,  and  was  included 
in  the  Ao:er  Ycjentanus.  In  the  same  relation 
(iravisia  lay  to  Tanpiinia,  and  Aurinia  to  Caletra. 
On  the  other  hand,  .\epete  and  Sutiium,  stron^^ly 
fortified  and  important  ])hices,  never  belon^^ed  to 
Veii,  thoiio-li  by  custom  allied  with  it,  and  therefore, 
utter  the  fall  of  Veii,  we  find  them  transferring  their 
ullian<e  to  riome,  as  peit'edly  free  to  choose  for 
themselves.  They  were  ruhd  by  tlieir  own  chiefs, 
and,  thouo-h  in  some  sense  bound  to  Veii,  were  not  in 
the  League  of  the  Twelve.  Fidene  appears  to  have 
been  in  ihv  same  circumstances. 

Every  Etruscan  State  ruled  itself  and  had  an 
•iristocracy,  nanunl  by  the  Romans  "  rrincipes.'* 
These,  according  to  Livy,  were  the  same  as  the 
Samnite  magistrates.  They  alone  consulted  and  de- 
cided in  the  Diet,  and  they  alone  formed  the  Senate 
in  each  State.  They  commaiuled  the  assemblies  of 
the  peoi)le,  and  they  api>ear  to  have  been,  not  an 
elective  but  an  hereditary  caste.  Their  native  name 
name  was  Lanrhmv,  or  Lucunio,  which  means  rider, 
l)resident,  or  chief;  and  in  an  assembly  of  Lucu- 
moes  one  was  chosen  as  chief  over  the  others. 

They  were  all  priests  and  keepers  of  the  sacred 
books  and  discipline  of  Tages.  The  eldest  son,  the 
heii'  of  his  father's  honours,  seems  also  to  lunc  borne 
the  title,  and  from  the  Lucumo  junior  of  Clusium. 


against  whom  the  Gauls  were  invoked,  appears  to 
have  been  derived  the  lloman  proper  name  of 
Lucius.  Aruns  as  a  proper  name  often  appears  in 
Etruscan  inscriptions,  but  *'  Lauchme  or  Lucumo  " 
never. 

The  nobles  alone  could  aspire  to  the  highest 
rank  in  the  state,  namely,  that  of  king;  and  this 
seldom  or  never  seems  to  have  been  hereditary,  but 
was  equally  open  to  every  member  of  the  aristocracy. 
It  is  very  possible  that  an  attempt  to  make  the 
power  hereditary  gave  rise  to  an  oppression  of  the 
aristocratic  order  by  strong-willed  and  arbitrary 
kings,  and  that  this,  as  in  the  well-known  instance 
of  the  Romans,  originated  that  hatred  of  kings 
which  distinguished  the  Etruscans  as  well  as  other 
Italian  races.  All  the  Latin  authors  who  have 
come  down  to  us  speak  of  kings  as  the  first  rulers  of 
the  Etruscan  States,  and  it  was  because  the  Veien- 
tines had  returned  to  this  hated  rule  of  kings,  that 
the  League  refused  them  assistance  in  their  last  wars. 
The  ensigns  of  Roman  magistracy  were  derived  from 
the  kuHjH  of  Etruria. 

Varro  tells  us  that  at  their  marriages  the  kings 
and  chiefs  of  Etruria  used  to  sacrifice  a  swine. 
Festus  derives  the  Toga  Proctcxta  and  the  golden 
bulla  from  the  Etruscan  kings.  Macrobius  teUs  us 
that  the  Tuscans  greeted  their  kings  and  inquired 
after  their  w^elfare  every  eighth  day.  Propertius 
and  Horace  derive  Maecenas  from  the  ancient  kings 
and  commanders  of  many  Legions ;  and  with  him 
wc  must  join  the  Cilnii  of  Arretium,  who  appear  to 


V 


ijn 


MANNERS  AND  r  I  STOMS  OF 


luive  exercised  sovereign  power  durinn;  the  >vh(»I(»  oi 
thv'ir  lives  in  tliiit  eity,  and  were  probably  at  times 
thv  elected  leaders  of  all  the  fbrees  of  the  Leao-uo. 

Ihe  names  of  a  few  of  tliese  kings  (or  /fn'.s)  have 
been  preserved  to  us.  Pausanias  mentions  a  throne 
in  the  sanctuary  at  Olympus  as  the  gilt  of  Arimnos, 
a  Tuscan  king,  who  was  tlie  first  of  the  barbarians 
who  sent  gifts  to  Jove. 

Hato  speaks  of  Propertius,  a  king  of  Yeii  ;  and 
again  of  Morrius,  another  king  of  that  State.  Virgil 
records  th(^  Legends  of  Mezentius,  the  tyrant  of 
('jrre,  out  of  whose  sacrilegious  liands  Jupiter  is  said 
to  have  delivered  the  Latins;  and  Livv  irives  us  a 
(iKirnniig  picture  of  J.ars  Porsenna,  the  powerful 
king  of  Clusium  and  the  conqueror  of  Home. 

l^ut  not  only  was  the  pomp  of  kings  in  Rome 
ascribed  to  Ktruria  and  tlie  twelve  lictors,  the  ap- 
paritors and  the  ivory  throne,  but  also  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  military  triumph.  The  broad, 
golden  diadem,  wreatlied  with  golden  oak-leaves,  and 
glittering  with  acorns  in  gems,  which  was  held  by 
-laves  over  the  head  of  the  triumpher,  was  called 
fhe  "Corona  Etnisca."  To  these  we  may  add  the 
embroidered  tunics,  the  palnmhi  and  the  pitta,  and 
the  sceptre  of  ivory,  surmounted  by  an  eagle,  which 
was  used  by  Etruscan  Lucumoes  before  it  descended 
to  the  Roman  emperors. 

These  costly  robes  and  ornaments  are  not  without 
their  historical  importance.  In  the  first  place,  they 
testify  to  the  high  civilization  and  progress  in  art 
and  refinement  of  the  people  who  used  them.    Next, 


THE  KTKl  SCANS. 


121 


tliey  demonstrated  tlu^ir  intercourse  with  other 
nations,  and  esp(»cially  the  Greeks,  whose  ideas 
greatly  influenced  their  religious  customs,  as  we 
may  trace  in  the  j)almated  tunic  and  ivory  sceptre. 

Entirely  national,  however,  was  their  idea  to 
liken  a  conqueror,  or  victorious  imperator,  to  Jupiter, 
and  to  clothe  him  in  the  same  costume.  The  tri- 
uini>hal  robe,  the  sceptre,  and  the  diadem  of  oak- 
leaves,  behuiged  to  Jupiter  Optimus  ^laxinms  in  the 
Capitol,  and,  therelbre,  were  they  of  such  wide 
diuiensions,  and  wcn-e  kept  in  the  tem])le,  and 
l)rought  out  of  it  solely  to  be  worn  by  the  illustrious 
object  of  the  triumph.  Following  the  same  idea, 
which  we  find  to  have  been  Egyptian  and  AssjTian 
also,  the  triumpher  stained  his  face  with  vermilion — 
tlie  same  colour  as  that  with  which  the  imagre  of 
Jupiter  was  stained  on  tlie  days  of  public  festivity.* 

For  the  s:nn(^  purpose*  of  deification  we  frequently 
tind  the  images  of  the  deceased  stained  with  red 
upon  the  sarcophagi.  From  this  we  may  infer  that 
noble  birth  in  Etruria  was  supposed  to  connect  a 
man  much  more  nearly  witli  the  gods  than  was  the 
belief  in  Greece. 

The  gohlen  l)ulla,  wliich  Juvenal  styles  *' Etrus- 
cum  aurum,"  was  a  cliarm  against  fascination,  and 
also  was  worn  by  Etruscan  kings  and  Lucumoes, 
and  by  Roman  triumphers.  Latterly  it  was  worn 
by  every  Latin  child  of  the  Avealthy  classes.  All 
these  ornaments  and  personal  distinctions,  as  adopted 


Pliny,  Nat.  Hist,  xxxiii.  30. 


1    -w  >» 


MAXNKItS  AND  CI  STO.M^  OI 


by  the  Romans,  wo  find  n^ferred  back  to  Tarquiiiius 
Priscus,  and  tlie  Etruscan  rule. 

No  doubt  they  involved  both  a  political  and  a 
religious  idea,  namely,  that  the  young  Lucumo  was 
separated  by  his  birth  to  serve  the  gods  and  rule 
over  men,  and  that  the  young  and  innocent  boys 
amongst  tlie  nobles  were  as  acceptable  to  the  Supreme 
Being  as  the  grown  men. 

We  know  little  of  the  domestic  and  civil  life  of 
thi>  people.  ]\rany  cities  had  an  elective  senate, 
but  it  could  only  consist  ot  Lucumoes.  When 
Arretium,  during  the  secoiul  Punic  "War,  wished  to 
separate  itself  from  Home,  its  fidelity  was  secured 
by  the  punishment  of  the  children  of  the  Senators. 
That  there  was  also  a  i'roc  j>ro/>/r,  not  subject  to  the 
nobles,  seems  certain,  but  what  were  their  rights  we 
know  not.  In  Faleria  assemblies  of  the  people  were 
chosen  at  the  same  time  with  the  Senate.  In  a.r., 
401,  the  Cilnii  of  Arretium  were  at  feud  with  the 
citizens,  and  the  Komans  had  to  mediate  a  peace. 
Of  a  similar  nature  were  the  disturbances  in  Veii, 
A.R.  40 1,  indicating  probably  r/((n  dissensions. 

One  large  class  of  inhabitants  appears  to  have 
stood  to  the  others  as  the  aborigines  of  Sicily  stood 
to  the  first  colonists,  />.,  as  the  contpiered  to  the 
conquerors,  they  were  serfs  ujwn  the  estates  of  the 
nobles,  and  were  not  free.  Others  were  clansmen, 
between  whom  and  their  chiefs  mutual  duties  were 
acknowledged,  and  could  not  be  refused  on  either 
side.  Others  were  naturalized  foreigners,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Tarquins,  or  they  were  the  fi'(>e  members 


HIE  ETRISCAXS. 


123 


of  guilds  and  professions,  bearing  a  certain  weio-ht 
in  the  state,  but  not  admissible  to  offices  of  magis- 
tracy. In  short,  the  three  orders  which  we  find  in 
liome,  under  the  names  of  l*atrician.  Client,  and 
Plcbs,  we  also  find  in  every  state  of  p]truria.  With- 
out the  other  two  classes  the  aristocracy  could  not 
liave  maintained  themselves  so  long,  and  it  seems  pro- 
bable that  the  Umbrians  formed  tlie  standing  Plebs. 

The  Koman  law,  that  a  false  client,  or  a  false 
patron,  should  be  sacrificed  to  the  infernal  gods, 
appears  to  be  quite  an  Etruscan  idea.  Dionysius 
(ii.  10)  tells  us  that,  in  the  year  a.r.  274,  the  princes 
of  Etruria  brought  a  large  army  to  the  help  of  Yeii 
composed  of  their  serfs.  These  jjrinces  were  large 
territorial  lords,  who  for  the  occasion  armed  their 
peasants.  There  was  a  marked  difference  between 
the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  the  land,  both  in 
six^ech  and  in  manners.  The  numerous  dancers, 
flute-players,  wrestlers,  and  others  of  that  class,  who 
are  represented  as  slaves  to  the  last  kings  of  Veii, 
probably  in  general  belonged  to  the  clients  of  the 
great  houses;  but  the  Etruscans  also  furnished 
themselves  abundantly  with  domestic  slaves  and 
artists,  by  war,  by  piracy,  and  by  trade.  They 
prided  themselves  upon  beautiful  slaves,  who  waited 
upon  them  at  their  feasts  clothed  in  rich  attire. 

When  the  government  of  Volsinia  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  "  lower  ehiss/*  this  is  interpreted  of  the 
clients,  a  similar  catastrophe  having  once  happened 
at  Argos,*  and  also  at  Capua.     We  may  infer  it  be- 

<*  Herodotus,  vi.  83. 


V2i 


MANNKUS  AND  CI  STOMS  OF 


sides  from  the  fact  tliat  tlie  former  lords  of  the  State* 
tliemselves,  instead  of  attemptinn^  to  raise  their  clan.s, 
called  in  the  liomans  to  rectify  disorders  which  were 
beyond  their  iM)wer ;  and  these  foreip^n  allies,  in  a.r. 
487,  took  the  oi)portunity  of  making  an  end  at  once 
of  Yolsinia,  lier  rebels,  and  her  freedom. 

A  priestly  and  hereditary  aristocracy,  built  upon 
the  subjection  of  a  lower  class,  and  the  inferior 
rights  of  less  distinguished  freemen,  was  the  Etruscan 
institution,  u^wn  which  the  unity  of  the  Twelve  States 
was  founded. 

That,  however,  during  the  centuries  in  which 
Etruria  flourislied,  no  disturbances  should  have 
arisen  against  the  domination  of  the  Lucumoes  is 
not  to  be  believed,  and  is  not  asserted  in  history. 
We  hear  of  some  civil  dissensions  and  of  many  violent 
party  strifes,  during  which  the  inferior  classes  always 
contrived  to  raise  tlu'mselves,  to  extort  concessions, 
or  to  obtain  privileges  which  made  them  of  more 
importance.  When  they  became  absolutely  necessary, 
as  defenders  of  the  health  and  home,  then  their  day 
of  slavery  and  of  insignificance  was  over. 

When  Capua  (or  Voltunma)  became  an  asylmn 
for  the  Greek  refugees,  bow  could  it  escape  the  in- 
fluence of  Greek  ideas!''  How  could  it  escape  from 
the  silent  working  of  a  census^  which  raised  the 
wealthy  burgess,  and  those  naturalized  amongst 
them,  to  power,  expressly  as  a  counterpoise  to  the 
nobles  ?  This  is  the  political  progress  of  men  in 
every  country;  and  we  have  unmistakable  traces 
of  it  in  the  history  of  the  Tuscan  Mastama,  who 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


ILM 


fought  for  the  Plebs,  whether  he  were  the  same 
with  Servius  Tullius,  or  only  a  hero  of  the  same 
spirit  ("  King  of  the  Commons,  good  King  James.") 

This  leads  us  to  endeavour  to  extract  some  liffht 
on  the  constitution  of  Etruria  from  what  is  recorded 
of  the  first  institutions  in  Rome.  According:  to 
Volnius  all  the  early  principles  of  Roman  govern- 
ment and  organization  were  Etruscan  ;  and  the  names 
of  the  three  tribes,  the  Ranines,  the  Tities,  and  the 
Luceres,  were  all  Etruscan,  having  at  first  a  sacred 
meaning,  and  corresponding  witli  the  three  great 
gods  and  the  three  holy  gates. 

It  probably  implied  the  division  of  the  nation 
into  knightly  houses,  consisting  not  only  of  priests 
and  warriors,  but  also  of  a  free  commonalty,  thougfh 
not  eligible  to  any  offices  of  rule. 

It  is  certain  that  in  the  beginning  these  three 
tribes  included  the  whole  i)opulation  of  ancient 
Rome,  whatever  it  may  consist  of,  and  that  in  every 
curia  there  were  to  be  found  men  of  different  ranks, 
though  from  the  knights  and  nobles  id  one  coidd  the 
diief  of  each  curia  be  chosen,  he  being  also  the  priest 
and  magistrate  in  peace  and  the  leader  in  war. 
The  nobles  alone  had  a  public  life  as  legislators  and 
leaders.  The  very  name  of  the  knights  **  Celeres" 
was  an  Etruscan  appellation,  perhaps  denoting  that 
the  highest  in  birth  were  also  expected  to  be  the 
most  prompt  in  action.  Li^y  derives  "  Celeres " 
from  Celes  the  Tuscan,  the  "  Tribunus  Celerum ''  of 
the  Ramnes.  Some  German  critics  believe  "  Celsus 
Ramnes'*  to  be  altogether  an  Etruscan  forni;  imply- 


1-3G 


MAXXKRS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


ing   illuMtrious  descent,    and    think    that    Homanus 
comes  from   liamnes. 

The  city  ot*  ^lantua,  which  was  Etruscan  for 
many  centuries,  had,  according  to  Servius,*  its  three 
tribes  and  twelve  curiic,  each  of  which  was  headed 
by  a  Lucumo ;  and  tlu^re  can  be  no  doubt  that  in 
earl\'  Rome  each  curia  was  under  its  patrician,  who 
was  also  its  priest,  its  lawgiver,  and  its  captain. 
As  the  num])er  of  the  Celeres  was  regulated  by  the 
tribes,  so  the  number  of  the  centuries  (infantry)  was 
regulated  by  the  curijc.  A  curia  was  a  group  of 
100  houses,  wlio  worshii)ped  at  (me  common  shrine, 
and  acknowledged  one  c(mimon  lat\  or  patron  di- 
vinity. A  tribe  consisted  of  a  certain  number  of 
curia) — in  liome  ten,  in  Mantua  twelve,  jwssessing 
one  district  of  land  and  worshipping  one  patron 
god. 

Now  if  we  are  thus  led  to  conclude  that  the  divi- 
sion of  the  earliest  li(mians  into  tribes,  curitc,  and 
centuries,  was  grounded  ujxm  the  principles  of  an 
Etruscan  aristocracy,  we  may  reasonably  doubt  if 
this  organization  can  be  ascribed  to  an  originally 
Latin  or  Sabine  city.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
Rome  proper  was  founded  on  the  Palatine  hill  with 
Etruscan  rites,  and  that  it  was  siUTOunded  by  an 
Etruscan  l*om;erium ;  also  that  it  was,  for  a  time, 
wholly  under  the  influence  of  Etruscan  rites  and 
customs.  Hc^nce  it  appears  that  the  Roman  stor}', 
as  to  the  names  of  the  two  first  tribes  having  been 


^  Iij  .Eneid.  x.  202. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


127 


given  by  Romulus,  a  Latin,  and  Tatius,  a  Sabine,  to 
which  the  third  was  afterwards  added  by  a  Lucumo, 
is  false,  for  all  the  internal  evidence  as  to  the  organ- 
ization of  Rome  sliows  it  to  have  been  under  Etrus- 
can influence  in  the  beginning.  It  is  least  probable 
that  the  name  *'  Romulus"  was  derived  from  the 
Etruscan  '*  Ranmes,"  and  that  of  his  associate  Tatius 
from  the  Etruscan  Tities.  The  legend  that  Tartpiin, 
the  Lucumo  from  Tarquinia,  wished  to  create  new 
centuries  of  his  owii  friends  w  ith  appropriate  names, 
and  was  prevented  by  Altus  Najvius,  so  that  he 
could  onlv  double  the  existing:  centuries  under  the 
old  names,  is  to  be  understood  of  an  endeavour  to 
alter  or  modify  an  original  Etruscan  principle,  and 
not  of  an  endeavour  to  introduce  for  the  first  time 
an  Etruscan  principle  upon  some  other  Latin  or 
Sabine  custom  which  had  preceded  it.  Thus  we  find 
that  the  new  houses  introduced  by  Tarquin  still 
ranged  themselves  under  the  three  ancient  tribes 
and  the  thirty  centuries  an  aacrcdy  unchangeable 
institutions,  however  much  their  numbers  might  be 
increased. 

The  constitution  of  Servius  was  quite  foreign  and 
contrary  to  that  of  Tarquin,  and  was  by  no  means 
an  extension  of  it.  Whilst  under  Tarquin,  that  part 
of  tlie  nation  only  bore  any  rule  which  was  com- 
prised under  the  name  of  knights  or  patricians,  they 
alone  having  any  place  in  the  Senate,  or  being  ac- 
knowknlged  in  the  curia  as  magistrates,  priests,  and 
})atrons.  Here  was  introduced  the  whole  assembled 
•  onnuonalty,   reckoned  as  an  integral   part  of  the 


128 


M ANNKRS  AND  CTSTOMS  OF 


legislation.  PIvory  man  who  could  arm  himsolf 
against  tlio  foo,  and  in  exact  proportion  to  bis  power 
of  defendini>  the  State  hv  mean<  of  his  wealth,  was 
not  only  accountcHl  a  citizen,  but  was  called  upon  to 
take  part  in  its  govin-nment. 

This  changed  at  onc(»  the  whoh*  ancient  system 
of  administration  in  which  m.n  had  talcen  rank 
hereditarily,  *'  by  birth  and  li^ht  diyine,"  every 
man's  station  hayiny:  been  assumed  as  irreyocablv 
fixed  by  heayen.  Now,  not  by  birth  alone,  but  by 
wealth  also,  were  men  to  br  estimated  and  classed, 
it  being  supjiosed  that  according  to  a  man's  posses- 
sions w»mld  be  his  interest  in  the  state  and  his 
power  of  defending  it,  and  he  nee  ]>robably  the  cause 
why  the  military  element  c<Mitiiuie(l  to  maintain  its 
strong  pn^-eminence  with  tlie  Komans,  cv(mi  in  the 
affairs  of  <  ivil  lift. 

The  centuric^s  wer(»  always  assembled  in  the 
Campus  Martins,  without  the  limits  of  the  peaceful 
Pimuerium.  It  is  not  to  be  su])i)osed  that  Seryius 
was  the  originator  of  ihv  ''  Kxercitus  Frbanus,"  and 
that  he  also  endowcnl  it  with  its  ciyil  privileges. 
That  both  these  great  innovations  should  spring  up 
together  as  the  work  of  one  man  is  contrary  to  all 
our  experience  of  the  progress  of  mankind.  His- 
torical fragments  let  ns  into  the  secret  that  Servius 
found  a  Plebeian  army  ali-cnidy  existing,  as  the  work 
of  Celes  A^ibenna,  who  to  his  own  victorious  fol- 
lowers had  joined  tlie  Latins  and  Sabines  already 
existing  and  settled  in  liome.  We  must  recollect 
that,  accordinc  to  the  story.   Tidlus  Ilostilius  had 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


120 


previously  increased  the  Senate  and  doubled  his 
army  (i.e.  the  number  of  men  in  his  centuries)  by 
the  conquered  Latins  from  Alba  ;  but  he  neither  in- 
creased the  three  tribes  nor  their  thirty  divisions. 
Ancus  ^lartius  was  the  first  who  innovated  so  ma- 
terially upon  the  constitution  of  the  nation  as  to  con- 
secrate hnd  (the  Aventine)  to  the  Latins,  and  there- 
fore he  is  justly  styknl  the  Father  of  the  Plebs.  He 
Krst  acknowledged  them  as  a  national  element,  apart 
from  the  three  sacred  tribes.  It  was  subsequent  to 
this  that  Tarquinius  Priscus  was  forced  to  yield 
more  land,  even  the  Coelian,  to  the  democratic 
chieftain  Celes,  from  Volsinia ;  and  this  latter  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  author  of  the  Plebeian  cen- 
turies, as,  ranged  under  their  respective  tribunes 
and  standards,  they  were  summoned  by  military 
forms  to  meet  in  the  Campus  Martius. 

At  first  the  thirty  Plebeian  tribes,  answering  to 
the  thirty  aristocratic  curiao,  were  taxed  and  entitled 
to  vote  in  the  Comitia  Tributa.  Servius  found  them 
discontented  with  the  subordinate  share  this  gave 
them  in  the  government  of  a  State  of  which  they 
had  grown  to  form  the  major  part,  and  he  allowed 
their  claims  to  more  importance  by  bringing  in  a 
standard  of  value  and  an  element  of  power  which 
was  entirely  new.  He  tried  to  weld  together  Patri- 
cians and  Plebeians  by  throwing  the  whole  Roman 
nation,  consisting  of  the  three  tribes  and  the  Plebs, 
which  Livy  calls  a  **  fourth  tribe,"  into  six  classes, 
to  be  estimated  according  to  their  wealth,  and  to  be 
investigated  and  re-distributed  every  lustrum,  with 

K 


130 


MANNERS  AND  CrSTOMS  OF 


the  exception  of  the  Patricians  and  the  Knights, 
who,  though  nominally  reckoned  as  merely  first  in 
the  first  class,  always  maintained  their  dignity, 
whether  rich  or  poor,  and  were  never  subject  to  the 
census. 

The  first  movement  must  be  ascribed  to  Celes 
Vibenna,  in  whose  days  the  internal  dissensions  in 
Etruria  seem  first  to  have  brought  into  view  the 
transcendent  worth  of  strong  military  genius  in  a 
commander,  whether  he  could  take  auspices  or  not. 
The  strict  separation  which  before  him  had  existed 
between  the  priestly  caste  and  all  other  ranks  of 
the  people,  could  only  have  maintained  itself 
through  quiet  times,  and  a  settled  order  of  long 
standing.  A  greater  equality  had  become  a  ne- 
cessity even  in  Etruria,  and  Mastarna  Servius  was 
the  representative  of  this  phase  of  political  pro- 
gress, and  this  development  of  the  new  order  of 
things. 

But  Servius  laboured  only  to  improve  and  not 
to  destroy  the  system  which  he  found,  and  this  he 
effected  by  vesting  the  whole  j)ower  of  the  century 
in  its  first  man,  he  alone  delivering  the  opinions  and 
giving  in  his  one  vote  the  votes  of  all ;  so  that  the 
domination  of  the  Lucumo  appeared  to  be  trans- 
ferred to  him,  and  the  exaltation  of  the  Burgher 
class  still  assimilated  to  itself  something  of  the  old 
Patrician  rule. 

Before  this  the  Celeres  had  wielded  the  power 
of  the  State,  simultaneously  with  the  kings,  and  in 
close  connexion  with  them ;  for,  next  to  the  king, 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


131 


the  Tribunus  Celerum  was  the  first  and  highest  of 
the  magistrates. 

Now  whatever  may  have  caused  the  fall  of  the 
Tarquins,  whether  it  proceeded  from  without  or  from 
within,  so  much  is  certain  that  it  was  no  attempt 
to  restore  the  constitutions  of  Servius.  It  is  a  point 
upon  which  Roman  history  throws  no  light,  for  it 
relates  upon  the  subject  nothing  but  fables. 

The  mainspring  of  Servius's  reform  was  to  re- 
place a  religious  or  caste  division  of  the  nation  which 
could  never  change,  by  a  property  qualification 
which  was  always  changing ;  and  this  reform, 
various  glimpses  of  Etruscan  history  show  us  to 
have  spread  very  widely  in  Etruria. 

The  Patrician  principle,  whereby  the  Gentes  and 
the  Curia)  alone  had  the  privilege  of  voting,  was 
restored  by  the  Consuls,  and  adhered  strictly  to  the 
maxims  of  the  overthrown  Tarquins.  The  Dictator 
received  liis  supremacy  not  from  the  centuries,  but 
from  the  curia?  only ;  and  it  required  long  years, 
and  many  severe  struggles,  for  the  Poman  Plebs  to 
regain  that  footing  which  Servius  had  once  won  for 
them,  and  which  they  would  have  continued  to 
exercise  but  for  the  counter-revolution  of  the 
Patricians.  Indeed,  Roman  history  tells  us  plainly 
enough,  that  the  fall  of  Tarquinius  Superbus  was 
owing  to  his  arrogance  towards  the  Patricians,  and 
chief  amongst  them  towards  the  Tribunus  Celerum 
(Brutus),  and  not  to  any  novel  oppression  of  the 
Plebs. 

Had  the  Comitia  of  the  centuries   under   the 


132 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


133 


Consuls  been  what  Servliis  tried  to  make  it,  there 
would  have  been  no  need  of  tribunes  of  the  people 
to  win  back  for  them  their  just  rights ;  and  instead 
of  being  assemblies,  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  to 
rectify  the  boundaries  and  settle  the  concerns  of 
their  land  and  districts,  they  would  from  the  first 
have  had  an  administrative  influence  upon  the 
government  and  legislature  of  the  nation.* 

Let  us  briefly  review  the  traces  of  Etruscan  in- 
fluence which  are  preserved  to  us  in  the  Latin 
legends  of  Rome.  First,  the  names  of  the  three 
tribes  were  Etiiiscan,  and  they  for  upwards  of  a 
century  constituted  tlie  whole  nation.  Next,  Rome 
proper  was  founded  on  the  Palatine  by  an  Augur, 
with  Etruscan  rites  and  ceremonies.  Celer,  the 
Tribune  of  the  Celeres,  was  an  Etruscan.  Janus, 
God  of  the  Double  Gate,  was  Etruscan.  Census, 
God  of  the  Circensian  games,  attended  by  the 
Sabine  Virgins,  was  Etruscan. 

^  To  this  chapter  of  profouml  research  and  accurate  rea- 
soning, on  the  part  of  Otfried  Midler,  I  shall  merely  add 
what  was  told  me  by  Frederick  Schlegel  when  I  saw  him  at 
Bonn,  about  the  year  1842. 

He  said  that  when  Niebuhr,  with  whom  lie  was  verj- 
intimate,  first  began  his  criticisms  upon  the  pristine  Roman 
annals,  he  deduced  from  them  that  Rome  in  its  origin  was 
an  Etruscan  colony  from  C»re ;  but  that,  subsequently,  his 
quarrel  with  Schlegel  had  influenced  him  to  change  his 
opinions,  for  he  scorned  to  own  anything  to  Sohlegel's  hints 
and  investigations  —  Translator. 


The  Lictors,  which  were  prior  to  Numa,  for  they 
guarded  the  Interrex,  were  Etruscan. 

Terminus,  the  God  of  Boundaries,  was  Etruscan, 
so  were  the  Lares  of  the  Guilds  and  the  Patrician 
liouses. 

The  three  Flamens,  and  the  three  Vestal  Virgins, 
one  for  each  tribe,  were  Etruscan ;  so  were  the 
line  ilia  and  the  artists  who  made  them. 

January  was  dedicated  to  Janus,  and  February 
t«)  tlie  Etruscan  genius,  Typlion. 

The  nine  great  thunder-gods,  worshipped  by 
Tullus  Ilostilius,  were  Etruscan.  He  was  the  first 
who  incoi-porated  the  Latins  amongst  the  Patricians. 
Ancus- Martins  first  gave  lands  and  sacred  rights  to 
the  Plebeians,  chiefly  Latins,  forming  them  into  a 
fourth  tribe  of  the  Roman  people. 


Chapter  III. 

MILITARY  ORGAMZATION  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

When  ^lastarna  had  come  to  Rome  >vith  the  re- 
mainder of  tlie  army  of  Celes  Vibcnna,  and  had 
been  acknowledged  king,  as  we  learn  from  the 
Etruscan  annals,  he  founded  a  new  constitution  of 
the  army  according  to  the  census.  It  is  impossible 
not  to  recognise  in  this  organization  of  the  host, 
which  lasted  until  the  time  of  Camillus,  an  imita- 
tion of  the  Greek  Phalanx,  in  which  the  wealthy  and 


134 


MANNERS  AND  Cl'STOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


135 


fully  armed  whore  pliieed  in  the  first  row  to  charge 
the  enemy,  whilst  the  lighter  armed  were  ranged 
behind  in  order  to  strengthen  the  shot^k  of  the  whole 
and  be  helpful  in  time  of  need.  The  Tuscan  general 
would  not  have  accomplished  this  had  it  been  quite 
new  to  his  people,  and  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that 
in  the  days  of  Servius  and  in  the  succeeding  century 
the  Roman  and  Tuscan  armies  resembled  each  other. 
Indeed  one  Greek  author*  asserts  that  the  Romans 
Icftnit  fighting  and  to  thrust  witli  the  lance  from 
the  Tuscans.  The  armour  of  Greeks,  Tuscans,  and 
Romans  of  Servius*s  day,  appears  to  have  been  the 
same. 

Diodorus  describes  the  first  Roman  shield  as 
square,  but  when  they  saw  the  Tuscans  armed  with 
"aspides"  they  adopted  the  same.  Now  the  *'Aspis" 
is  the  same  as  the  Clypeus,  which  belonged  to  the 
harness  of  the  first  Servian  class,  called  by  Dionysius 
the  "  Argolian  aspis."  These  Argolian  shields  were 
in  use  amongst  the  Faliscii,  and  were,  amongst  other 
things,  considered  to  i)rove  that  there  had  been  a 
settlement  of  Argives  or  Pelasgi  amongst  the  Etrus- 
cans. In  the  time  of  Camillus,  the  "  Scutum  '*  was 
introduced,  which  formed  a  half  cylinder  about  the 
soldier,  a  necessary  change  to  meet  the  wider  ar- 
rangement of  the  maniple.  The  aspis,  on  the  con- 
trary, had  formed  an  iron  wall  against  the  closed 
ranks  of  the  Phalanx.  The  scutum  was  probably 
derived  from  the  Samnites. 

*  Athenaeus,  vi.  273. 


Along  with  the  aspis  the  Etruscans  used  metal 
helmets,  with  high  plumes  or  crests,  and  deep  side- 
pieces,  such  as  are  constantly  represented  in  their 
works  of  art,  and  which  are  called  "  Cassides,''  ap- 
parently an  Etruscan  word.  Also  the  panzer  and 
greaves,  long  lances  or  spears,  which  in  Falerii  were 
exactly  of  the  same  pattern  as  the  old  Athenian,  and 
a  short  sword  which  bore  the  Tuscan  name  of  "  Bal- 
teus."     With  all  these  arms  Servius  equiiDped  his 

first  class. 

The  regiments  of  these  fully  armed  warriors  con- 
stituted the  strength  and  kernel  of  the   Etruscan 
army,  and  appear  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  free 
class  of  burghers,  as  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  nobles  only  formed  these  bands,  for  which  their 
number  was  far  too  small,  neither  was  it  likely  that 
their  serfs  would  be  so  expensively  and  formidably 
equipped.     In  any  case  the  raising  of  such  a  host, 
which  no  cavalry,  composed  of  nobles  only,  could 
withstand,  was  the  symptom  of  an  elevation  in  the 
social  standing  of  those  who  served.     It  seems  to 
answer  to  the  "  Hoplites  "  of  the  Greeks  composed 
of  free  citizens. 

On  the  other  hand,  from  the  legend  of  Porsenna 
paying  his  troops,  we  may  deduce  that  in  time  hired 
freemen  replaced  the  burghers^  and  that  the  rich 
aristocracy  found  it  more  for  their  interest  to  pay 
regiments,  composed  partly  of  their  clients  and 
partly  of  poorer  citizens,  rather  than  to  require  the 
burghers  to  arm  themselves.     It  is  with  such  a  host 


I 


i:]6 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


137 


that  Celes  Yibenna  appears  to  have  ravaged  Etrui-ia,* 
and  such  an  arrangement  appears  in  every  Etruscan 
State  to  have  been  possible  in  combination  with  the 
supremacy  of  the  Lucumoes.  Tlie  example  of  Ser- 
vius  in  Rome  is  a  demonstration  tliat  such  a  pro- 
ceeding must  lead  to  a  free,  and  finally  a  domineering 
middle  class. 

Lighter  arms    were   also   in   use   amongst   the 
Etruscans.    The  liglit  spear,  called  '*  hasta  velitaris," 
was  regarded  by  tlie  Greeks  as  a  Tuscan  invention, 
and  the  name  -  Velites"  is  Tuscan.     The  lance,  the 
short  spear,  the  arrow,  and  the  sling,  are  also  found 
a,mongst  tlie   Etruscans.     The    *' rilum,'»  probably 
Samnite,  seems  never  to  have  been  [idoptcd  by  them ; 
and  in  consequence  of  adhering  always  to  their  old 
forms  in  the  order  of  battle,  they  had  no  efficient 
weapons  wlierewith  to  meet  the  sliocks  of  the  second 
and  third  attacks  of  the  Romans.     Their  light  troops 
were  only  serviceable  on  the  flanks  or  in  the  rear 
of  the  phalanx,  and  could  only  be  massed  in  small 
numbers.     In  such  bodies  the  country  people  could 
tight  when  the  Romans  crossed  througli  tlie  forest 
of  Mount  Ciminus  with  sickles,  and  the  light  spear 
called  '^  goDsa,"  which  was  manufacturerl  in  Arretium, 
besides  shields,  helmets,  and  other  heavier  armour.  ' 
The  Tuba  (trumpet)  must  be  noticed,  because  it 
was  strictly  an  instrument  for  war,  and  because  its 
mvention  and  use  were  attributed  by  all  antiquity 

♦  Xiobuhr,  ii.  531. 


to  the  Etruscans.  Little  is  known  of  the  cavalry 
of  the  Tuscans,  excepting  that  the  decorative  har- 
ness of  their  horses  (designated  by  the  Greek  word 
'*  Phalerae '*)  was  transmitted  to  the  Romans.  It 
was  probably  the  favourite  service  of  the  nobility, 
from  their  passion  for  chariot-races.  And  yet  the 
highest  ranks  appear  rather  to  have  withdrawn  from 
war,  excepting  in  the  earliest  times,  before  luxury 
had  weakened  the  energies  of  the  nation.  The 
soldiers  themselves,  even  in  the  last  century  of  their 
freedom,  fought  at  Sutrium  as  if  they  sought  for 
death  ;  and  the  Sacred  Legion,  which  after  the  Italian 
custom  consisted  of  pledged  and  chosen  warriors, 
contended  at  the  Yadimonian  Lake  with  such  Sam- 
nite i)erseverance  and  ferocity,  that  the  Romans 
scarcely  hoped  to  maintain  their  ground  against 
their  often- conquered  and  humiliated  enemy. 

Finally,  we  must  trace  the  boasted  Roman  insti- 
tution of  the  "Feciales"  from  the  Etruscan  Falerii. 
AVe  find  them  established  amongst  the  Samnites, 
and  Roman  tradition  ascribed  them  to  the  "  ^qui." 
Xow  the  Faliscans  were  called  '*^Equi  Falisci," 
either  because  they  were  descended  from  a  colony 
named  '*  ^Equi,'*  or  simply  because  their  new  city  was 
built  on  the  equal  ground  or  plain.  It  appears  that 
the  derivation  of  the  Feciales  from  Falerii,  rests 
entirely  upon  a  false  etymology,  and  it  is  probably 
the  same  in  the  case  of  deriving  the  Faliscii  from 
the  ^qui. 

This  is  suggested  to  us  by  a  passage  in  Dionysius, 
whose  false  and  superficial  criticisms  would  identify 


I 


138 


MANNERS  AND  CT'STOMS  OF 


TlIE  ETRUSCANS. 


139 


the  Fecialcs  with  the  Greek  Spondophori,  whom  he 
imagines  to  have  belonged  to  the  Argive  Pelasgic 
colony  at  Faleria.  In  truth,  however,  the  Spondo- 
phori and  the  Feeiales  were  so  diverse  in  many 
essential  particulars  tliat  they  cannot  have  had  a 
common  origin. 


Chapter  TV. 

DOMESTIC  LIFE  OF  THE   ETRl'SCANS. 

OiR  inforaiation  respecting  tlie  domestic  and  inner 
life  of  the  Etruscans  is  so  scauty  tliat  it  still  re- 
mains doubtful  whether  their  family  divisions  into 
races  and  clans  represented  the  state  ideal  or  not  as 
with  the  Romans.  One  thing,  liowever,  is  certain, 
that  they  never  bore  the  three  names  which  distin- 
guished  the  Latin  GenffSy  for  amongst  all  who  come 
forward  in  Roman  history  and  amongst  the  hundreds 
engraved  upon  the  funeral  urns  we  never  find  more 
tlian  two,  a  pre-  and  a  sir-  name.  They  appear  to  be 
the  distinctive  name  borne  by  the  individual  with 
that  of  either  his  father  or  his  mother.  There  is  no 
name  of  a  Gens  of  which  liis  famil}-  formed  part, 
though  this  omission  cannot  prove  that  no  such 
Gens  existed.  When  a  noble  Etruscan  enrolled 
himself  as  a  Roman  citizen  we  always  find  him  with 
two  names,  one  of  w  hich  was  very  probably  a  Gen- 
tile name,  such  as  Celes  Vibenna,  Vestricius  Spurinna, 


(^ilnius  Mflccenas,  and  he  soon  adopted  the  three 
names,  as  we  find  with  the  Ca)cinas  and  the  Salvii. 
But  in  Etruria  itself  a  Cilnius  was  simply  ''  Larth 
Cfelne,'*  and  any  addition  is  like  the  primitive  of 
all  nations— Ow^n  the  son  of  Meredith,  David  the 
son  of  Saul.  In  Etruria,  however,  the  same  family 
always  bore  the  same  name,  and  the  pracnomen  of 
the  individual  alone  differs. 

With   the  constitution  of  the  Etruscan  States, 
which  were  all  under  the  dominion  of  a  few  ruling 
families,  came  a  careful  remembrance  of  their  ex- 
traction and  great  pride  of  birth.     Indeed,  this  pride 
was  so  ingrained  that  it  outlasted  their  freedom  and 
continued  after  they  WTre  incorporated  with  Rome. 
Horace  assures  us  that  Maecenas  was  not  proud,  yet 
he  glorified  himself  exceedingly  for  being  descended 
from  a  long  line   of  the  ancient   Etruscan  kings. 
Aulus    Cuccina    is    commemorated    by    Cicero,   as 
amongst  the  noblest  born  in  Etruria.     Persius  of 
Yolaterra  exhorts   a  young  student   not   to   plume 
himself  upon  being  the  thousandth  in  descent  from 
an  ancient  Tuscan  house.     Persius  is  not  speaking 
to  a  patrician  of  his  descent  from  some  illustrious 
magnate  of  the  olden  time  ;  his  whole  satire  is  ad- 
dressed to  youths  of  the  middle  class,  and  his  warning 
to  them  relates  to  the  silly  pride  of  being  descended 
from  a  very  old  family.     Etruria  was  the  fatherland 
of  old  families,   and  her  youth  were  as  proud  of 
being  able  to  count  back  their  unknown  and  unsung 
forefathers,  as  any  Roman  of  his  descent  from  an 
equally  long  stream  of  councillors   and  dictators. 


iMi 


140 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


141 


"  Larthal  '*  on  an  urn  is  supposed  to  mean  the  son 
of  a  Larth. 

It  is  remarkable  that  on  the  funeral  chests  the 
mother's  name  is  quite  as  often  given  as  the  father's, 
and  it  is  expressed  by  the  termination  al.  The  dis- 
tinction lies  in  the  pracnomen  not  being  given,  but 
only  the  family  name  with  al  annexed.  In  the 
same  family  sepulchre  we  find  *'  Larthia  Fuisinei 
Lecnesa ;"  i.e.  a  born  Fuisine  who  was  married  to  a 
Lecne  or  Licinius ;  an  ''  Arnth  Lccne  Fuisinal,"  i.p. 
a  Lecne  whose  mother  was  a  Fuisine.  The  ancient 
historians  adduce  it  as  a  proof  of  the  importance  of 
women  in  Lydia,  that  the  children  bore  the  names 
of  their  mothers  as  well  as  their  fathers  ;  and  we  may 
be  sure  that  both  in  Lydia  and  in  Etruria  it  was  the 
influential  families  only  that  were  thus  distinguished. 
Tanaquil  was  celebrated  along  with  Tarquin  in 
Rome.  The  paternal  name  of  ^laocenas  was  pro- 
bably Cilnius,  and  in  his  person  the  two  ruling 
families  ofthe(^ilnii  and  the  Mecenati  were  joined. 
It  seems  most  natural  that  *'  Cfelne  Maecnatir//" 
should  in  Home  beconu^  Cilnius  ^lircenas.  Even 
so  "Cale  Yiimwr'  would  become  Celes  Vibenna. 
"  Festrice  Spurinr///'  Vestricius  Spuriniui.  All  these 
four  names,  Cale,  Fipi,  Festrice,  and  Spurinna,  be- 
long to  distinguished  families  on  the  burial  urns. 

A  Latin  inscription  upon  an  Etruscan  urn  at 
Volsinia,  "Festus  Musoni,  suboles  prolesque  Avieni," 
clearly  expresses  the  father  and  mother  of  the  man. 

The  right  of  primogeniture  seems  to  have  been 
strictly  upheld  in  Etruria,  and  in  riding  families 


was  expressed  by  the  title  of  Lucumo  or  Lars.  The 
first-born,  who  was  the  prince  of  the  house  and  its 
representative  in  the  council,  was  dignified  by  the 
title  of  Lar,  or  lord,  or  chief.  Aruns  appears  to  have 
belonged  to  the  younger  son,  and  always  designates 
a  person  in  an  inferior  or  oppressed  condition. 

Still  less  do  we  know  of  any  other  arrangements 
in  an  Etruscan  noble  house  beyond  the  circumstance 
that  their  estates  were  very  large  and  that  they 
could  not  be  divided  and  sold.  Like  the  Highland 
clanships  they  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  house 
and  to  have  remained  in  it  through  the  lapse  of  ages. 
The  lands  were  cultivated  by  serfs  or  clansmen. 
The  Ca}cina8  of  Yolaterra  either  took  their  name  from 
the  river  Ca)cina,  or  gave  their  name  to  the  stream 
which  watered  their  domains.  The  Perugian  "  Tins  " 
took  their  name  from  the  river  Tinia,  or  vice  vend, 
as  their  possessions  lay  all  along  its  banks. 

The  Cajcina  Decius  Albinus,*  who  was  the  friend 
of  Symmachus  and  visited  by  Ilutilius,  as  Pra^fectus 
Urbi  in  the  reign  of  Ilonorius,  lived  in  a  villa  of 
Yolaterra,  close  to  the  river  Ca)cina.  He  was  Consul 
A.u.  444. 

Selection  of  Abbreviated  Names  in  Etruscan 

Inscriptions. 

The   Sepulchral   inscriptions  usually  commence 
with  a  pncnomen,  or  title  :  such  as  — 

*  Note  in  Appendix,  No.   77  :    Caecina  Albinus,  who 
lived  in  a.d.   380,  is  the  father  of  this  Decius. 


IIP 


I 


S 


142 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Larth,  Lart,  Lth, 
Laris,  Ls,  Lar,  La,  L ; 
adopted  by  the  Romans  as  a  Gentile  name — Lartim. 
Arnth,  Arnt,  Ar,  Ath,  A. 
Aule,  A,  Au,  Af. 
Fel  (Velius),  Fl,  Fe,  F. 
Cuinte  (Quintius). 
Sethre  (Scxtus),  Se. 
Lachne  (Lch),  Lucumo. 
Thana  (fom.),  Tliasna,  Thna,  Tha,  Thn. 
Thanchufil,  or  Tanaquil. 
Titia,  Ti. 
Phastia,  Pha. 
Ane  and  Ilamta  are  doubtful. 

Family  Names. 

Cilnium  of  Arczzo.  In  one  vault  twenty-nine 
urns,  or  other  objects,  were  found,  inscribed  Cfenle 
or  Cfelne. 

MoDcenas  of  Yolaterra  or  Arczzo. 

CoDcina  of  Yolaterra,  or  Ceicna. 

Caspu  or  Culpe  of  Yolaterra. 

Tlapuni  (Tlabonius)  of  Yolaterra. 

Selcia  do. 

Musu  (Musonius)  of  Yolsinia. 

Sejanti  (Sejanus)  do. 

Salfi  (Salvius)  from  Ferentinum.  The  Emperor 
Otho  was  of  this  princely  family. 

Phlafe  (Flavius)  from  Ferentinum,  and  in  many 
other  cities. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 

Propertius, 

king  of  Yeii.     A 

in  Umbria. 

Tins  of  Perusia. 

Anaine. 

Ancari. 

Aphsi. 

Aphune. 

Atusnei. 

Aulni  (Aul 

inna,  Olenus). 

Ccstna    of 

Yolaterra. 

Fama 

do. 

Felani 

do. 

Feltsna 

do. 

Pherini 

Clusium. 

Cuinte    or 

Quintius. 

Felehe 

Yeleia. 

Uthtafe 

Octavius. 

Feli 

Yelissa. 

Hema 

Herennius. 

Tite  i^'esi 

Titus  Yesius. 

Fipi 

Yibennius. 

Meteli 

Metellius. 

Petru 

Petronius. 

Plaute 

Plautius. 

Pumpu 

Pomponius. 

Pursue 

Porsenna. 

Surte 

Sutrina. 

Thunmia 

Thormena. 

Yelimnia 

Yolumnus. 

Cama 

Carinius. 

Phulne 

jjolnii. 

143 


Also  a  ruling  house 


!' 


144 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


141 


Reicna    or  Riciiis. 

Trepu  Treboiiius. 

Puste  Postinius. 

Pepne  Pcq)enna. 

Marce  IMaitius. 

Fcstrcnl  Vestricius. 

These  may  serve  as  a  specimen.  Particular 
names  in  general  belono^,  like  the  coins,  to  particular 
states,  but  a  few  are  found  throughout  the  Con- 
federation. 

There  were  no  clan  names  with  nomen  and  coff- 
nomen. 

Sepi  L(  URAL  Names. 

Tite  Feli  (Titus  Velius),  Perusia. 

Fete,  Clusium. 

Fipe  (Vibius,  Vibenna). 

Lautni,  Clusium. 

Lecne  (Licinius). 

Metele  (Metellius),  Arretium. 

Petru  (Petronius),  or  Plancure,  Clusium. 

Pumpu  fPomponius),  Perusia,  Umbria. 

Plaute  (Plautius). 

Pume,  or  Pursue  (Porsenna),  Clusium,  Sutrina. 

Thurmna  (Thormena). 

Velimnia  (Yolunmus),  Perusia. 

Ani  (Annius),  Clusium. 

Carna  (Carinnius),  Clusium. 

Fusine  (Volsienus). 

Eeicna  (Ricius). 

Trepu  (Trebonius),  Clusium. 


Puste  (Postinius),  Arretium. 
Pepne  (Perpenna),  Volsinii. 

The  termination  al  is  feminine,  and  denotes  the 
mother's  family ;  and  sometimes  in  a  sepulchral  in- 
scription it  is  given  alone,  the  father's  name  being 
supposed  as  possessor  of  the  family  vault. 

Arntlu//,  Larthr//,  is  the  son  of  an  Arnth  and  Larth. 

Before  names  ending  with  al  we  seldom  find 
patronymics,  unless  in  an  abbreviated  form. 

Ls  Tetina,  TjS  Spurinal, 

Lth  Causl.  Lth  Fipinal :  that  is, 

Laris  Tetina,  son  of  Laris  (the  father)  and  a 
Spurinna. 

Larth  Causlim,  son  of  Larth  (father)  and  a  Fipi. 

There  are  two  other  forms,  sa  and  ei,  which 
require  explanation.  The  first  four  of  the  following 
inscriptions  are  of  men,  the  last  four  of  women. 

Lecne  is  Licinius. 

1.  Fel  Lecne  Fisce  Larcna/. 

2.  A.  Lecne  A.  Althnia/. 

3.  A.  Lecne  Fuisin^/. 

4.  A.  Lecne  Fusin«/ Artha/. 

5.  Thanchufil  Sesctne/  Lecnesa. 

6.  Thanchfil  Phrelnet  Tebatnal  Lecne«a. 

7.  Lth.  Titei  Lecne«a  Cainrt/. 

8.  Ijarthia  Fuisinei  Lecnesa. 

From  these  we  learn  that  the  male  name  Lecne, 
&c.,  is  never  put  with  the  woman,  but  second  with 
the  addition  of  aa. 

L 


1 1 


1 


146 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


147 


From  these  examples  it  appears  that  females 
of  the  name  of  Leone  were  buried  in  this  vault 
whether  married  or  unmarried  ;  only  if  they  became 
Lecne  by  marriage,  this  was  signified  by  the  addition 
of  sa. 

Ijecnesa  means  the  wife  of  a  Lecne ;  the  other 
names  8esct//e/,  Phrelw^/,  Tit//,  Fuisi>/r/,  are  the 
family  names  of  these  ladies  before  their  marriage. 

Hence,  also,  it  appears  that  two  brothers  amongst 
the  male  names,  A.  Lecne  Fuisinr//,  were  the  sons  of 
No.  8,  Larthia  Fuisin^*  Tjccnew.  The  one  desig- 
nated Arth<7/  was  the  son  of  No.  2,  A.  Lecne  A. 
Althnial. 

In  this  way  we  may  construct  a  very  intelligible 
genealogical  table. 

A.  Lecne  >^  Althnci  Lecnesa 

I 
(2.)  A.  Lecne  A.  Althnial  w  («.)  Larthia  Fuisinei  Lecnesa 

A.  Lecne  Fusinal  Arthal,  A.  Lecne  Fnisinal. 

The  ladies  Tebatnei  and  Cainei,  of  course,  added 
their  own  names. 

In  the  vault  of  the  Cfelne  family  we  find  **  Thana 
Methlne  (nei)  Cfenlesa ;"  i.e.  a  Metlilne  manied  to 
a  Cilnius,  and  their  son  Au.  Cfenle  Methlne/. 

Many  other  examples  might  be  given,  and  are  to 
be  found  in  Muller*s  German  Edition,  but  these  will 
probably  be  sufficient  for  an  English  reader. 

A  single  s  is  often  made  to  stand  for  sn. 

In  one  Etruscan  sepulchre  of  the  Fete  we  find 


the  names  "  Arnt  Fete  Arnthalisa  Caias,"  "  Larth 
Fete  Larthalsa  Caialitha ;"  here  th  seems  to  stand 
for  «,  and  Lartha  Cai,  Arntha  Cai,  may  perhaps 
signify  elder  and  younger  daughter. 

From  these  examples  it  seems  proved  that  al  is  a 
patronymic  as  well  as  a  matronymic ;  that  sa,  or  «, 
or  tfh  means  taken  into  the  family  by  marriage,  and 

that  . 

El,  or  /,  or  cia,  or  lo,  means  the  family  in  which 

a  woman  was  born. 

All  Etruscan  names  are  declined,  and  we  find 
names  in  the  genitive  and  dative  as  weU  as  nominative, 
on  the  funeral  urns. 

Some  of  these  families  had  branches  in  several  of 
the  states,  and  a  great  many  of  them  are  named  by 
Latin  autliors,  giving  their  names  in  the  Latin  form. 

There  are  no  clan  names,  only  the  name  of  the 
individual  and  his  title. 

Meaning  of  the  annexed  syllables,  al,  sa,  ei. 

Al  is  a  patronymic,  or  matronjonic,  signifying 

'•  son  of,'*  &c. 

Ex.  **  Ls  Tetina,  Ls  Spurinal ;"  i.e,,  Laris  Tetina 
Larisal  Spurinal  Laris  Tetina,  son  of  the  Laris  and 

a  Spurinna.  ^  ^^ 

Sa,  or   s,   is    believed  to    indicate    ''wife    of. 

Lechne-sYf,  married  to  a  Lecne. 

1.  A.  Lecne  .^  Althnei  Lecnesa. 

2.  A.  Lecne  A.   Althni«/  _   Larthia   Fuisinei 

Lecnesa. 

3.  A.  Lecne  Fusina/  Artha/. 


148 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


4.  A.  Locne  Fuisinfl/. 

1.  i.e.,  a  Lecne  married  to  an  Althnei. 

2.  A  Lecne,  son  of  Lecne,  and  Althnei  and  his 
wife,  the  Larthia  Fuisinei. 

3.  A  Lecne,  son  of  Fuisinei,  son  of  Arth. 

4.  A  Lecne,  son  of  Fuisinei. 

Ely  eiay  ia,  appear  to  be  feminine  terminations. 

Mmonius, 

1.  Larthi  Titnei  Mus  usa. 

2.  Ath.  Musu  An  ainal. 

3.  Fel  Musu  Titia/. 

This  shows  that  Arnth  Musu,  whose  mother  was 
an  Anaine,  married  a  Larthia  of  the  family  of  Titne, 
called  from  him  Musuw;  and  their  son  Fel  Musu 
was,  after  his  mother,  called  Titi«/  or  Titnal. 

Mi.  Aiiles  Apianus. 

Mi  is  supposed  to  mean  **  I  am." 

The  derivation  of  the  family  names  is  sometimes 
from  the  gods,  as  Tiris,  Ancare,  &c. 

Many  from  their  lands  or  original  birtliplace. 
Caspre  from         Casperia  in  Sabina. 


Suthrina 

Phrentinate 

Sentinate 

Urinate 

Capenate 

Sarsinas 

Tifemas 

Urbinas 

Interamnas 


Sutrium. 

Ferentinum. 

Sentinum  in  Umbria. 

Urinum. 

Capena. 

Sarsinum. 

Tifernum. 

Urbinum. 

Tnteramnium. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


149 


BOOK  III. 

ON  THE  RELIGION  AND  DIVINATION  OF  THE 

ETRUSCANS. 


Chapter  I. 
ON  the  persons  who  performed  divine  worship 

AND  EXERCISED  DIVINATION. 

The  Etruscans  were  regarded  by  all  antiquity  as  a 
nation  who  peculiarly  honoured  the  gods  and  who 
had  reduced  their  worship  to  a  science.     In  this  the 
interpretation    of  the   supreme   will  by    dtimatwn 
accepted  a  larger  part  than  with  any  other  known 
people.     They  intermingled  their  worship  with  every 
civil  and   practical   interest.      Hence   the   arts    of 
divinity  was  one  of  their  strongest  characteristics 
and  a  principal  point  in  their  education.     For  our 
knowledge  of  this  we  have   chiefly   to   thank  the 
Romans  who  made  use  of  the  augurs  for  the  welfare 
of  their  own  state,  although  they  never  entirely  or 
exclusively  adopted  their  religion,  we  do  not  find  m 


150 


MANNKRS  AND  CVSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRVSCANS. 


151 


Romp  tpmplos  to  Nortia  or  Voltumna ;  and  when 
divines  were  wanted  we  read  of  their  being  con- 
stantly sent  for  into  Etruria  and  never  of  their  beinn. 
educated  in  the  Latin  schools.  " 

This  leads  us  to  inquire  what  sort  of  persons  were 
the  early  Auguis  and  Ilaruspices  of  Etruria,  who 
visited  the  Latin  .States  on  special  occasions,  and 
then  returned  to  their  own  homes.     It  is  certain 
that  the  grandees  of  Etruria  united  to  worldly  pomp 
also   priestly  and   prophetic   dignify.      When    the 
Twelve  States   met  for  their  annual  festival,  they 
chose  one  of  their  noblest  princes  to  bo  high-priest 
for   the    occasion.      The    high-priest hoo<l    of  each 
deity  was  witliin  the  Tribe  hereditary,  as  we  learn 
from   Juno  of  Veii,    whose   imago   could   only   be 
touched  by  one  priest  out  of  one  particular  family. 

The  Lucumoes,  according  to  Censorinus,  were  all 
taught  the  ma.xims  of  the  demi-god  Tages,  and  were 
the  constituted  guardians  of  the  Etru.scan  discipline. 
Virgil,  in  the  10th  iEneid,  presents  us  with  an 
Etruscan  chief  as  a  seer  and  an  interpreter  between 
gods  and  men.     The  Lucumo's  wife  and  daughter, 
Tanaquil,  lives  in  Roman  story  as  the  interpreter  of 
signs  to  Tarquin  and  to  Servius,  for  the  noblest  women 
were  also  priestesses.     The  instn.ction  of  the  father 
was  taught  to  the  children  even  down  to  Cicero's  time, 
but  after  the  conquest  and  desolation  of  the  nation 
by  SuUa,  many  of  the  nobles  became  wretchedly  poor, 
many  were  exiled,  much  of  their  discipline  became 
corrupted,  and  many  foreign  customs  were  introduced. 
Even  before  this,  unqualified  and  ignorant  men  had 


become  diviners  for  money,  for  wc  find  t^^e  R~ 
Senate,  about  the  a.h.  COO,  decreemg  tba  out^  o 
each  of  the  twelve  States  ten  sons  of  ^e  noU^ 
should  be  strictly  educated  accordmg  to  the  oW 
systen.,  that  the  long-venerated  disuphne  might  not 
i  lost,  nor  sink  into  contempt  by  reason  of  the 
meanness  of  those  who  exercised  it. 

Cicero  rec.rds  the  law  that  the  ch,efs  of  Etruria 
should  fcarh  the  discipline,  and  that  prodigies  and 
pLsts  should  he  referred  to  the  Etruscau  Ilaru- 

''"^i'lis  law  shows  us  that  though  the  W^'^'^^^T 

from  it;  and  there  was  an  old  -y-g;™^  ^ 
Rome  that  Attius  Na^vius  was  a  man  of  low  birth 
wCs  lowed  in  his  childhood  a  talent  for  divination, 
i  whl  his  father  therefore  placed  for  instruction 
in  an  Etruscau  religious  school.  ^^:„^r{es 

The   Lucumoes  appear  to  have  had  .™'^"^; 
something  like  the  schools  of  the  Druids  or   the 

'^'^^t^Jt^ordinary  purposes  of  civil  U^^ 

Romans  thought  themselves  -^-f  ^^/^^tt 
with  the  auguries  of  their  own  priest  .  '.« ^"i^P^^ 
of  their  ow°i  magistrates,  and  the  Sibylline  Books 
but  for  all  portents  and  prodigies  they  -n  -ued J" 
the  very  last  to  call  in  Etruscan  diviners  It  appears 
that  the  Etruscan  discipline  wa.  not  taugli  o^  of 
their  own  country,  though  Romulus  is  said  (Dionj- 


152 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


sius)  to  have  appointed  a  Ilaruspex  to  each  of  the 
three  Tribes;  but  we  always  find  that  in  cases  of 
difficulty  the  I{,omans  called  in  aid  from  Etruria.  A 
notable  instance  is  seen  at  the  siege  of  Veii.  The 
consequence,  however,  of  having  at  times  to  seek  in- 
fonnation  from  an  enemy  was,  that  the  diviners  occa- 
sionally gave  counsel  exactly  tlie  reverse  of  what 
their  science  taught ;  and  when  this  was  discovered, 
and  they  were  found  to  liave  misled  their  inquirers, 
they  were  put  to  death.  The  Romans  could  scarcely 
see  even  a  swarm  of  boes  unexp(?ctedly  without 
sending  for  a  Haru.spex  to  explain  ihv  reason. 

We  generally  find  tlu'  Haruspices  named  in  the 
plural,  as  if  several  usually  went  together,  perhaps  a 
master  and  his  i)upils  from  tlie  college,  or  a  grandee 
and  his  followers.  In  both  cases  the  bond  of  union 
between  the  disciples  and  their  chief  was  as  children 
to  a  father. 

Some  diviners  stood  in  higher  esteem  than  others 
and  enjoyed  a  personal  reputation,  such  as  Olenus 
Calenus,  who  was  summoncxl  to  explain  the  prodigy 
of  the  blee<ling  head  uimn  tlie  Capitol,  and  such 
persons  were  always  riclily  rewarded. 

If  we  now  inquire  what  was  tlie  peculiar  office  of 
the  Ilaruspex  we  shall  find  that  lie  was  expected  to 
explain  what  evils  the  pnxligy  portended,  and  what 
ceremonies  or  sacrifices  were  required,  and  especially 
what  duties  were  to  he  fulfilled  in  order  to  avert  its 
evU  influence.  The  sacrifice  itself  was  left  to  the 
native  priest.  Cicero  records  a  very  interesting 
example  of  a  dreadful  noise  being  heard,  accompanie<l 


THE  ETRU8CAXS. 


153 


by  a  gushing  forth  of  water,  which  the  Haruspices 
explained  as  a  sign  of  wrath,  or  rather  as  a  warning 
from  Jupiter,  Satuni,  Neptune,  and  the  Earth,  that 
the  games  had  not  been  celebrated  with  their  appro- 
priate ceremonies,  that  they  had  been  desecrated  by 
the  murder  of  ambassadors  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
gods  and  men,  and  that  if  sufficient  propitiation 
were  not  made,  there  would  be  a  strife  between 
the  fathers  and  the  nobles,  which  would  throw  the 
State  into  danger,  and  perhaps  lead  it  to  destruction. 

Here  naturally  arises  the  question,  how  rules 
given  for  Etruscan  deities  could  be  applicable  to 
Unman  ones?  But  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  cases 
prescribed  for  Nortia,  Voltumna,  Ancharia,  the 
veiled  Gods,  and  the  Genii  of  the  Gods,  were  passed 
over  to  the  Roman  deities,  Jupiter,  Saturn,  Neptune, 
and  others.  No  Tuscan  Ilaruspex  ever  prescribed  a 
sacrifice  to  his  own  peculiar  gods  in  a  foreign  territory. 

Doubtless  it  was  Taina  of  Veii  which  consented 
to  become  Juno  of  the  Avertine,  and  we  know  that 
a  State  or  city  was  never  considered  to  be  hope- 
lessly doomed  until  its  gods  had  moved  away  from  it. 

It  was  a  maxim  of  the  Haruspices,  that  the 
sacrifices  which  they  prescribed  should  be  offered  in 
every  State  according  to  the  customs  of  that  State. 
This  rule  seems  to  have  perplexed  and  fettered  them 
as  to  the  answers  they  should  give. 

When  they  reproached  Tiberius  Gracchus  with 
not  having  conducted  the  choice  of  the  new  Consul 
according  to  law,  he  answered  them  that  they  were 
Tuscans  and  foreigners,  and  as  such  not  competent 


154 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


155 


judges;  but  he  found  that  thoy  were  right  and  that 
the  rules  for  election  were  derived  from  their  books 
of  discipline. 

In  the  story  of  the  banishment  of  the  Bacchanals, 
Livy  tells  us  that  the  Consul  Postliumius  quoted  in- 
numerable warnings  respecting  them  from  the 
Pontitices,  the  Senators,  and  the  llaruspiccs. 

Vitruvius  mentions  tluit,  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  Etruscans,  llaruspiccs,  the  temples  of  Venus, 
Vulcan,  and  Mars,  must  be  placed  outside  the  walls, 
as  also  that  of  (7r/v'.v,  meaning  thereby  the  Greek 
ideal  of  tliat  goddess  as  Demctcr,  the  spirit  of  fire  and 
warfare. 

It  seems  that  in  later  days  the  ITaruspices  lost 
much  of  their  ancient  adherence  to  their  peculiar 
faith,  and  became  more  and  more  modified  by  the 
spirit  of  Home. 

But  besides  explaining  the  meaning  of  portents, 
the  llaruspiccs  were  the  chief  inspectors  of  tlie  sacri- 
fices when  oftered.  In  the  second  century  of  the 
Republic  it  was  a  Tuscan  Haruspex,  who  during  the 
I^atin  War  proclaimed  to  Decius  his  fate  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  two  armies.  It  indeed  appears  that  the 
science  of  interpreting  the  sacrifices  rose  in  estima- 
tion in  proportion  as  the  predictions  of  the  Augurs 
and  the  Auspices  of  the  magistrates  declined  in 
favour.  As  8ulla  attended  to  the  Haruspex  Pos- 
tumius,  and  Julius  Caesar  to  the  Haruspex  Spurinna, 
so  most  of  the  Emperors  had  a  Haruspex  attached  to 
them.  Even  private  persons  consulted  them  for 
their  own  affairs,  and  Tiberius  passed  a  law  forbidding 


> 


them  to  bo  employed  secretly.  According  to  Juvenal 
women  at  length  would  call  in  the  seers  to  explain 
the  meaning  of  lightning  or  other  signs,  and  then 
consultcKl  them  about  the  sacrifices.  Persius  names 
Ero-onna.  Ennius  tells  us  that  in  his  time  this  craft 
was  often  exercised  by  needy  people  of  low  estate 
who  made  their  calling  ridiculous :  but  in  the  time 
of  Augustus  it  is  certain  that  the  Etruscan  Haru- 
spices  were  scattered  over  the  lloman  world,  and  were 
in  special  request  as  the  explainers  of  all  portents  by 
lightning. 

The  great  rivals  to  the  Haruspices  were  the 
Chaldaean  astronomers,  whom  we  find  to  have  fas- 
cinated the  later  Romans,  and  though  often  banished 
by  law,  were  continually  returning  under  new 
names.  Di^'ination  by  the  stars  or  by  casting  na- 
tivities seems  to  have  been  quite  foreign  to  the 
Etruscan  discipline. 

Tha  Emperor  Claudius  laid  a  proposition  before 
the  Senate,  respecting  the  College  of  the  Haruspices 
{!<upor  collegio  haruspicuni)^  that  the  old  and  vener- 
able discipline  of  the  State  should  not  be  over- 
thrown by  foreign  superstitions.  Whereupon  he 
obtained  a  Senatus  Consultus  to  the  Pontifices  to 
examine  the  doctrines  of  the  Haruspices,  and  give 
sentence  what  it  w^as  of  importance  to  retain — an 
evidence  that  much  corrupt  matter  had  been  intro- 
duced. This  College  of  Haruspices  was  not  then 
first  originated,  but  is  spoken  of  as  a  settled  estab- 
lishment in  Rome.     Alexander  Severus*  authorized 

*  Lamprid.  Alex.  27. 


156 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


the  open  teaching  of  genii  as  theology,  therefore  in 
his  day  the  Ilaruspices  must  have  been  publicly 
acknowledged  officials,  and  indeed  we  find  inscrip- 
tions speaking  of  "  Ilaruspices  publicos,"  "  Magister 
publicus  Haruspicum,"  **  Ordo  LX.  Ilaruspicum," 
and  a  "  Ilaruspex  primus"  of  the  LX. 

The  Ilaruspices,  therefore,  appear  to  have  pre- 
served their  dignity  and  influence,  supported  by  the 
State,  until  the  extinction  of  the  old  religion.  Under 
Maximinus  we  find  the  Aquileians  following  the 
counsels  of  the  inspector  of  the  sacrificers ;  and  the 
people  of  Italy  generally  appear  to  have  had  full 
faith  in  his  predictions.  Julian  consulted  the  Ilaru- 
spices about  a  falling  star,  and  was  accompanied  by 
these  sages  in  his  campaign.  The  fate  of  this  Csomr 
strengthened  their  authority  for  a  brief  space  ;  but 
all  the  Christian  emperors,  botli  before  and  after, 
forbade  under  the  severest  penalties  any  one  to  con- 
sult the  Ilaruspices,  tlie  Chaldicans,  or  the  Magi. 

That  the  Ilaruspices  to  the  very  last  were  Tus- 
cans, though  no  others  were  absolutely  excluded 
from  their  profession,  is  evidenced  by  the  example, 
in  A.D.  408,  of  the  Tuscan  Fulgatores  in  Namia, 
who  offered,  by  drawing  lightning  from  heaven,  to 
protect  that  city  from  the  Goths,  and  were  ready  to 
do  the  same  for  Rome  if  the  lip.  Innocentius  would 
have  sanctioned  it. 

On  the  birth  of  Ilonorius,  a.d.  385,  according  to 
Claudian,  the  Tuscan  seers,  whom  he  calls  *' Auo-urcs," 
predicted  the  future  greatness  of  the  chUd^  along 
with  the  oracles  of  Ammon  and  Delphi. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


15: 


Chapter  II. 

ON   THE    WRITINGS   OF    ANTIQUITY   CONCERNING   THE 
ETRUSCAN  RELIGION  AND  DIVINATION. 


The  foregoing  remarks  upon  the  persons  who  guarded 
the  religious  rites  and  the  divination  of  the  Etruscans 
suggest  a  slight  criticism  upon  the  sources  whence 
our  information  is  derived.  No  one  in  these  days 
will  believe  in  any  account  of  the  Etruscan  discipline 
in  pre-historic  times,  and  had  there  at  any  time 
existed  a  sacred  written  code,  the  Roman  Senate 
and  the  Emperor  Claudius  need  not  have  feared  its 
extinction.  Indeed  the  innumerable  incomplete  in- 
scriptions which  still  exist  upon  monuments  or  urns 
endence  that   in   Etruria   not    even    writing    was 

common. 

^Vhat  was  at  first  written  down  was  certainly 
not  universal  rules  and  principles  —  not  a  theory  of 
knowledge,  but  rather  a  memory  of  rare  things  which 
were  likely  to  be  forgotten,  such  as  extraordinary 
signs,  omens,  and  portents,  and  what  were  their  con- 
sequences. These  prodigies  were  described  in  the 
**  Libri  Fatales,"  of  which  Livy  makes  mention  in 
the  A.R.  357,  B.C.  396,  during  the  siege  of  Veii. 
Copies  of  them,  or  copious  extracts  from  them, 
existed  very  early  in  Rome,  and  w  ere  committed  to 
the  same  College  of  Priests  who  had  charge  of  the 
Sibvlline  books.     In  a.r.  356  we  find  the  Patricians 


158 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


consulting  them  and  learning  from  them  that  the 
gods  must  be  propitiated  to  deliver  them  from  a 
desolating  pestilence,  and  subsequent  to  this  date  we 
find  many  signs  procured  tlirough  their  instructions. 
That  these  "Libri  Fatales"  should,  in  the  a.r.  524 
and  536,  have  prescribed  that  a  Gallic  man  and 
woman  and  a  Greek  man  and  woman  should  be 
buried  alive  in  Roman  soil  to  fulfil  the  prediction 
that  they  should  one  day  inhabit  the  land,  is  always 
ascribed  to  the  Etruscans,  because  the  Gauls  and 
Greeks  were  their  enemies  with  whom  they  were 
always  at  war;  also  the  furious  adjuration  with 
which  the  chief  of  the  Quindecimviri  commanded  the 
sacrifice ;  and  the  strange  gods  whose  wrath  was  to 
be  turned  away  were  Tuscan  Infernals. 

But  so  much  must  be  conceded,  that  a  peculiar 
fitness  for  the  religious  discipline  in  the  early  Lucu- 
moes  who  were  devoted  to  it  seems  to  have  inspired 
them  to  embody  their  feelings,  their  convictions, 
and  their  experiences,  in  lofty  and  noble  songs  and 
verses,  which  made  a  strong  impression  upon  the 
people.  But  an  authoritative  scheme  of  the  whole 
discipline  in  detail,  and  in  its  practical  application 
to  every-day  life,  is  not  credible  before  experience 
and  necessity  called  it  forth,  that  is,  until  family 
traditions  became  extinct,  and  imtil  many  pretended 
to  the  craft  for  the  sake  of  gain.  Then  a  written 
code  would  give  greater  confidence  and  imix>rtance 
to  a  verbal  interpretation.  In  Cicero's  time  there 
were  a  great  many  books  in  the  hands  of  tlie  Tuscan 
Haruspices,  all  of  which  contained  the  same  dis- 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


159 


cipline.  Out  of  these  they  sought  counsel  when 
prodigies  occurred,  and  the  extraordinary  and  pecu- 
liar precepts  they  sometimes  enforce  show  us  that 
these  books  were  written  in  the  Etruscan  tongue, 
and  that  the  Haruspices  were  employed  to  translate 
them,  otherwise  indeed  they  would  not  have  been 
called  **  Libri  Etrusci,  Chartoo  Etruscoc." 

From  these  premises  we  may  safely  conclude 
that  an  accommodation  to  Roman  manners  ^rould 
prevent  the  old  traditions  from  being  transmitted  to 
foreigners  quite  pure  and  genuine,  and  that  very 
soon  a  system  of  explanation  and  accommodation 
would  come  into  play  corrupting  whilst  it  modified 
the  old  Tuscan  rules.  In  later  days  still  greater 
changes  must  have  arisen  from  mixture  with  other 
superstitions. 

These  later  corruptions  I  mean  to  treat  briefly 
of,  and  from  the  greater  number  of  them  I  hold  the 
genuine  Etruscan  books  down  to  Cicero's  time,  and 
indeed  from  his  time  to  Pliny's,  to  have  been  free. 
They  were  classed  under   the  names  of  "  Etrusci 
Libri,"  "Etruscorum  Libri,"  and  "Etruscae  discip- 
lina)  Libri."    Very  often  we  find  quotations  from  the 
books  of  Tages,  of  which  the  following  is  the  legend  j^ 
"A  ploughman  in  the  fields  of  Tarquinia  having 
struck  his  plough  deeper  into  the  earth  than  usual, 
Tages  sprang  forth.     He  was  the  son  of  a  Genius, 
the  grandson  of  Jupiter,  a  child  in  form,  but  an 
old  man  in  wisdom.     The  ploughman  shouted  loud 
from  fear,  upon   which   the   neighbours  flocked  to 
his  assistance,  together  with  the  Lucumoes  of  the 


160 


MANNERS  AND  (TTSTOMS  OF 


Twelve  States.  Tagcs  sang  to  them  his  precepts 
upon  sacrifices,  divination  by  lightning,  and  other 
sacred  themes,  which  having  finished  he  sank  into 
the  earth,  and  immediately  expired." 

The  phmghman,  whose  name  is  never  given  in 
Etruscan  annals,  could  be  no  other  than  Tarchon  of 
Tarquinia,  and  is  so  called  by  John  of  Lydia,  and 
indicated  by  Strabo.  This  chief  hero  of  the  nation 
is  the  man  whom  Tages  instructed,  and  the  precepts 
which  he  and  the  other  Lucumoes  wrote  down  formed 
the  substance  of  the  **  Libri  Tagetici,"  or  "  Disci- 
plina  Tagetis,"  or  "Sacra  Tagetica."  Their  contents 
were  very  comprehensive  and  varied.  Here  were 
rules  about  lightning,  the  foundation  of  cities,  and 
even  instructions,  as  we  learn  from  Virgil,  about 
many  of  the  common  events  of  life.  These  were 
doubtless  mixed  up  with  the  original  verses  of  Tages, 
and  tended  not  only  to  corrupt,  but  sometimes  to 
falsify  them. 

Added  to  the  books  of  Tages  were  those  of 
Acheron,  in  which  were  rules  for  the  propitiation 
of  the  gods,  the  averting  of  fate,  and  the  elevation 
or  glorification  of  disembodied  spirits.  In  these  it 
was  taught  that  even  fixed  destinies  might  be  delayed 
for  ten  years  by  a  certain  course  of  conduct,  a  maxim 
that  was  inculcated  in  other  books  also.  In  these 
books  we  find  the  extraordinary  assertion,  that  when 
certain  animals  were  offered  to  their  allotted  gods 
the  souls  of  the  offerers  became  divine  and  exempt 
from  the  laws  of  mortalitv.  These  books  were  trans- 
luted  by  Labeo  along  with  those  of  Tages,  and  were 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


161 


entitled  by  him,  "  De  Diis  quibus  origo  animalis  est.*' 
The  name  of  Acheron  is  doubtless  taken  from  the 
Greek,  and  was  transplanted  by  the  Greeks  into 
Bruttium  and  Apulia.  There  was  also  a  Lake  of 
Acheron  close  to  Cumai — the  very  ancient  ally  of 
the  Etruscans  and  the  Latins.  The  Etruscan 
svnonvm  seems  to  have  been  Avemus,  which 
Sophocles  places  in  the  land  of  the  Tyrrhenians. 

The  Greek  maxims  were,  very  probably,  mingled 
with  the  Tagetan  during  the  existence  of  the 
twelve  southern  States  of  Etruria,  when  they  were 
lords  of  Campania   and  before   the   foundation   of 

Rome. 

That,  however,  the  Acherontic  Discipline  was  not 
purely  Greek  is  proved  by  the  very  un-Grecian 
doctrine  about  the  "  Pii  Auimales." 

We  may  believe  that  Tages  was  to  the  Etruscans 
what  Vannes  was  to  the  Babylonians,  Thoth  to  the 
Egyptians,  and  Menu  to  the  Indians ;  therefore,  that 
under  the  name  of  the  Tagetan  Books  all  the  first 
principles  of  their  faith  were  laid  dowoi. 

In  very  early  ages  the  word  "  Discipline  "  had  a 
ver}'  circumscribed  signification,  and  indicated  by  no 
means  all  that  was  to  be  found  in  the  Rituals  and 
Fulgural  Books,  but  rather  maxims  and  precepts 
of  a  greater  sanctity  and  a  higher  antiquity  than 
the  others,  transmitted  also  in  a  more  poetical 
form. 

Cicero  describes  what  pertained  to  Tages  as 
merely  the  groundwork  upon  which  successive  ham- 
spices  and  sages  built  their   own  experiences  and 

M 


162 


MANNERS  AND  CrSTOMS  OF 


deductions.  The  Verses  of  Tages,  called  the  **  Sacra 
Tagetica,"  were  doubtless  sung  witli  a  pompous  so- 
lemnity, and  were  treated  with  a  higher  reverence. 
Hence,  we  must  trace  their  origin  to  an  earlier 
time  than  any  of  the  written  signs,  and  to  any  com- 
prehensive or  extended  theories.  Therefore,  we 
must  separate  the  Songs  of  Tages  from  the  voluminous 
works  upon  Discipline  wliich  were  current  in  Cicero's 
days,  and  known  as  *'  Etrusca  Disciplina,"  and  which, 
according  to  l*liny,  were  full  of  corruptions.  To 
these  continual  additions  were  made  down  to  a  very 
late  period,  for  amongst  them  was  found  the  de- 
scription of  an  earthquake  at  Mutina,  a.r.  G63,  B.C. 
90.  Cicero  divides  these  books  into  the  Ilaruspicini, 
the  Fulgurales,  and  the  Ilituales  ;  and  says  of  them 
all,  that  they  gave  distinct  rules  for  the  interpretation 
of  omens.  I  have  already  given  the  substance  of 
the  Ritual  books  according  to  Festus.  He  says  that 
when  the  Haruspices  were  consulted  upon  the  re 
ligious  aspect  of  current  events  or  omens,  they 
determined  according  to  those  books  whether  their 
requirements  were  properly  fulfilled.  In  these  also 
the  sacred  chronology  of  the  Etruscans,  i.e.y  the 
doctrine  of  the  Secula,  was  recorded,  as  also  the 
interpretation  of  omens  in  their  bearing  upon  public 
life,  civil  or  military.  There  were  besides  rules  for 
the  occurrences  of  private  life — births,  marriages, 
deaths,  and  the  attainment  of  maturity. 

The  Ritual  books  conducted  each  man  as  each 
State,  through  every  period  of  his  life,  until  the 
time  when  prodigies  for  him  should  cease,  and  the 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


163 


will  of  the  gods  to  him  below  be  exchanged  for  in- 
tercourse with  them  above. 

The  Fulgural  books  contained  instructions  about 
the  lightning-hurling  gods,  and  about  the  places 
which  were  struck  by  the  electric  fluid,  and  about 
the  signification  of  the  flashes  to  the  right  or  the 
left,  from  the  earth  or  from  the  clouds.  These  were 
probably  the  books  translated  by  Cecina. 

There  was  also  a  book  called  *'  Ars  Fulguritorum,*' 
the  precepts  of  which  were  attributed  to  the  Nymph 
Bygoe,  and  which  was  laid  up  in  the  Temple  of 
♦'  Apollo  Palitanus,"  along  with  the  Sibylline  Books 
and  the  Marcian  Oracles.  They  were  much  in  the 
tone  and  character  of  the  Tagetan  Verses,  and  were 
translated  along  with  them  by  Labeo,  and  quoted 
by  Lucretius. 

There  remain  to  be  considered  the  books  of  the 
Haruspices,  distinguished  by  themselves  by  Cicero. 
These  contained  the  doctrines  of  sacrifices,  also  rules 
for  the  flight  of  birds,   distinct  from   the   Roman 
rules.     However,  though  the  Romans  were  satisfied 
with  their  own  interpretation  of  the  birds,  they  yet 
applied  to  the  Etruscans  for  guidance  in  these  three 
particulars — the  proper   sacrifices   for   propitiation 
or  expiation,  the   meaning   of  prodigies,    and    the 
doctrines  of  lightning ;  and  these  three  were  con- 
tained in  the  books  of  the  Haruspices,  the  Ritual  and 
the  Fulgural. 

But,  besides  these,   explanations   of  particular 
signs  are  sometimes  recorded  as  **  Ostentalia  ;     such 


IGl 


M  \NM:KS  AM)  CrSTUMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


165 


as  that  of  Tarquitius,  inspired  at   tlio  nionicnt,  and 
for  which  tliore  was  no  ndo. 

Juvenal  mentions  also  "  Tiisci  libeHi,"  in  which 
monstrous  birtlis,  sliowers  of  stone,  &c.,  arc  reiris- 
tere(L  From  this  enunK*rafi(»n  it  appears  that  we 
may  chiss  the  reli^^Ious  writings  of  the  Etruscans 
under  the  foUowing  heads:  — 

Libri  Fatak\s.     Ancient  prodigies  and  oracles. 
Looks   of  Tiig(\s,   of   15yg()i%    and   oi'  Acheron. 

Songs   or    precepts,    in    verse    upon    sacred 

discipline. 
A  complete  system  of  religious  instruction  in  the 

books  of  the  Harusjiices — the  liilujd  and  the 

Fulgural,  combining  altogether  the  "Volu- 

mina  Etruscje  DisciplinoD." 

Tlie  Koman  antiquarians  in  the  days  of  Cicero 
and  Augustus  found  in  this  primeval,  comprehensive, 
and  national  literature,  an  am])le  tiehl  for  learned 
rtvsearch ;  and  tlieir  comments  iqxm  it  have  handed 
down  to  us  all  its  most  important  fundamentals. 

By  far  the  most  diligent  author,  and  the  best 
qualified  by  study  and  edueati(m  to  C(jmmand  our 
respect,  is  .Vuhis  Cieeina  (Aule  (""eiciu?),  the  Vola- 
terranean,  to  whom  we  have  frequently  referred,  and 
out  of  whose  work  on  Etruscan  Discipline  Seneca 
has  preserved  to  us  a  precious  fragment  upon  the 
interpretation  by  lightning.  Contenqwrary  with 
him  was  Nigidius  Figulus,  a  learned  and  acute 
man,  but,  in  the  highest  degree,  superstitious.     At 


ti 


once  a  Pythagorean,  a  disciple  of  the  Chaldces  and 
of  the  Tuscans,  he  gave  himself  up  to  those  investi- 
gations which  surpass  human  powers.  Yet  his  ear- 
nestness of  purpose  and  his  purity  of  life  won  for 
him  the  esteem  of  his  age.  Amongst  his  works 
arc  several  chapters  upon  Etruscan  Discipline. 

This  Figulus  has  often  been  confounded  with 
Vicellius,  quoted  by  John  of  Lydia,  as  a  translator 
of  the  verses  of  Tages ;  but  that  they  were  not  the 
same  is  proved  by  anotlier  passage,  in  which  Figulus 
and  Vicellius  are  both  cited. 

Umbricius,  the  soothsayer  of  Galba,  and  the 
most  learned  ITaruspex  of  his  time,  was  an  Etruscan 
author.  Along  with  him  Pliny  mentions  Julius 
Aquila,  ai)parently  a  Tuscan,  and  Tarquitius  of  the 
same  nation,  who  translated  an  "Ostentarium  Tus- 
cum,'*  of  which  the  "  Ostentarium  Arboreum  "  was 
a  part.  Even  under  Julian  the  Etruscan  Ilaruspices 
were  summcmed  to  explain  a  meteor  in  the  heavens 
by  the  Tarquitian  books,  *'  De  rebus  divinis." 

Wlien  Cornelius  Ijabco  lived  is  uncertain,  pro- 
bably not  so  early  as  the  first  century ;  but  his 
writings  upon  the  Iloman  religion  were  as  highly 
esteemed  amongst  the  priests  as  those  of  Antistius 
Labeo  amongst  the  jurists. 

His  work  would  be  invaluable  to  us  if  it  still 
existed,  for  it  was  a  compilation  and  explanation  of 
the  whole  of  the  precepts  of  Tages,  and  the  Nymph 
Bygoti  in  fifteen  books. 

From  these  authors,  and  from  the  scholiasts  that 
have  been  made  upon  thera,  we  may  gather  much 


166 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


167 


genuine  and  trustworthy  information  upon  the 
national  discipline  of  the  people,  and  about  the  gods 
in  whom  they  believed,  for  the  Etruscans  had  their 
peculiar  gods  who  cannot  be  identified  with  those  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans.  It  is  different  with  the 
writers  of  a  later  age  with  whom  other  superstitions 
were  so  mingled,  and  especially  the  Chaldican,  that 
it  is  almost  impossible  to  separate  them.  John  of 
Lydia,  for  example,  cites  as  a  commentator  upon 
Tages,  the  great  Appuleius,  and  quotes  from  him 
reflections  upon  some  wonderful  phenomena — mean- 
ing by  him  the  Platonist  of  Madaura,  who  was  ini- 
tiated in  all  the  mysteries  of  Greece,  and  who  natu- 
rally saw  the  Discipline  of  Etruria  in  an  Oriental  and 
Platonic  point  of  view.  It  was  at  this  epoch  that 
comets  were  introduced  into  the  Discipline  as  having 
a  special  meaning,  they  not  having  been  distin- 
guished in  earlier  times  from  other  celestial  portents ; 
and  with  these  a  certain  Campester,  or  Campestrius, 
occupied  himself,  and  is  quoted  by  Servius  and  John 
of  Lydia.  In  the  same  age  I  place  the  work  of  the 
Tuscan  Claudius,  which  John  of  Lydia  literally  trans- 
lated, and  which  professes  to  be  wholly  grounded 
upon  the  sacred  books  of  the  Tuscans ;  but  it  proves 
merely  to  be  a  calendar  with  the  rising  and  setting 
of  the  stars,  and  similar  occurrences,  such  as  the 
meaning  of  storms  and  other  meteorological  pheno- 
mena, the  interpretation  of  which  coincided  with 
that  of  the  Greek  astronomers.  We  may  judge  from 
this  what  interpolations  had  crept  into  the  Etruscan 
Discipline,  and  need  no  longer  wonder  to  read  in 


Suidas  such  monstrous  statements,  as  that  "  The 
Demiurge  has  appointed  to  this  world  12,000  years, 
and  has  placed  each  thousand  under  the  ride  of  one 
sign  of  the  zodiac :  GOOO  years  were  given  to 
creation,  6000  more  should  be  given  to  duration." 
He  then  gives  almost  the  description  of  the  first  of 
Genesis,  and  calls  it  the  system  of  the  Tuscans !  Of 
their  traditions  about  creation  and  the  first  ages  of 
the  world  we  know  next  to  nothing.  If  they  were 
a  tribe  from  Lydia,  it  is  very  possible  that  many  of 
their  ideas  may  have  been  Chaldocan,  but  after  their 
settlement  in  Europe  they  were  wholly  isolated  from 
all  the  nations  of  Asia  excepting  the  Phoenicians, 
through  their  early  and  widely  extended  commerce. 

Thus  drifted  away  from  the  ancient  Etruscan 
faith,  overlaid  by  foreign  superstitions,  and  dressed 
out  in  modern  ideas,  the  primitive  beliefs  were 
dwindling  away,  whilst  Christianity  was  pursuing 
its  triumphant  march,  and  so  probably  they  became 
gradually  absorbed  and  extinguished  in  a  better 
creed  as  we  may  gather  from  various  passages  in  the 
works  of  John  of  Lydia. 

John  explains  that  he,  as  a  Roman,  prefers  the 
teaching  of  Tages,  the  author  of  Italian  divination, 
as  it  is  found  in  the  writings  of  the  old  Ilaruspex 
Tarehon ;  and  he  sets  this  forth  in  dialogues  between 
Tarchon,  in  the  Latin  of  his  own  day,  and  Tages,  in 
a  language  and  a  character  perfectly  unintelligible. 
These  mystical  answers,  out  of  which  it  is  scarcely 
possible  to  make  sense,  have  been  elucidated  by 
Capito,  Font  ejus,  Appuleius,  Vicellius,  Labeo,  Ni- 


168 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


gidlus  Figulus,  and  Pliny  the  naturalist,  who  have 
endeavoured  to  make  their  explanations  agree  with 
the  signs  wliich  are  described  in  the  Discipline. 
But  what  follows  in  various  portions  of  the  work, 
and  professes  to  be  drawii  from  old  Etruscan  sources, 
is  full  of  Chaldican  and  Egyptian  superstitions, 
Greek  meteorologies,  the  teaching  of  the  later 
Ilaruspices,  and  precepts  and  allusions  to  the 
manners  and  customs  prevalent  rather  in  the  sixth 
century  than  at  an  earlier  period.  The  daily  rides 
for  thunder,  which  Figulus  pretends  to  be  extracts 
from  Tages,  give  the  duysofthe  month  according 
to  the  moon's  age,  and  describes  the  weather,  or  the 
political  events  likely  to  occur,  and  then  record 
something  out  of  the  Christian  Fasti,  or  allude  to 
some  arrangements  of  the  empire. 

A  work  which  was  literally  translated  by  Labeo 
begins,  "If  the  earth  be  in  the  11th  decree  of 
the  Crab  and  the  moon  in  the  Ram  we  shall  have 
fog,  thunder,  and  hiiil,"  and  uses  terms  which  would 
certainly  not  have  been  used  in  any  antique  docu- 
ment upon  Tuscan  discipline. 

Every  here  and  there,  however,  we  find  a  trace 
of  something  drawn  from  genuinely  ancient  sources, 
of  which  I  shall  make  use  presently  ;  but  upon  the 
whole  it  appears  that  the  later  writings  became  more 
and  more  corrupt  and  deformed  until  they  were 
wholly  untrustworthy.  Happily  antecedent  to  these 
accommodators  of  ancient  usages  to  modern  notions, 
we  have  through  Pliny,  Seneca,  Festus,  and  the 
Scholiast  upon  Virgil,  much  true  and  reliable  in- 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


169 


formation  respecting  the  discipline  and  religion  of 
the  ancient  Etruscans,  upon  which  we  may  con- 
Hdcntly  rely. 


Chapter  III. 


ON  THE  GODS  PECXLIAR  TO  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


We  shall  here  give  an  account  of  those  divinities 
who  were  worshipped  in  particular  cities,  as  well  as 
those  which  were  common  to  the  whole  nation. 

The  Tuscan  Jupiter  was  named  Tina  or  Tinia  (is 
this  Odin,  or  is  it  Diances,  the  oldest  Roman  god?), 
he  was  the  highest  of  th^  t  gods,  honoured  in  every 
State,  and,  during  the  Tarquinian  dominion  in  Rome, 
enshrined  in  the  chief  temple  along  with  Juno  and 
Minerva.  The  lightning  was  always  in  his  hand, 
he  spoke  and  he  descended  in  the  flash.  He  was  the 
ruler  of  the  gods,  and  on  high  festivals  tho  Lucu- 
raoes  bore  his  garland,  his  tunic,  and  his  toga.  He 
had  great  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  men's 
souls,  and  the  days  of  the  full  moon,  called  Ides, 
were  sacred  to  him. 

Another  chief  divinity  was  the  goddess  Talna,  or 
Kupra,  called  by  the  Romans  Juno.  We  know  of 
her  worship  in  Perusia,  Veii,  and  Falerii.  In  Veil 
she  was  called  "  the  Queen,"  and  her  temple  was  in 
the  citadel,  doubtless  with  attached  shrines  to  Tina 
and  Minerva,  but  she  was  the  patron  divinity,  and 
was  translated  thence  with  great  pomp  to  Rome.     In 


170 


MAXXERS  AND  CITSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


171 


Falerii,  where  she  was  zealously  adored,  she  bore  the 
name  of  "  Ciiretis,"  or  "  Quirites/'  that  is,  "  of  the 
spear,"  the  word  being  Sabine,  and  thus  showing 
that  some  Sabine  rites  had  been  accepted  in  the 
Tuscan  worship.  The  spear  is  a  well-known  ancient 
Roman  8\Tnbol  of  imperium,  mancipinm,  and  eman- 
cipation, betokening  in  Talna's  hands  that  she  was 
sovereign.  But  tradition  also  says  that  Juno  of 
Falerii  was  introduced  by  a  colony  of  Argives,  and 
It  must  be  confessed  that  there  were  many  points  in 
her  worship  coinciding  with  the  worship  of  Ilera  at 
Argos. 

The  temple  was  of  the  Greek  form,  and  there 
was  a  grove  attached  to  it  as  in  Argos.  WTiite 
heifers  were  the  principal  offering,  after  which 
calves,  rams,  and  swine,  but  no  goats,  as  in  Argos. 

With  the  annual  sacrifices  a  peculiar  ceremony 
was  united ;  the  streets  were  laid  down  with  carpets, 
young  virgins  clad  in  white  and  veiled  in  the  Greek 
manner  carried  offerings  upon  their  heads  like 
Canephora.  The  whole  marshalling  of  the  pomp 
was  according  to  Odd  Argive ;  but  as  it  is  certain 
that  with  this  exception  all  the  other  details  of  Juno 
Curetis  were  genuinely  and  from  all  known  time 
Tuscan,  we  must  remain  in  doubt  whether  these 
ceremonies  were  introduced  by  the  Tyrrhene  Pelasgi, 
or  whether  they  were  the  result  of  communication 
and  mixture  with  the  later  Greeks.  Under  the 
name  of  Kupra  she  had  a  sanctuary  in  the  Tuscan 
colony  of  Picenum.  She  was  one  of  the  lightning- 
hurling  gods,  placed  in  the  kalendar  along  with 


> 


Jupiter,   and  having  the  new  moon  dedicated  to 

her. 

Minerva  was  really  an  Etruscan  name,  "  Menerfa, 
Mvnrfa.^'  We  find  it  so  written  upon  many  Etrus- 
can patera)  and  mirrors;  and  though  their  fabri- 
cators were  doubtless  well  versed  in  Grecian  myths, 
they  never  would  have  attached  to  them  the  name 
of  a  foreign  Roman  god.  We  have  no  example 
of  such  a  thing.  Hence  it  follows,  that  the  third 
diWnity  of  the  Roman  Capitol  was  originally  Tuscan, 
and  continued  to  retain  her  name  and  attributes 
without  being,  like  Tina  and  Kupra,  made  over  to 
any  Latin  deity.  It  is  true  that  Yarro  calls  the 
name  Sabine,  but  it  is  more  likely  the  Sabines 
adopted  it  from  their  neighbours. 

In  what  was  formerly  Tuscan  Campania,  near 
Sorrento,  a  shrine  of  Minerva  continued  to  be  hon- 
oured. In  Falerii  she  was  also  worshipped,  and 
thence  transplanted  to  Rome.  The  feast  of  the 
Faliscan  goddess  in  March,  called  "  Quinquatrus," 
was  hence  Tuscan.  The  later  Romans  understand 
by  the  foreign  word  "  Quinquatrus,"  which  indicated 
the  fifth  day  after  the  Ides,  a  feast  five  days  long, 
and  Ovid  knows  no  other  explanation  of  the  term. 
It  was  a  high  festival  of  the  Tuscans,  because,  ac- 
cording to  them,  Minerva  presided  over  spring 
lightning,  and  threw  her  brightest  bolts  at  that 
season  of  the  vernal  equinox,  which  was  the  time 
of  the  Quinquatrus  celebration.  Immediately  after 
the  great  Quinquatrus  came  in  Rome  the  blessing 
of  the  trumpets,  and  in  June  there  was  a  smaller 


172 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Quinquatrus,  at  which  Minerva's  flute-players  were 
blessed.  Now  Rome  borrowed  both  trumpets  and 
flutes  from  the  Tuscans,  and  it  proves  that  Minerva 
presided  in  Etruiia  over  music,  as  Athena  did  in 
Greece,  and  not  over  vocal  or  stringed  music,  but 
only  over  wind  instruments.  Here  we  must  admit 
that  there  appears  to  be  a  direct  connexion  between 
the  two.  The  fable  of  Athena's  invention  or  dis- 
covery  of  the  flute  comes  from  Lesser  Asia,  and 
Lesser  Asia  is  the  source  of  wind  instruments  for 
Greece,  even  as  Etruria  is  for  Italy. 

A  Pelasgian  Tyrrhener  is  said  to  have  founded 
m  Argos  a  sanctuary  to  Minerva   Salpynx.      We 
must  connect  aU  this  with  the  tradition  that  the 
Pelasgian  Tyrrheners  came  from  the  coast  of  Lydia 
and  Karia  to  South  Etruria,  the  sites  of  Ca)re,  Tar- 
quinia,  and  Faleria,  and  that  they  united  themselves 
to  the  ancient  Rasena.     Ilud  these  Pelasgi  already 
attributed  the  use  of  the  flute  and  the  invention  of 
the  trumpet  to  a  peculiar  goddess  in  Asia  Minor  it 
was  natural  that  they  should  transfer  her  worship 
and  attributes  to  the  similar  native  Etruscan  god- 
dess, called  Menrfa,  and  Etruscan  artists  then  repre- 
^nted  their  Minerva  under  the  same  forms  as  the 
HeUenic  PaUas,  from  their  intimate  connexion  with 
the  Greeks. 

Vertumnus  was  a  much-venorated  and  important 
Etruscan  divinity  (Dcus  Etniruv  Frwcrps  according 
to  Varro),  enshrined  as  their  chief  god  by  the  old 
Volsinian  settlement  upon  the  Cjclian,  and  after- 
wards by  the  dwellers  in  the  Tuscan  Vicus 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


173 


The  meaning  of  the  word  was  lost  by  the  time 
that  Roman  literature  came  into  being,  and  anti- 
quarians give  different  versions,  all  from  Latin  deriv- 
ations, therefore  probably  all  wrong.  One  explana- 
tion is  rerto,  betokening  either  the  returning  of 
the  waters  into  the  Tiber  (verso  ah  annic),  or  the 
turning  of  the  sun  in  the  heavens,  or  the  exchange 
in  merchandise  (a  rcrtcndis  mcrcihu6)j  the  shrine 
being  established  (though  probably  by  chance)  close 
to  the  Roman  market-place — or  perhaps  because 
the  god  coidd  consistently  assume  many  characters, 
as  he  was  represented  as  something  between  a  girl 
and  a  young  man. 

We  must  remember  that  '*verto"  was  itself  a 
Tuscan  word. 

The  many  legends  about  the  wanderings  of  Yer- 
tumnus  were  undoubtedly  traditional,  and  the  poets 
invariably  represent  this  propensity  as  one  of  his 
characteristics.  As,  however,  the  forms  which  he 
assumed  all  relate  to  country  life,  and  the  fruits  of 
the  year,  so  must  we  sujjpose  that  the  plenty  and 
variety  of  nature's  gifts  are  expressed  thereby,  and 
that  Vertumnus  shows  forth  the  ever  new  and  ever 
changing  blessings  of  the  spring,  summer,  and 
autumn.  The  summer  harvest  was  imder  his  pro- 
tection in  grass  and  corn ;  the  wine  and  fruits  of 
autumn  were  his  peculiar  property.  The  feast  of 
Vertumnus  was  in  October,  Ceres  and  Pomona  were 
united  with  him,  and  the  last  was  considered  in 
Rome  as  his  wife.  It  is  undoubted  that  with  the 
Tuscans  he   was   a   mighty   year- god.      With   the 


174 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Romans,  after  they  fell  so  completely  under  Greek 
influence,  he  sank  to  be  a  demi-god. 

In  Volsinia,  the  home  of  Vertimmus,  there 
was  another  divinity  adored  afeove  the  rest,  called 
"  Nortia.*'  This  is  a  genuine  Etruscan  name,  and 
synonymous  with  the  Fortuna  of  Antium  and 
Praeneste.  Her  temple  was  remarkable  for  having 
the  nails  of  the  Kalendar  driven  into  it,  and  she 
seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  presiding  over 
Time. 

The  goddess  of  the  Municipium  of  Ferentinuro, 
who  by  some  is  called  Fortuna,  by  others  Salus; 
also  the  Fortima  of  the  little  town  of  Ama,  near 
Perusia,  and  the  Fortuna  of  the  Tuscan  Penates  — 
all  these  are  the  same  as  Nortia. 

Neptune  appears  in  one  of  the  Etruscan  prophecies 
as  the  father  of  the  kings  and  heroes  of  Veii.  He 
also  is  named  in  the  "  Discipline,"  and  in  a  response 
of  the  Haruspices.  The  name  is  not  Tuscan ;  but 
in  the  mythology  of  this  people  there  must  always 
have  been  an  analogous  sea- and- water  god.* 

In  the  port  of  Cajre,  called  PjTgoi,  a  large  and 
rich  temple  was  dedicated  to  a  goddess  known  to 
the  Greeks  as  Leucothea.  Strabo  calls  her  "Eilei- 
thyia,*'  and  says  that  her  temple  was  founded  by 
the  Pelasgi.  She  was,  undoubtedly,  the  same  as  the 
Mater  Matula,  reverenced  alike  in  Rome  and  Etruria, 
and  considered  by  Greek  and  Roman  antiquarians 


*  Neptune  appears  upon  the  SpcecLj,  under  the  name 
of  Consus. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


175 


to  be  the  same  as  Leucothea :  a  translation  which 
rested  upon  the  conmion  propensity  of  the  heathen 
to  find  their  native  gods  with  some  variation,  also 
worshipped  in  the  land  of  strangers. 

In  Rome  Mater  Matuta  was  considered  as  the 
goddess  of  the  Morning,  and  her  name  implies  "  the 
Mother  of  Day  ;"  so  also  Leucothea — "  the  White 
goddess/'  or  the  Dawn — rather  than  of  the  white 
foam  or  the  sea.  Strabo's  name  of  Eileithyia  has 
the  same  signification,  alluding  to  light  and  day. 
The  peculiar  attributes  of  Leucothea  are  obscure ; 
but  she  had  an  oracle  in  Ca3re,  and  was,  perhaps, 
the  same  with  the  Tuscan  oracle  sea- goddess  Tethys 
in  the  fable  of  Prometheus. 

Vulcan  was  an  Etruscan  god  honoured  in 
Perusia;  but  whether  under  that  name  or  not  is 
very  doubtful.  He  appears  as  "  Sethlans,"  in  an 
Etruscan  patera,  opening  the  head  of  Tina  on  the 
birth  of  Minrfa ;  and  again,  in  another  vessel,  form- 
ing the  horse  of  Troy.  He  was  one  of  the  lightning- 
hurling  gods. 

So  also  was  Saturnus,  an  earth-god  worshipped 
in  Aurinia.  This  city,  when  colonized  by  Romans, 
was  called  Satumia;  and  the  colony  established 
in  Falcria  was,  from  its  patron  divinity,  called 
Junonia. 

Mars  had  a  month  dedicated  to  him  in  Faleria, 
and  was  reckoned  amongst  the  lightning-gods. 

Janus  must  certainly  be  included  in  the  Tuscan 
mythology.  An  image,  with  four  faces  of  that  god, 
was  brought  from  Faleria  to  Rome. 


176 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


The  name  Janus,  however,  in  so  far  as  it  desig- 
nates a  God  of  Ways  and  Gates,  is  purely  Latin,  and 
must  have  been  differently  expressed  in  Etruscan, 
as  that  language  has  no  hard  or  consonant  J. 

According  to  Varro  and  John  of  Lydia,  the 
Tuscan  Janus  is  the  firmament,  and  overlooks  all 
our  doings.  Hence,  the  four  faces  turn  to  the  four 
points  of  the  compass,  and  Janus  is  the  God  of  the 
Cards  and  the  Decumanus.  In  this  character  he  mav 
have  been  assimilated  to  the  god  of  Gates,  and  have 
been  given  his  name. 

This  explains  to  us  how  the  Roman  god  is  so 
often  invested  with  a  double  character.  It  also 
throws  light  upon  the  four-headed  Tuscan  Janus, 
being  represented  with  only  a  double  head  upon  the 
coins  of  Volaterra  and  some  other  cities. 

Vigovis  or  Vedius,  a  Latin  name,  is  applied  to  a 
Tuscan  god  of  very  evil  omen.  His  lightnings 
affect  those  towards  whom  they  are  directed,  with 
deafness.  He  is  an  evil  Jupiter,  and  had  a  tempk' 
in  Rome,  between  the  Tarpeian  rock  and  the  Capitol. 
He  was  represented  as  a  young  man  armed  with 
arrows,  a  sort  of  avenging  Aix)llo.  His  festival  was 
held  in  March,  when  a  goat  was  sacrificed  to  him 
instead  of  a  man.  He  was  reckoned  amongst  the 
infernal  deities. 

Simimanus  was  one  of  the  mightiest  gods  in  the 
early  doctrine  of  lightning-hurlers,  and  was  received 
in  the  Primitive  Roman  Pantheon  as  almost  equal 
to  Jupiter. 

In  later  times  he  was  completely  ignored.     His 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


177 


ancient  shrine  in  the  Circus  Maximus  was  restored 
to  him  to  propitiate  him  against  Pyrrhus,  and  a 
clay  image  of  him  stood  near  the  temple  on  the 
Capitol. 

The  Romans  preserved  no  genuine  tradition  as 
to  his  power  and  attributes;  but  the  Arvales  used 
to  oll'er  him  black  sheep,  as  an  atonement  for  trees 
struck  by  his  thunder-bolts.  He  seems  to  have  been 
supreme  by  night,  as  Jupiter  was  by  day,  and  as 
Janus  was  by  both. 

The  God  of  the  Shades,  peculiar  to  the  Tuscans, 
was  Mantus,  the  same  as  the  Latin  Dispater.  Man- 
tua was  named  from  him,  and  a  goddess  called 
Mania  was  usually  united  with  him. 

Ceres  finds  place  amongst  the  Tuscan  Penates, 
and  with  her  is  joined  the  demigod  Pales.  The 
worship  of  Ancharia  flourished  in  Fiesole.  Both 
her  name  and  that  of  Voltumna,  the  divinity  who 
was  honoured  in  the  temple  common  to  the 
Twelve  States,  had  nearly  passed  into  oblivion, 
not  being  Latin;  and  we  may  say  the  same  of 
several  others,  but  for  the  funeral  inscriptions. 
The  goddess  Ilorta  had  a  temple  in  Rome,  appa- 
rently also  in  Sutrium,  and  gave  her  name  to  the 
town  Hortanum  at  the  conflux  of  the  Tiber  and 
Nar. 

On  the  coast  of  South  Etruria,  not  far  from 
Cajre,  there  was  a  place  called  "  Castrum  Inui,"  a 
Latin  cattle-god,  who  is  identified  with  Pan  of  the 
Arcadians. 

The  shrine  was  probably  founded  by  the  abori- 


N 


178 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


ginal  Siculi  or  Pelasgi  before  the  Tuscans,  and  was 
united  by  them  to  their  god  Sylvanus,  who  had  a 
grove  consecrated  to  him  in  a  dark  valley  percolated 
by  the  water  of  Caere,  and  mentioned  as  a  sacred 
spot  by  Virgil.  Also,  in  the  wood  of  Arsia,  near 
the  Janiculum,  dedicated  to  Sylvanus,  his  voice  was 
supposed  to  be  heard  during  the  old  battle  between 
the  Romans  and  the  Etruscans.  The  obscure  rule  of 
the  Agrimensores,  that  every  estate  should  contain 
at  least  three  Sylvani,  appears  to  be  derived  from  the 
Etruscan  religion. 

I  shall  now  mention  some  gods  who,  though 
worshipped  in  Etruria,  were  beyond  all  doubt  of 
Sabine  origin ;  and  I  would  observe  that  both  these 
nations  were  renowned  for  their  piety,  and  that 
there  is  no  marked  distinction  between  them. 

In  very  early  times  the  Tuscans  and  the  Sabines 
must  have  worshipped  each  other's  gods,  and  they 
possibly  derived  them  from  a  common  source. 
Varro  tells  us  that  the  Romans  adopted  Feronia, 
Minerva,  and  the  Novensiles,  from  the  Sabines ;  and 
with  a  slight  modification  they  also  took  from  them 
the  names  of  Hercides,  Vesta,  Salus,  Fortuna,  Fors, 
and  Fides.  Even  the  names  of  their  altars  bore  a 
Sabine  stamp,  which  were  consecrated  in  Rome 
after  the  oaths  of  King  Tatius.  According  to  Roman 
annals  he  built  altars  to  Oi)s,  Flora,  Vedius,  Jupiter 
and  Saturn,  Sol  and  Luna,  Vulcan  and  Summanus, 
Larunda  and  Terminus,  Quirinus  and  Vortimmus, 
the  Lares,  Diana,  and  Lucina.  It  appears  that 
there  were  twelve  altars,  of  which  some  were  sacred 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


179 


to  one  god,  some  to  two,  and  one  to  three  separate 
divinities. 

Amongst  them  were  some  peculiarly  Tuscan,  as 
Vortumnus,  and  to  these  we  must  add  the  gods  of 
the  Capitol,  which  were  all  Tuscan,  though  it  was 
originally  a  Sabine  fortress.  On  the  other  hand, 
some  cities  of  Etruria  had  adopted  gods  originally 
Sabine,  especially  the  Faliscans,  amongst  whom  we 
find  Feronia  and  Soranus. 

Feronia  is  best  known  by  her  annual  fair ;  but 
we  cannot  be  sure  that  her  sanctuary  at  it  was  really 
and  originally  Etruscan.  It  is,  however,  beyond 
dispute  that  she  had  a  considerable  temple  in  the 
district  of  Capena,  on  Mount  Soracte,  by  the  brook 
Capena,  and  near  the  confines  of  Sabina  and  Latium. 
This  place  increased  in  size  and  grew  to  some  im- 
portance, owing  to  the  renown  of  the  temple. 

There  was  also  a  grove  of  Feronia  at  the  other 
extremity  of  Etruria,  near  Luna.  She  was  an  earth- 
goddess,  akin  to  Tellus  and  Mania,  to  whom  the 
worshippers  brought  flowers  and  fruits ;  but  besides 
these  the  temple  at  Capena  was  in  Hannibars  time 
rich  in  ofierings  of  gold  and  silver. 

On  the  top  of  the  hill  on  which  this  sanctuary 
was  situated,  and  within  the  territory  of  the  Falisci, 
there  stood  another  shrine  of  no  mean  reputation. 
Ser^ius  relates  that  the  mountain  was  sacred  to  the 
infernal  gods,  especially  to  Dispater  and  the  "  Diis 
Manibus."  Whilst  a  sacrifice  was  making,  the 
altar  was  attacked  by  wolves,  which  carried  off  the 
entrails  out  of  the   fire.     The   offering   shepherds 


180 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


being  persecuted  by  these  wolves  were  driven  for 
shelter  into  caves,  and  there  were  stifled  by  the  bad 
air,  which  brought  on  a  plague.  Upon  the  Oracle 
being  consulted,  it  replied  that  the  people,  like  the 
wolves,  should  live  on  plunder,  and  therefore  they 
were  named  by  their  neighbours  "Hirinni,"  from 
the  Sabine  "  Irpus,"  a  wolf,  and  their  god  took  his 
name  from  the  Sabine  god  of  the  shades  Soranits, 
It  was  these  "Ilirpini"  or  *'llirpi,"  a  few  families 
only,  and  probably  of  Sabine  origin,  who  twice  at 
the  festivals  on  Mount  Soracte  (which  takes  its  name 
from  Soranus),  snatched  the  entrails  off  the  altar,  to 
which  they  walked  barefooted  over  the  glowing 
embers  of  the  fig-tree.  Strabo  reckons  this  custom 
as  belonging  to  the  feasts  of  Feronia ;  and  this  tra- 
dition, as  well  as  the  proximity  of  the  shrines,  in- 
duces us  to  believe  that  the  worship  of  Soranus  and 
Feronia  was  originally  one,  and  that  it  coincided 
with  the  purely  Etruscan  worship  of  Mantus  and 

Mania. 

The  story  of  the  wolves  is  possibly  a  confusion 
with  the  Samnite  tribe  of  the  "  Ilirpincr,"  who 
deduced  their  name  and  settlement  from  the  guid- 
ance of  a  wolf  to  the  mephitic  lake  of  Amp- 
sanctus. 

We  have  already  seen  how  much  the  Faliscans 
were  influenced  by  the  Sabines  in  their  ready  ac- 
ceptance of  Juno  Quiritis  in  the  place  of  or  as  iden- 
tical with  their  own  Kupra. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  god  of  Soracte, 
whom  we  call  Dispater,  was  generally  known  to  the 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


181 


Romans  as  Apollo,  and  that  the  fire- walking  of  the 
Ilirpiner  was   also   regarded   as   belonging  to   his 

rites. 

Now  Apollo  is  a  purely  Greek  god,  whose  very 
name  was  unknown  to  the  early  Romans,  and  whom 
we  find  inscribed  upon  Etruscan  patera)  as  "  Aplu'' 
and  *'Apulu,''  and  upon  bronzes  as  "  Epul"  or 
"  Epure.**  Hence  we  infer  that  partly  the  influence 
of  the  renowned  sanctuary  of  that  god  at  Cuma),  and 
partly  their  intercourse  with  the  Oracle  of  Delphi, 
had  introduced  his  worship  into  Etruria.  Thus  we 
see  how  national  gods  were  interchanged.  Eomau 
philosophers  reckoned  the  avenging  Apollo  as  a  sort 
of  Yejovis,  and  Yejovis  was  a  form  of  Soranus.  The 
wolf  was  specially  sacred  to  Apollo,  and  it  was  from 
the  wolf  that  the  priests  of  Soranus  derived  their 
name,  and  this  casual  coincidence  was  sufficient  in 
the  minds  of  the  multitude  to  identify  the  two  gods. 
The  fusion  of  Greek  divinities  with  the  Italian  in- 
creased more  and  more  as  the  people  became  ac- 
quainted with  Grecian  legends  and  poetry. 

It  has  been  disputed  whether  the  Cabiri  of  Samo- 
thrace,  and  of  the  Pelasgians  and  Tyrrhenians,  were 
not  worshipped  in  Etruria  with  their  secret  mys- 
teries. Nothing  is  more  common  amongst  the  bronzes 
than  small  highly  ornamented  caskets  called  "  Cista 
Mistica;"  but  we  cannot  find  a  single  instance  in 
any  State  of  the  Confederation,  of  a  single  temple, 
shrine,  fane,  priest,  or  even  grove,  dedicated  to  these 
demi-gods. 

Mercury  and  Venus  were  scarcely  natural  divi- 


182 


MANNERS  AND  CVSTOMS  OF 


nities,  and  indeed  bear  unmistakable  marks  of  being 
Greek  transmutations  in  very  early  times,  perhaps 
coeval  with  Juno  Quiritis  in  Faleria.  We  find 
Mercury  upon  the  patera  called  Turms  (Hermes), 
and  Venus  "Phrut"  (Aphrodite);  and  where  the 
name  "  ^lercury  "  is  found  and  spelt  "  Merkur/*  it  is 
written  in  old  Latin,  and  not  in  Etruscan  characters. 
A  bronze  statue  of  this  "Merkur,*'  an  adopted 
Roman  god,  was  found  in  Arret ium  in  the  a.r.  659. 
Venus,  as  "Phrut,"  was  probably  the  original  of 
the  Roman  goddess  "  Frutis.''  **  Hercules  "  had  a 
holy  well  in  Ca)re  and  a  statue  named  after  him 
near  the  Portus  Labronis,  which  is  mentioned  in 
the  Itinerary  of  Antoninus. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Etruria  adopted 
Greek  gods  long  before  Rome,  and  that  their  trans- 
mutations and  adaptations  caused  in  time  the  whole 
of  the  earliest  Italian  worship  to  pass  into  oblivion. 
Tina  became  Zeus,  and  Zeus  Jupiter ;  Hera  became 
Kupra,  and  Kupra  Juno ;  Athena  was  fused  into 
Minerva,  and  Soranus  into  Apollo,  and  this  pro- 
bably before  the  days  of  Tarquin. 

Unmixed  with  their  own  Pantheon,  and  as  a 
completely  foreign  faith,  stands  the  worship  of  Bac- 
chus. The  native  festal  meetings  of  Etruria  contain 
not  a  trace  of  orgies  or  rioting ;  but  that  such  a 
worship  should  be  eagerly  adopted  and  zealously 
cultivated  when  once  introduced  amongst  a  people 
of  the  passionate  and  excitable  nature  of  the  Etrus- 
cans we  can  well  understand,  and  it  is  evidenced  in 
many  of  their  works  of  art.     It  assumed  with  them 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


183 


the  form   of  night   meetings,    confined  at  first  to 
women  only,  but  gradually  admitting  men  also  (in 
Rome  about  B.C.  200) ;  and  feasts  and   couches  in 
the  Etruscan  manner  were  added  to  them,  until  pre- 
sided over  by  Campanian  and  Etruscan  priests  those 
dreadful  scenes  of  lust  and  avarice,  drunkenness  and 
gluttony,  were  enacted,  which  threatened  to  dissolve 
society,  and  which  were  forbidden  by  the  Roman 
Senate  in  a.r.  566,  together  with  the  decree  that  all 
Bacchanalian   mysteries   should   be   banished   from 
Italv,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  few,  which  were 
of  long  standing,  hereditary,  and  innocent.     It  was 
at  this  time  that  a  grove  was  consecrated  to  "  Stimula," 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  meaning  by  "  Stimula  " 
Semele,  the  mother  of  Bacchas,  and  to  her  those 
shameless  rites  were  continued  which  had  been  for- 
bidden to  her  son.     The  strict  and  severe  ordinances 
of  the  Senate  were  thus  evaded,  and  the  worship  of 
Bacchus  continued  to    exist   imtil   much  later  in 
Etruria,  and  in  many  other  parts  of  Italy,  where  it 
had  certainly  never  been  hereditary,  but  the  Bac- 
chanalian societies  for  the  celebration  of  the  offensive 
orgies   were  annihilated.      The  Tuscans   from  the 
first  adopted  the  worship   superficially,   and  never 
received  it  in  its  deeper  meanings.     To  them  Bac- 
chus was  a  god  of  mere  pleasure  and  sinful  indul- 
gence.    He  was  never  the  conductor  of  the  soul 
through  the  Shades,  the  Dionysos  of  Hades,  the  in- 
tellectual Orpheus  of  the  spirit- world,  otherwise  we 
should  have  found  his  emblems  upon  the   funeral 
urns,  which  is  never  the  case.     They  appear  only 


184 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


upon  tlie  Cista  Mistica,  the  bronze  mirrors,  and  othei 
works  of  luxury  and  fashion. 


Chapter  IV. 

ON    THE    DIFFERENT    ORDERS    OF    CODS,   AND   OF    THE 
ETRUSCAN  DOCTRINE  OF  THE  GENII  AND  MANES. 

The  foregoinc.  appears  to  be  all  that  we  can  ascer- 
tain  of  the  individual  gods  of  the  Etruseans,  and 
httle  and  unsatisfactory  as  it  is,  we  know  still  less  of 
the   purely    national  worsliip  of  the   great   inlund 
cities,  such   as  Yolaterra,  Arretiuin,  and  Clusiuni, 
than  we  do  of  those  nearer  the  lK)rders  who  were  so 
powerfully  influenced  by  tJieSabines,  the  Latins,  and 
the  Greeks.     Tliese  were,  indeed,  some  gods  common 
to  all  the  four  nations  and  sacrificed  to  by  all  four 
at  the  great  annual  fairs.     Falerii  and  Capcna  took 
from  the  Sabines  Juno   Quiritis,  Feronia  and  So- 
ranus,  from  the  Greeks  many  rites  l>oth  from  Juno 
and  Apollo.    In  the  interior  of  the  country,  however 
the  purely  Tuscan  faith  must  have  beeii  dominant 
and  deeply  seated,  or  it  could  not  liave  continued  to 
maintain  itself  for  ages.     Thus  we  find  that  throu-h 
centuries   they   adhered   to    their  doctrine  of  the 
Templum  and  other  written  points  of  discipline. 

The  doctrine  of  the  Tuscan  Fulgatores  teaches  us 
that  there  are  two  orders  of  gods  who  are  included 
in  the  term  -  iEsur,-  viz.  the  upper  superior,  or 
veiled  divinities,  whom  Jupiter  consults  when  he 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


180 


wishes  to  cause  devastation  or  change  by  lightning, 
working  by  secret  power ;  and  secondly,  the  twelve 
gods  who  are  his  standing  counsellors,  and  who  in 
Latin  are  called  '*  Consontes,"  or  "  Complices,'*  so 
named,  according  to  Arnobius,  because  they  rise  and  fall 
together.  To  these  also  is  attached  an  inferior  order 
nearer  to  nature  and  to  liuman  kind,  with  a  limited, 
although  very  extended  existence ;  whilst  the  others, 
as  the  remote  source  of  being,  come  less  into  promi- 
nence and  are  only  supj)osed  to  exert  themselves  on 
very  important  occasions.  Tliese  were  believed  to 
dwell  in  the  inner  sanctuary  of  heaven,  their  number 
and  their  names  were  unknown,  and  they  were 
seldom  addresscKl  in  w^orship.  Of  the  Consentes  it 
was  known  that  they  were  twelve,  six  male  and  six 
female,  and  their  gilded  statues  were  shown  in  the 
Roman  Forum. 

From  their  number  and  a  fancied  similarity  of 
attributes,  they  gradually  came  to  be  confounded 
with  the  Greek  twelve  gods,  as  we  find  in  the  verses 
of  Ennius.  Whether  Jupiter  himself  is  reckoned  as 
one  of  the  twelve  gods  is  hard  to  determine ;  but  it 
seems  more  likely  that  he  belongs  to  both  orders  of 
the  gods  standing  between  them  as  a  connecting 
link,  shadowed  forth  in  Seneca  as  the  all-present 
spirit  of  the  world ;  but  again  we  know  not  whether 
this  idea  is  drawn  from  the  Tuscan  writings  or  is 
simply  a  doctrine  from  the  Discipline  of  Lightning. 
Perhaps  the  Tuscan  proverb,  that  a  nymph  (pro- 
bably Bygoe)  slew  an  ox  by  simply  whispering  into 
its  ear  the  fearful  name  of  the  Highiest,may  imply  that 


'I 


186 


MANNERS  AND  CVSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


18: 


amongst  the  veiled  ones  there  sat  a  supreme  Jupiter. 
If,  however,  we  strive  to  decipher  the  names  of  the 
Consentes  we  must  turn  to  the  lightning  lore,  where 
we  find  not  only  those  whom  Jupiter  consults  when 
he  designs  to  hurl  the  thunderbolt,  but  also  those 
who  hurl  the  bolts  themselves,  and  of  these  the 
Tuscan  acknowledge  nine,  of  whom  we  know  the 
names  of  eight,  Jupiter,  Juno,  Minerva,  Vejovis, 
Summanus,  Vulcan,  Saturn,  and  Mars.  Six  names 
are  wanting  in  the  number  of  the  Consentes  if  we 
exclude  Jupiter,  and  his  full  reverse  Vejovis,  whom 
no  one  could  reckon  as  one  of  his  counsellors,  and 
those  we  may  perhaps  fill  with  Vertumnus  and 
Janus,  or  with  Neptune  (Consus),  but  we  cannot 
attain  to  certainty.  It  is  also  doubtful  in  what  rank 
the  Etruscans  placed  their  Goddess  of  Destiny,  such 
as  Nortia ;  we  should  imagine  amongst  the  veiled 
divinities,  did  not  our  knowledge  of  the  name  imply 
the  contrary. 

The  idea  of  the  Consentes  appears  to  arise  from 
their  intimate  connexion  with  the  present  order  of 
nature  which  they  dominate,  and  therefore  the  year 
was  divided  amongst  them.  We  know  that  Minerva 
threw  the  lightning  in  March,  and  Saturn  in  De- 
cember, Vertumnus  guided  it  in  Autumn,  and  each 
god  had  his  appointed  time. 

What  Pliny  writes  about  these  deities  being  con- 
nected with  the  planets  I  do  not  believe  to  be  old 
Etruscan  lore,  but  rather  a  mixture  of  Chaldajan  and 
Tuscan  of  later  date. 

The  Orient  was  acquainted  with  the  movement  of 


the  planets  in  very  remote  times,  and  placed  them 
amongst  the  gods  as  E/  (Kronos,  Saturnus),  Baal 
(Zeus,  Jupiter),  Astarte  (Aphrodite,  Venus),  &c. ;  but 
it  was  long  before  such  knowledge  penetrated  into 
Greece,  where  Parmenides,  or  some  Pythagorean, 
first  discovered  the  identity  of  the  morning  and 
evening  stars,  and  consequently  it  was  long  before 
these  names  were  translated  into  Greek,  and  later 
still  into  Latin.  In  fact,  the  very  translation  was 
variable,  as  we  see  in  Astarte,  the  chief  goddess  of 
the  Aramfcans  and  the  Phoenicians,  who  was  some- 
times called  Juno,  and  sometimes  Venus  Celestis ;  so 
was  it  also  w4th  the  names  of  the  planets.  Epigines, 
a  disciple  of  the  Chalda^ans,  taught  that  the  lightning 
governed  by  the  planets  chiefly  came  from  Saturn. 
He  was  followed  by  others  w^ho  combined  his  doc- 
trine with  the  discipline  of  the  Tuscans ;  and  whereas 
in  their  system  Jupiter  alone  held  three  thunderbolts 
they  explained  this  to  show  that  he  was  placed  in 
the  midst  of  the  planets,  and  combined  the  powers  of 
the  three  beside  him. 

The  division  into  veiled  gods  and  Consentes  re- 
ferred to  the  nature  and  existence  of  the  gods  them- 
selves as  two  different  classes.  The  gods,  "  Penates," 
were  not  so  divided. 

Perns  is  a  Latin  adjective  like  cujas  and  nostras. 
"  Dii  Penates "  are  gods  in  penus,  that  is,  gods 
honoured  in  the  store-chamber  of  the  house  in  the 
innermost  part  (rorraths).  Hence  it  follows  that 
they  were  the  peculiar  gods  from  whom  the  family 
expected  blessing,  nourishment,  and  protection,  and 


188 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


189 


they  may  have  been  of  many  classes  and  orders, 
and  even  have  had  demi-gods  and  slaves  associated 
with  them.  Hence  arises  our  uncertainty  in  many 
cases  of  who  they  were,  and  the  uselessness  of  search- 
ing out  any,  excepting  perhaps  those  of  great  cities 
such  as  Rome,  and  the  several  Etruscan  capitals. 
Nigidius  teaches  us  from  the  Etruscan  discipline  that 
there  were  four  classes  of  Penates  ;  those  of  Jupiter, 
those  of  Neptune,  those  of  the  infernal  deities,  and 
those  of  deceased  men.  From  this  I  infer  that  the 
Genii,  who  were  believed  to  increase  tlie  substance  of 
the  house,  were  partly  the  spirits  of  ancestors,  partly 
sprites  of  the  earth  or  the  shades,  the  water  or  the 
skies.  Cassius  and  Servius  give  us  the  names  of 
Fortuna,  Ceres,  CapcUa,  Genius,  Pales,  and  Jovialis, 
by  which  last  we  arc  to  reckon  some  of  the  house- 
hold of  Jupiter.  Pales  is  a  hermaphrodite,  both  male 
and  female. 

The  ancient  Roman  feasts  of  the  Palilia  were 
doubtless  in  honour  of  this  deity  as  one  of  the 
female  patrons  of  the  State ;  like  many  other  portions 
of  Roman  worship  they  had  become  obsolete  before 
the  historv  of  Rome  was  written. 

The  worship  of  the  Genius  Jovialis  gives  us  an- 
other light  upon  the  old  Etruscan  faith.  We  do 
not  know  the  native  word  which  the  Latins  have 
translated  by  "  genius.*'  The  word  "  genius ''  means 
a  generator,  "  Lutus  Genialis."  Varro  explains  it  as 
a  god,  who  has  the  power  of  bringing  forth.  "  An- 
fustius,"  according  to  Festus,  teaches  that  the  Genii 
are  the  sons  of  the  gods  and  the  parents  of  men 


("  Deorum  filius  et  parens  hominum.")  This  seems 
to  be  genuine  Etruscan  doctrine ;  for  Tages,  the  son 
of  a  Genius,  the  grandson  of  Jupiter,  is  also  called 
the  son  of  a  Genius  Jovialis ;  and  what  he  was  pre- 
eminently, the  whole  nation  also  assumed  itself  to 
be,  i.e.,  the  sons  of  the  Genii.  Their  teaching  ap- 
parently inculcated  that  Jupiter,  the  father  of  souls, 
wrought,  through  his  Genii,  to  introduce  a  soul  into 
a  human  body;  therefore,  whilst  Ceres  and  Pales 
presided  over  the  increase  of  corn  and  cattle,  the 
Genius  Jovialis  undertook,  for  the  continuance  and 
prosperity  of  the  family  itself.  Through  him 
Jupiter  remains  the  everlasting,  inexhaustible  giver 
of  life  to  aU  the  successive  generations  of  men.  There 
were,  however,  other  Genii  besides  the  Jovialis  — 
the  inscriptions  mention  Genii  of  the  Shades  (Manto, 
Tvphon,  &c.)  ;  and  a  passage  upon  the  Genii  of 
Neptune,  names  also  those  of  Hades  and  of  mortal 
men.  A  Gema  is  not  pure  Etruscan  doctrine,  though 
mentioned  by  late  writers.  Women  seem  to  have 
been  presided  over  by  Juno.  At  least  she  can  be 
traced  as  their  patroness  to  very  remote  times. 

The  word  Lar  (Lares)  is  Etruscan,  and  seems  to 
have  denoted  a  title  of  honour  rather  than  a  class  of 
persons,  and  to  intimate  the  protector  and  president 
over  a  certain  district.  Hence,  there  were  Lares  of 
the  skies  {c(piopotcntes)y  of  the  sea,  of  the  roads,  of 
villages,  of  cities,  of  the  country,  and  of  the  ground 
on  which  the  houses  stood.  There  were  Lares  do- 
mestic and  familiar.  The  Lares  of  the  land  are  those 
wlio  were  sung  by  the  Frati  Arvales,  "  Enos  Lases 


190 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


juvate."  Mars  appears  to  belong  to  them,  whilst 
Neptune  and  his  Genii  to  be  reckoned  amongst  the 
Lares  of  the  sea. 

At  first  sight  it  is  very  startling  that,  amongst 
those  divinities  who  are  called  *'  Lares  and  Penates,'* 
we  should  find  the  souls  of  men.  In  the  Acheron- 
tischen  Books  of  Tages,  translated  by  Labco,  there 
were  certain  rites,  through  which  the  souls  of  men 
could  become  gods,  entitled  **  Dii  Animales,"  because 
they  had  been  human  souls,  and  these  were  the 
Penates  and  the  gods  of  the  highways.  These  rites 
were  the  **  Acherontische,"  consecrated  to  the  gods 
of  the  lower  world  ;  and,  in  their  origin,  they  were 
Tuscan,  although,  in  the  course  of  time,  they  borrowed 
from  the  Greeks  both  their  name  and  many  modi- 
fications of  their  rites.  Through  these,  other  souls 
were  believed  to  be  ransomed  and  exorcised  out  of 
the  Shades,  and  elevated  into  demigods.  This  is 
a  natural  consequence  from  the  doctrine  of  the 
Genii.  A  genius  is  sent  into  the  body  of  some 
mortal  favoured  by  the  gods ;  he  works  there  with 
power,  and,  on  the  death  of  the  body,  becomes  a 
genius  again. 

But  these  elevated  and  deified  souls  could  not 
become  superior  divinities ;  they  were  first,  as  Labeo 
and  Nigidius  tells  us,  *'  Penates  and  Lares/*  especi- 
ally Lares  familiareSy  who,  as  a  nde,  may  be  regarded 
as  the  spirits  of  ancestors  ;  and  hence,  many  of  the 
ancients  hold  Genius  and  Lar  to  express  precisely 
the  same  thing.  According  to  Appidejus,  who  in 
this  appears  to  follow  good  authorities,  the  ancient 


THE  ETRUSCANS, 


191 


Latins  called  the  spirit,  of  man  so  soon  as  it  had  left 
the  body  "  Lemur."  A  friendly  Lemur,  which 
watched  over  the  posterity  and  prosperity  of  a  house, 
was  called  "  Lar  familiaris.'*  A  Lemur,  which 
haunted  it  only  to  judge,  and  punish,  and  terrify, 
was  called  "  Larva." 

When  the  fate  of  the  departed  was  uncertain 
they  used  the  term  "  Manes  Dii." 

The  Lar  was  believed  to  possess  the  same  gener- 
ative power  as  the  Genius.  We  read  that,  in  the 
reign  of  Tarquinius  Priscus,  a  spirit  in  the  palace 
raised  itself  from  the  ashes  of  the  hearth  to  a  maid 
of  Queen  Tanaquil,  who  was  sitting  there,  and  that 
in  consequence  she  produced  a  son.  This  child  was 
named  Servius,  and  was  called  the  son  of  the  Lar 
fumiliaris  ;  and  to  the  Lares  he  dedicated  Games  and 
the  Competilia.  This  is  apparently  a  legend  about 
some  old  Etruscan  hero,  whom  the  Romans  have 
confounded  vdXh.  their  Servius  and  Mastarna.  Pro- 
mathion  locates  a  similar  fable  in  Alba,  where  he 
ascribes  the  birth  of  Romulus  to  a  Lar,  and  brings 
in  for  confirmation  an  Etruscan  oracle. 

Whether  Manes,  the  universal  epithet  for  de- 
parted souls,  is  an  Etruscan  word  or  not  is  not  easy 
to  determine. 

In  old  Latin  manus,  manuus,  manis,  means  good. 
The  Dii  Manes  are  the  good  gods — the  celestial, 
who  are  to  be  venerated,  and  the  infernal,  who  are 
to  be  propitiated ;  but  its  chief  meaning  was  the 
souls  of  the  departed,  "the  blessed  ones."  The 
Tuscan  word  Mantus,  for  the   god  of  the  Shades, 


192 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


appears  to  stand  in  direct  relation   to  it,  and  the 
form  of  the  word  seems  to  be  Tuscan. 

These  Manes  had  a  particular  locality  for  their 
residence,  symbolized  by  the  Mundus,  which  was 
strictly  enforced  by  the  ritual  for  the  founding  of 
cities,  and  was  certainly  Etruscan.  Cato  tells  us 
that  the  "  Mundus "  took  its  name  from  its  form, 
which  was  that  of  an  inverted  cone,  closed  at  the 
top  by  the  Lapis  Manalis,  and  only  uncovered  three 
days  in  the  year,  once  in  September,  one  in  October, 
and  once  in  November, — days  consecrated  to  Pluto 
and  Proserpine,  on  which  departed  souls  were  be- 
lieved to  come  into  the  world  a^^ain,  through  the 
lyiundus.  Varro  says,  that  whilst  the  Mundus  is 
open,  no  bargains  should  be  made,  no  troops  should 
be  drawn  out,  no  anchor  should  be  lifted.  They  are 
unlucky,  and  days  of  mourning. 

In  connexion  with  this  belief  we  may  observe  the 
care  with  which  all  the  first-fruits  of  the  earth  were 
thrown  into  the  Mundus,  and  the  wide-spread  custom 
in  the  ancient  world  of  keeping  corn  in  vaults  of  a 
similar  form.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  Tuscans 
united  the  ideas  of  corn-preservers  and  the  blessing 
of  the  earth  with  the  gods  of  the  lower  world,  and 
so  inclined  towards  the  Greek  mythology  in  the 
Eleusinian  mysteries.  This  also  throws  a  light 
upon  the  Penates  from  the  lower  world.  On  the 
other  hand,  this  extreme  anxiety  to  close  the  Mundus 
and  other  circumstances  leaves  no  doubt  that  the 
lower  world  of  the  Tuscans  was  one  of  terror,  and 
that  the  infernal  gods  were  regarded  as  inimical  and 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


193 


gloom}'.  Hostile  divinities  play  a  principal  part  in 
Etruscan  mythology,  as  we  may  see  from  their 
numerous  piacular  rites  and  their  fear  of  fascination, 
against  which  the  bulla  was  provided.  The  Etruscan 
books  treated  of  infernal  and  averting  gods  (Bil 
hifcri  ct  arerf('nfes),  and  placed  certain  trees  under 
their  influence,  which  were  therefore  considered  un- 
lucky, such  as  the  black  fig  and  the  thorn.  Doubt- 
less the  angry  demons,  to  whom  the  "  Libri  Fatales '' 
decreed  human  sacrifices,  were  of  the  same  class. 
Thus  Lucan  makes  Aruns  cry  out  when  he  is  terrified 
by  evil  omens  that  "  the  infernal  gods  have  come 
into  the  entrails  of  the  slaughtered  bullock." 

To  this  class  belong  Maiifiis  and  Mania.  Mantus 
is  often  represented  on  the  Tuscan  funeral  urns  in 
the  act  of  leading  away  the  deceased,  who  is  generally 
on  horseback  and  veiled.  He  has  the  appearance  of 
u  four-hoofed  man,  with  wild  features  and  satyr's 
ears,  often  winged,  and  in  a  high  and  tight  tunic, 
sometimes  armed  with  a  sword,  and  very  often  with 
a  hammer.  In  the  same  way  in  Pome,  Dispater 
was  represented  when  carrying  off  the  corpses  of 
those  slain  in  the  gladiators'  games,  namely,  armed 
with  a  hammer  ;  and  though  this  idea  was  compara- 
tively modern,  in  the  games  they  borrowed  for  it  the 
old  Etruscan  costume. 

On  a  funeral  urn  of  Yola  terra,  the  subject  of  which 
represents  the  murder  of  Clytcmnestra,  there  is  a 
crouching  figure  by  the  altar  exactly  like  Mantus, 
and  over  it  is  written  the  name  "  Charon  ; "  and  we 
niuist  hence  infer  that  the  same  divinity  whom  the 

o 


194 


MANNERS  ANI>  CUSTOMS  OF 


Etruscans  regarded  as  ruler  of  the  shades  and  con- 
ductor of  the  souls  of  the  dead,  was  identical  with 
the  Dispater  of  Hades  and  the  Charon  of  the  Greeks ; 
should  it,  however,  be  thought  that  Charon,  as  loader 
of  the  dead,  was  too  subordinate  a  character  to  be 
identified  with  Mantus,  we  must  at  least  accept  him 
as  a  minister  and  servant  of  that  god,  and  derive 
light  from  him  as  to  the  fearful  nature  of  the  gods 
of  the  lower  world.  It  appears  to  me  most  probable 
that  the  god  Manducus,  with  his  vengeful  mien  and 
grinding  teeth,  who  was  always  represented  in  the 
ceremonies  of  the  circus  with  the  exaggerated  fea- 
tures of  a  god,  was  in  the  original  not  a  devourer  of 
mankind,  but  simply  a  "  Mani-ducus,"  a  leader  of 
the  dead,  the  same  as  Charon. 

Mania  was  a  most  fearful  spirit  to  the  old  Italians, 
and  the  name  was  often  joined  with  Mantus  and 
with  the  3flanes,  and  is  inseparable  from  the  Tuscan 
doctrine  about  departed  souls.  Mania  was  held  to 
be  an  awful  goddess,  to  whom  children  were  sacri- 
ficed even  so  late  as  the  Etruscan  king  Tarquinius 
Superbus.  Her  frightful  inuige  used  to  be  hung 
over  the  doors,  like  a  scarecrow  to  frighten  away 
evil.  She  was  called  the  mother  or  the  grandmother 
of  the  Manes,  and  in  older  times  the  mother  of  the 
Lares,  and  she  shared  with  them  the  grand  atoning 
festival  of  the  Compitalia.  They  assigned  one 
mother  as  one  fate  to  all  departed  souls,  either  to 
remain  closed  down  by  the  Mundus,  or  to  wander 
aloft  as  beneficent  Lares,  bringing  blessings  to  the 
sons  of  men. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


195 


The  Greeks  held  similar  ideas  about  Orpheus, 
according  to  Pindar.  For  his  sake  Persephone  per- 
mitted those  horses,  kings,  warriors,  and  philosophers, 
for  whom  he  had  made  atonement,  to  return  to  earth 
after  eight  years'  penitence. 

From  Mania,  as  mother  of  the  Lares,  it  is  hard 
to  distinguish  the  Acca  Larentia  of  the  Romans, 
who  is  probably  the  same  person  divested  of  the 
attributes  of  divinity. 

Larentia  is  commonly  described  as  a  courtesan 
who  lived  in  the  time  of  Ancus  or  Romulus.  She 
is  called  the  nurse  of  Romulus,  and  the  mother  of 
twelve  sons,  on  the  death  of  one  of  whom  she  took 
Romulus  in  his  place,  and  formed  out  of  them  the 
college  of  the  twelve  Arval  brothers.  Hercules 
married  Ijarentia  to  a  rich  Tuscan,  named  Tarrutius, 
and  she  inherited  all  his  wealth  upon  his  death. 
This  wealtli  she  left  to  Romulus  or  to  his  people, 
and  by  her  bequest  they  held  the  Ager  Turax,  8e- 
murius,  Lutirus,  and  Solinius.  In  gratitude  she 
was  assigned  a  grave  in  the  Volabrum,  near  the  old 
Porta  Romanula,  and  parentalia  were  offered  to  her 
by  the  Flamen  Quirinalis.  The  story  seems  to  have 
arisen  from  Acca  Larentia  being  also  called  "  Lupa," 
a  word  which  has  ambiguous  meanings,  and  which 
has  been  confused  with  the  Lupa  (she- wolf)  of  Dis- 
pater, and  the  Lupa  equally  sacred  to  Mars. 

The  Tuscan  Ager  Turax  was  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Tiber,  and  contained  a  shrine  to  Acca. 
Her  twelve  sons  are  the  Arvalian  brothers,  sacred 
to  Mamere.     That  Acca  Larentia  belongs  to  the 


100 


M  ANNKKS  AM)  (I  MOMS  OI 


Tuscan  niytli(^l()fj:y  is  proved  from  this,  that  tho 
Itoniaii  feast  of  the  Lares  was  hehl  on  the  lltli  day 
before  the  kalends  of  January,  and  on  tlie  10th  the 
Larentinalia  were  eeh'l)rated,  in  whiith  sacrifices 
were  offered  to  Jupiter  as  tlie  father  of  souls,  and  to 
xVeea  Larentia  as  their  niotlier. 

Finally,  we  must  add  a  third  name  of  the  mmv 
divinity  —  jjara,  or  Larunda.  Ovid,  who  describes 
her  sui)erstitious  rites,  calls  her  the  mother  of  the 
Lares  Compitales,  and  says  that  .she  dwells  with  the 
Manes.  ller  svml>olieal  name  was  the  "  Mute 
Goddess." 

This  aspect  of  reli<^ious  belief  seems  to  have 
been  worked  into  a  jxrfeet  system  by  the  l^truseauK, 
and  we  miss  exeee<lin^ly  any  liistorieal  account  ol 
it,  which  we  could  supplement  by  the  sculptures 
and  paint in^^s  remainin*:^  in  the  sepuh-hres.  These 
latter  are  fast  perishing  from  the  walls,  but  at  Tar- 
quinia  there  were  representations  of  men  hnng  up 
by  their  arms  and  burnt  with  torches,  or  otherwise 
tormented.  These  represented  Turgatory  to  the 
later  Italians.  It  is  certain  that  Furies  and  venge- 
lul  Demons  held  a  prominent  jilaee  in  Etruscan 
mythology;  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  human 
sacrifices  amongst  the  Romans  were  derived  from 
them.  It  is  true  that  the  Greeks  admitttnl  such 
even  in  their  days  of  highest  culture;  but  substitutes 
were  usually  found  for  them,  and  the  men  or  women 
were  withdrawn.  lUit  with  the  Etruscans  (re- 
minding us  of  the  Phanicians  or  Assyrians)  wc 
find,  in   a.k.  o99,  their  priests  rushing  into  battle 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


107 


armed  with  torches  and  snakes,  as  Furies,  and  ad- 
vancing like  madmen  to  the  fray  ;  and  another  time 
we  find  the  Tjinpiinians  sacrificing  three  hundred 
captive  Komans  to  their  angry  gods. 

The  Etruscan  belief  seems  to  have  been  this:  — 
They  regarded  the  gods  as  the  great  living  forces 
and  principles  of  the  universe.  A  certain  number 
of  them,  amongst  whom  were  the  Fates,  dwelt  in 
mystery  and  darkness,  and  only  came  forward  upon 
f^reat  occasions.  Jupiter  and  his  ron-smtoi  were  the 
rulers,  protectors,  and  benefactors  of  mankind;  who, 
indeed,  were  connected  with  him  as  the  father  of 
their  spirits.  15ut  there  was  an  under- world  opposed 
to  him,  hostile  to  man,  and  always  working  against 
him  and  them.  It  was  the  policy  of  man,  therefore, 
as  nmch  to  guard  against  the  vengeance  of  these 
lower  beings,  who  showed  thcmsc^lves  in  signs  and 
portents,  Jis  to  serve  and  honour  those  who  dwelt  in 
heaven.  The  mediators,  througli  whom  life  and 
strength  were  communicated,  were  the  Genii. 
Through  these  m(»n  were  purified  and  united  to  the 
gcxls  after  tlieir  appointed  course  was  run  ;  but  if 
they  failed  of  procuring  such  protection  through 
their  impiety,  then  they  remained  without  ransom 
unrler  the  powers  of  darkness  for  ever. 


108 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Chapter  V. 

ON  THE  relation  between  the  ETRUSCAN  DISCIPLINE 
AND  THE  AUGITRAL  DOCTRINES  OF  THE  ROMANS. 


We  must  exceedingly  regret  that  our  information 
upon  these  points  is  so  limitcxl,  for  we  have  no  special 
work  upon  the  subject  extant,  and  we  must  ground 
our  knowledge  upon  isolated  historical  facts,  or 
upon  hints,  and  perhaps  deductions  in  the  Latin 
narratives. 

In  Cicero's  time  augury  had  fallen  into  such 
disrepute,  tliat  one  augur  laughed  at  the  science  in 
the  face  of  another,  and  it  was  not  professed  by  any 
educated  men. 

Yet  there  was  a  time  when  it  was  regarded  with 
the  utmost  respect,  and  when  every  young  patrician 
was  carefully  instructed  in  the  meaning  of  the  flight 
of  birds,  the  course  of  lightning,  and  the  interpreta- 
tion of  prodigies  and  portents. 

The  magistrates  were  all  obliged  to  know  the 
signs  of  the  heavens,  for  they  and  the  patricians 
alone  were  permitted  to  take  auspices  and  to  consult 
the  will  of  the  gods,  which  they  did  even  in  their 
private  concerns,  such  as  marriages,  and  other 
ceremonies. 

Between  the  auspices  of  the  magistrates  and  the 
auguries  for  the  public  there  appears  to  have  been 
this  difference,  that  the  magistrate  inquired  of  the 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


199 


(Tods  for  the  purposes  of  his  magistracy,  whilst  the 
augur  consulted  for  the  common  weal.  The  augur 
usually  stood  by  the  magistrate  to  enforce  silence, 
point  out  to  him  the  signs,  and  in  very  early  times 
he  conducted  him  or  accompanied  him  to  the  field, 
that  is,  if  he  was  Consul,  Proctor,  or  Censor. 

Cicero's  description  of  the  augur  is  as  follows :  — 
"He  must  see  into  the  future  through  signs  and 
ausi)ices  as  the  interpreter  of  the  supreme  Jupiter, 
and  he  must  preserve  the  ancient  discipline.  He 
shall  take  auguries  for  the  priests  and  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people;  he  shall  instruct  the  captains 
and  leaders  of  the  host,  and  they  shall  obey  him  ; 
he  shall  foresee  the  anger  of  the  gods  and  turn  it 
away  ;  he  shall  carefully  observe  the  signs  by  light- 
nimr,  and  in  the  consecrated  Templum  he  shall  make 
an  atonement  for  the  land.  What  an  augur  pro- 
nounces to  be  unjust  or  unlawful,  faulty  or  cursed, 
must  be  renounced,  and  whoever  rebels  against  him 
is  guilty  of  death.'* 

Still  there  comes  the  question  how  far  the  Roman 
ampicium  and  augurimn  was  the  same  as,  or  was 
derived  from  the  Tuscan,  for  in  Roman  history  they 
often  seem  to  separate  carefully  between  them,  and 
to  speak  of  the  Tuscan  as  a  foreign  thing.  It  is  a 
certain  fact  that  the  Lucumoes  were  carefully  edu- 
cated in  religious  discipline,  of  which  they  were  the 
hereditary  guardians,  rulers  of  the  state,  and  leaders 
of  the  army.  I  doubt  not  that  the  host  was  called 
out  with  the  same  ceremonies  as  the  Roman,  and 
that  they  never  went  to  war  without  invoking  for 


200 


AIANNKKS  AND  ClsTOMji  OF 


themselves  divine  protection.     The  Romans,  how- 
ever, deduced  their  augural  science,  not  from  P^truria, 
but   from   the   mythical    Romulus,    their   first  and 
greatest   augur,   and   they   intimate   that    in   some 
points  it  differed  from  the  Tuscan.     Doubtless  thev 
used  terms  which  were  not  Tuscan.     Their  **  8an- 
gualis  Avis,"  (me  of  the  most  imi>ortant  birds  for 
augury,  the  Ossifraga  (or  Osprey),  derived  its  name 
from  the  Sabine  god  Sancus,  to  whom  it  wjis  sacred. 
There  were   also  birds  of  the  Tities   (Titiic   aves), 
appertaining  to  the  Sodales  of  the  tribe  Tities,  who 
were  Sabiues;  but  this  notwithstanding,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  original  groundwork  of  augury, 
the  Templum  for  instance,  was  purely  Tuscan,  and 
that  the  Sabines,  the  Latins,  and  other  Italian  people 
had  adopted  and  nationalized,  with  sliglit  variations, 
many  of  the  Tuscan  rites.     The  purely  Tuscan  ideas 
of  the  seat  of  the  upper  gods  and  the  kingdom  of 
the  infernals  is  closely  bound  up  with  it.     The  Dis- 
cipline of  Tages  indeed  teaches  many  theories,  and 
gives  a  cosmography  of  spiritual  existences  foreign 
to  the  Roman  mind.     But  the  Roman  system  must 
have  been  familiarly  known  to  the  Tuscans,  and  in 
the  lapse  of  ages  there  would  be  many  accommoda- 
tions from  the  one  people  to  the  other,  which,  through 
gradual  changes,  would  approach  them  to  a  union. 
According  to  Roman  legend,  their  augury  was  not 
derived  from  Cncre  only,  but  also   from  Gabii,  in 
which  city  Romulus  was  brought  up.      Tradition 
further  said  that  by   augury   the  w^hole  land  was 
divided  into  five  classes,  Roman,  Gabinian,  foreign, 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


201 


hostile,  and  undetennined  ;  and  with  the  two  first 
the  auspices  were  taken  in  the  same  manner.  The 
Romans  also  derive  their  toga  from  Gabii,  but  this 
is  no  proof  that  the  Gabinians  did  not  derive  it 
themselves  from  the  Tuscans,  and  so  transmit  it  to 
the  younger  people. 

Doubtless  there  would  be  slight  changes  in  the 
transmission  of  customs,  and  far  more  of  ideas  from 
one  people  to  another.  Hence  many  originally 
Tus{*an  forms  may  have  established  themselves 
Minougst  the  Romans  with  a  Sabine,  or  even  a  Mar- 
sian  tint  upon  them.  The  Marsii  also  were  famous 
tor  their  augurs. 

The  source  of  knowledge  about  augury  in  Cicero's 
time  was  tradition,  communicated  from  one  to  ano- 
tlicr  in  the  colleges  which  had  been  used  to  assemble 
every  nones  for  that  purpose.  In  the  days  of  the 
(iracchi  there  were  augural  books,  or  commentaries 
upon  augury,  which  apparently  were  composed  of 
ancient  rules  and  formula},  with  explanations  by  the 
most  learned  of  the  college  members. 

The  Augur,  Api)ius  Claudius  Pulcher,  the  col- 
league of  Cicero,  compiled  from  them  an  excellent 
augural  book ;  and  the  Augur  Messala  drew  from 
them  an  explanation  of  signs  in  which  he  declined 
to  give  the  original  import  of  "  Marspedis,'*  and  in 
the  same  manner  we  ^nd  citations  from  other  au- 
gui'al  books. 

The  "  Libri  Reconditi "  were  distinct  from  these 
augural  books,  and  w^ere  probably  translations  from 
the  Tuscan,  which  were  only  consulted  upon  critical 


202 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


occasions.  One  of  their  doctrines  was  that  every 
bird  which  appeared  unexpectedly  could  be  used  for 
an  auspicium,  whilst  in  common  augury  only  parti- 
cular birds  were  effective,  and  by  them  alone  would 
the  gods  be  consulted. 


ClIArTER  VI. 

ON  THE  LOCAL  DIVISIONS  AND  FIXED  PRINCIPLES  OF 
THE  ETRUSCAN  DISCIPLINE. 


The  foundation  of  all  divinations  and  of  the  whole 
Etruscan  system  was  Templumy  that  sacred  division 
of  the  heavens,  of  the  earth,  and  of  all  that  was 
under  the  earth,  into  separate  parts  by  the  Lituus  of 
the  Augur.  The  Templum  signified  every  circle  in 
which  auspices  might  be  taken.  The  Romans  di- 
vided these  spheres  of  augury  into  four  regions, 
Cardo,  Decumanus,  Antica,  and  Postica;  Antica 
fronted  the  south,  Postica  the  north;  the  west 
was  on  the  right  hand,  and  the  east  upon  the 
left.  The  north  was  the  most  sacred,  being  re- 
garded as  the  seat  of  the  gods.  The  Etruscans 
divided  their  spheres  into  sixteen,  therefore  their 
auguries  were  more  detailed  and  minute  in  their 
meanings.  The  holiest  portion  was  the  north-east ; 
and  that  of  most  unfriendly  import  was  close  to  it 
on  the  other  side,  the  north-west.  The  Etruscans, 
like  the  Greek,  regarded  that  quarter  of  the  heavens 
as  the  most  blessed,  in  which  the  sun,  moon,  and 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


203 


stars   rose,    and    attributed  evil   or   failure   to   the 
quarter  in  which  they  set.     By  this  means  the  flash 
which  passed  through   the   luckiest  portion   would 
bv  a  little  management  be  seen  to  pass  also  through 
the  worst,  and  vice  versa.     As  east  or  west  denoted 
good  or  evil,  so  north  and  south  varied  the  intensity 
of  the  signs ;  that  which  was  nearest  to  the  dwelling 
of  the  gods  being  of  course  the  strongest.     There 
was  a  difference  in  the   augury  whether  the   seer 
simply  looked  for  signs  in  the  heavens  or  whether  he 
looked  for  some  particular  sign  for  a  particular  ob- 
ject ;  and  this  latter  constituted  the  augurium,  which 
we  have  already  described  by  an  extract  from  Livy.* 
Varro's  assertion  that  the  seat  of  the  gods  was  in 
the  north  we  learn  yet  more  distinctly,  from  a  very 
remarkable  passage  in  Martianus  Capella.     He  says 
that  the   whole   heaven  was   divided  into   sixteen 
regions,  amongst  which  the  gods  were  distributed. 
In  the   first   was  Jupiter,  whose   house   extended 
through  them  all,  with  the  Consentes  and  Penates, 
Salus,  the  Lares,  Janus,  the  Favores,  Opertanei,  and 
Xocturnus  ;  in  the  second  dwelt  Frcediatus  (perhaps 
a  god  of  health  from  prcehia,  a  charm),  Quirinus, 
Mars,  the  Lares  of  War,  Juno,  Fons,  the  Lymphae, 
and  the  Novensiles;  in  the  third,   Jupiter  Secun- 
danus,  Jupiter  Opulent  ia,  Minerva,  Discordia,   Se- 
ditio,  and  Pluto  ;  in  the  fourth,  Lympha  Sylvestris, 
Mulciber,  Lar  Celestis  and  Familiaris,  Favor,  Ceres, 
Tellurus,   Vulcan,   the   father    of   the  Earth,   and 
Genius. 

o  See  "  Hist,  of  Etruria,"  vol.  i. 


ill 


20i 


MANNERS  AND  CISTOMS  OK 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


200 


Further,  Jupiter's  sons,  l*ale«  (who  here  appears 
as  a  mah')  and  Favor,  also  C(>Ieritas,  the  daughter  of 
Sol,  Mars,  (iulrinus,  and  Genius,  have  also  here 
their  dweUing.  In  the  seventh  rej^ion  dwell  Liber, 
Secundanus,  and  Tales,  with  th(M*r  M'ives.  In  the 
eighth  we  have  only  the  name  of  \'eris  Fructus. 
In  the  ninth  dwells  the  Genius  of  Juno  Sospita. 
In  the  tenth,  Neptune,  the  Lar  onntium  nmrtaUs^ 
Neverita,  and  Consus.  In  the  eleventh,  Fortuna, 
Valitudo,  l^ivor,  Pallor,  and  the  :Manes.  In  the 
twelfth  Sancus.  In  the  thirteenth  the  Fates  and  the 
Gods  of  the  Manes.  In  the  fourteenth  Saturn  and 
his  Celestial  Juno.  In  the  tifteenth  V'ejovis  and  the 
Dli  Publiei.  In  the  sixteenth,  finally,  Nocturnus 
and  the  Janitors  of  the  Earth. 

This  appears  to  be  a  fragnu^it  out  of  an  Etrusean 
fulgural  book,  and  is  full  of  genuine  Etruscan  doc- 
trine, though  luixed  up  with  a  good  deal  of  Ibreign 
matter. 

The  first  region  is  beyond  doubt  tlie  north-east, 
and  tliis  is  furtht  r  provi^d  by  Xoeturnus,  the  god  of 
Darkncvss,  being  placed  in  the  adjoining  and  adverse 
sixteenth  region.  The  first  region  is  the  chief 
dwelling  of  tlie  gods,  for  here  dwells  Jupiter  with 
the  veiled  deities,  the  Opertanei  with  the  Consentes, 
the  Penates,  the  Lares,  and  the  Favores.  Juno  and 
Minerva  are  placed  in  the  second  and  third  regions 
as  the  equals  and  co-i)artners  of  Jupiter,  seated  by 
him  in  heaven  as  in  the  (^apitol.  These  three 
divinities  occupy  the  most  favoured  places,  and  they 
iire  **  left-hand  gods,''  rulers  of  the  left.     On  the 


other  side,  the  Manes  and  the  gods  of  the  Manes  oc- 
cupy the  eleventh  and  thirteenth  regions,  showing 
that  their  seat  was  to  the  west,  along  with  the  Fates. 
The  region  of  Vejovis  was  about  the  west.  In  the 
sixteenth,  or  last,  we  fiu,d  the  doorkeepers  of  the 
Earth,  by  which  I  presume  is  meant,  that  they 
guarded  the  portals  between  earth  and  heaven, 
through  which  celestial  beings  descended  to  this 
lower  world,  and  then  again  ascended. 

But  if  tlie  whole  visible  heaven  was  a  Templum 
for  auspices  above,  a  very  narrow  circle  was  all  that 
was  conceded  to  them  upon  the  earth,  and  this  circle 
was  marked  out  in  the  following  manner.  After  the 
seer  with  his  Lituus  had  marked  the  Cardo  and 
Decumanus,  and  fixed  upon  the  point  of  their  inter- 
section as  his  own  zenith  h)oking  to  the  south,  he 
was  obliged  to  indicate  a  square  by  lines  called 
"  Cardin(^s  and  Decumani."  Varro  has  preserved  to 
us  the  words  of  consecration  as  they  were  used  for 
the  Tenqdum  upon  the  Tarpeian  Hill:  **  Templa, 
tescaque  me  ita  sunto,  quoad  ego  caste  lingua  nun- 
cupavero.  011a  venter  arbos  quirquir  est  quam  me 
sentio  dixisse,  tenqdum  tescumque  finite  in  sinistrum, 
olla  veter  arbos  quirquir  est  quam  me  sentio  dixisse, 
tenqdum  tescumque  finite  in  dextrum.  Inter  ea 
conregione,  conspicione,  cortumione,  utique  ea  rec- 
tissime  sensi."  That  is,  "  My  temple  and  holy 
ground  shall  be  as  far  as  I  can  with  a  sanctified  mind 
reach  it  w^th  my  voice.  That  old  tree  and  whatever 
I  may  name  with  it  shall  be  my  boundary  to  the 
east.     That  other  old  iTQG  and  whatever  else  I  shall 


f^ 


206 


MANNKRS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


name  with  it  shall  bo  my  boundary  of  the  holy 
ground  of  the  west.  Between  them  1  limit  my 
temple  throuf:^h  the  drawing  of  lines,  through  super- 
vision and  through  eontemplation  according  to  my 
best  will  and  power." 

After  this,  the  augur  observed  in  stillness  and  in 
silence  that  he  might  not  by  word  or  movement  dis- 
turb the  prospei'ous  issue.  Ilis  interpretation  was 
not  always  right,  as  we  find  in  the  instance  of 
Olenus  Calenus,  who  obtained  for  answer,  wlien  he 
inquired  about  the  head  upon  the  Capitol,  **  Here 
shall  be  the  head ;  here  shall  be  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  the  Supreme."  Tlie  answer  arose  from  a 
strong  impression,  believed  to  be  inspiration  on  his 
own  mind,  and  his  interpretation  of  it  was,  that 
Etruria  was  to  be  the  head  of  Italy.  The  augur 
always  believed  himself  in  direct  communication 
with  the  gods,  and  accepted  the  ideas  which  were 
impressed  upon  him  as  unquestionable  indications  of 
their  will.  The  words  used  in  answer  were  bindinjj 
upon  them  for  good  and  evil,  and  the  augury  formed 
a  compact  as  it  were  between  gods  and  men.  Thus, 
whilst  with  the  Greek  words  whether  in  worship  or 
business  were  merely  the  signs  of  thoujjht,  amonj^st 
the  Italians  they  carried  weight  as  being  of  impor- 
tance of  themselves. 

Sometimes  a  temple  was  only  marked  out  by 
words,  at  other  times  by  bands  and  linen  cloths: 
the  important  point  being  to  fix  the  corners,  because 
every  inch  of  it  was  holy,  and  must  not  be  infringed 
upon,  excepting  only  a  space  to  go  in  and  out.     The 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


207 


right  and  left,  the  front  and  back  of  the  consecrated 
space,  were  as  fixed  as  the  templum  in  the  heavens, 
and  the  entrance  was  always  on  the  antica  or 
southern  side. 

^lost  of  the  shrines  and  altars  in  Rome  were  in 
temples,  but  not  all ;  for  the  temple  was  always  a 
place  in  which  auguries  might  be  taken.  It  w^as 
not  sim])ly  a  hcus  sandusy  a  dchibrumy  &c.  The  so- 
called  temple  of  Vesta  was  not  really  a  temple,  as  we 
may  know  from  its  form  being  round.  The  temple 
was  originally  synonymous  with  "  fane ;"  and  the  first 
solemn  act  regarding  it  was  to  draw  a  cross  in  the 
centre  of  the  space,  to  mark  the  Cardo  andl)ecumanus. 

One  author,  describing  the  Agrimensores,  says 
that  this  was  sometimes  done  by  the  elders  of  the 
assembly.  Then  the  walls  of  the  temple  were 
erected,  inclosing  a  square  space,  such  as  the  temple 
of  the  Capitol,  at  w^hose  foundation  the  Etruscan 
JIaruspices  presided,  in  which  the  breadth  exceeded 
the  length  by  fifteen  feet.  The  worshii)per  was 
commanded  after  prayer  to  turn  himself  to  the  right, 
and  then  to  depart ;  i.e.y  having  his  face  directed  to 
the  north,  the  seat  of  the  gods,  he  was  to  turn  him- 
self to  the  fortunate  East,  and  so  cast  Vejovis  and  all 
his  unfriendly  crew  behind  his  back. 

Further,  we  must  remark  that  the  whole  civil 
life  of  the  Tuscans  and  Romans  was  so  interwoven 
with  the  religious,  that  not  only  places  devoted  to 
worship,  but  those  also  used  for  public  assemblies, 
were  consecrated  temples. 

The  gods  were  supposed  to  guide  all  the  affairs 


208 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


of  life,  but  they  must  be  considtecl  in  places  set 
apart  for  the  purpf)se.  The  Senate  always  met  in  a 
Templum.  The  Curiae,  Ilostilia,  Pompeja,  and  Julia, 
were  temples  of  auf^ury,  in  which  the  Senatus  con- 
sultus  might  be  held. 

The  spot  in  the  Forum  Romanum,  from  which 
tlie  magistrate  trccited  with  the  people,  was  an 
augural  temple,  in  wliidi  the  Ilostrum  was  raised.  It 
was  originally  appropriated  to  the  Cuiia  Comitium, 
but  was  afterwards  used  for  tlie  Tribus  Comitium. 
In  the  Cami)us  Martius,  where  the  Centuries  met  — 
the  spot  on  which  the  altar  of  Mars  stood — was  a 
temple ;  and  here  was  tlie  Curule  chair,  upon  which 
the  presiding  mjigistrate  sat.  From  this  seat  the 
magistrate  spoke  with  priestly  authority  to  the 
people. 

In  the  temple  of  the  Rostra,  wliich  lav  to  the 
south  of  the  Forum,  the  magistrate  originally  w;is 
placed,  like  an  augur,  ^^'ith  his  fiu«e  to  the  south, 
towards  the  Comitium  and  the  Curiap,  but  turned 
away  from  the  assembled  multitude.  The  Roman 
Asylum  a])pears  to  have  been  this  kind  of  Tuscan 
Templum  on  its  first  institution,  and  not  to  have  had 
any  sacred  building  erected  upon  it,  as  Dionysius 
fancies. 

All  of  these  were  Templa  in  the  strict  sense  of 
the  word,  though,  besides  these,  there  were  aus- 
pices connected  with  sacK^d  chickens  and  other 
aninuds. 

Almost  all  the  Etruscan  localities,  which  were 
sacred  to  the  living  or  the  dead,  show  a  connexion 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


200 


with  the  temple;  and  prove  that  the  Etruscans 
grounded  their  customs  and  conduct  in  this  life 
upon  their  firm  belief  in  another  of  a  higher  and 
more  enduring  character. 

The  Tuscan  rite  of  the  foundation  of  cities  was; 
according  to  Cato  and  Varro,  as  follow^s, —  ' 

The  founder,  on  a  day  determined  by  favourable 
auspices,  appeared  clothed  in  a  Gabinian  Toga,  lead- 
ing a  white  ox  and  a  white  cow,  yoked  to  a  plough, 
whose  share  must  be  of  iron  ;  the  ox  on  the  right 
outwards,  and  the  cow  on  the  left  inwards,  drawing 
a  square  with  a  continuous  furrow;  all  the  sods 
falling  inwards  to  be  used  in  the  building  of  the 
walls.  At  the  place  of  the  gates  the  plough  was  lifted 
up  and  carritnl  over. 

If  we  connect  this  with  what  we  have  already 
stated  as  to  the  corn  vault  in  the  centre  of  this 
square,  we  are  led  back  to  a  vision  of  an  originally 
agricultural  tribe,  with  whom  agriculture  was  a 
sacred  occupation,  and  the  foundation  of  all  their 
civil  polity  (something  like  the  Chinese). 

All  the  Etruscan  cities  lay  four-square,  so  far  as 
the  ground  allowed ;  and  old  Rome  was  "  Roma 
Quadrata,**  though  it  had  a  pointed  comer  beyond 
the  Pomoerium  of  the  Palatine,  towards  the  Circus 
Maximus,  upon  which  the  altar  of  Census  was 
erected.  This  four-square  made  an  analogy  be- 
tween the  city,  whose  walls  were  all  sacred,  and  the 
Templum. 

The  furrow  was  called  "  Urvum  aratri ;"  the 
plough-share,  as  a  component  part  of  the  plough  tirvarCj 


210 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


and  as  v  and  b  are  interchangeable  in  all  languages, 
it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  Latin  word  Urbs  is 
derived  from  it ;  and  in  the  early  days  of  Rome  no 
colony  became  an  Urbs  unless  it  was  founded  in  this 
manner. 

With  the  foundation  of  cities  was  involved  the 
site  of  their  chief  sanctuary. 

The  old  scholiast  uj)on  Yirgil  gives  it  as  a  part  of 
the  Etruscan  discipline,  that  no  city  of  Etruria  could 
be  called  an  Urbs  unless  it  had  three  holy  gates  and 
three  temples  (they  might  all  be  in  one  enclosure) 
to  the  three  great  divinities,  Jupiter,  Juno,  and 
Minerva.  This,  however,  did  not  exclude  other 
gates  and  other  gods.  It  was  certainly  the  doctrine 
of  the  Ritual  books,  that  these  patron  divinities 
should  first  be  appointed  their  holy  possession,  and 
that  in  the  most  elevated  part  of  the  ground  from 
which  they  could  overlook  the  major  part  of  the 
buildings. 

Before  the  Tarquinian  era  Rome  appears  to 
have  had  an  older  Capitol  upon  the  Quirinal,  in 
cwhich  were  the  sanctuaries  of  the  three  gods. 

As  to  the  gates  it  seems  to  have  been  undeter- 
mined which  quarter  of  the  heavens  should  be 
excluded,  whether  the  unlucky  west,  the  nearest 
to  the  infernal  world,  or  the  less-esteemed  south. 
•"  Roma  Quadrata  "  appears  to  have  had  only  three 
gates,  Porta  Romanula,  Janualis,  and  Mucionis, 
lying  west,  north-west,  and  north.  The  south  was 
•shut  up ;  but  all  this  is  grounded  on  a  very  obscure 
tradition.      Cossa,  whose  walls  are   nearly  square, 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


211 


has  gates  to  the  east,  north,  and  south;  but  its 
situation  scarcely  admits  of  an  entrance  from  the 
west.  Rusella  had  gates  to  the  north,  east,  and 
west ;    some  cities  had  more. 

The  sanctity  of  the  walls  being  a  chief  point  in 
the  Tuscan  foundation  of  cities,  and  a  consequence 
troni  their  idea  of  the  Templum,  they  were  guarded  by 
a  space  void  of  buildings  within  and  without,  called 
bv  the  Latins  "  Pomoerium,'*  divided  into  regions,, 
and  marked  off  by  stones,  called  cippi  or  tcrminL 
This  was  also  sacred  augural  ground,  and  might  not 
be  transgressed. 

The  Pomau'ium  was  dedicated  to  peace  and  to 
civil  government.  No  military  oath  could  be  taken 
there,  and  no  troops  were  allowed  within  its  precincts. 
But  in  time  of  war  it  formed  a  most  convenient 
space  for  the  massing  of  its  defenders.  The  custom 
of  destroying  a  city  by  passing  the  plough  over  its 
walls,  and  so  annihilating  its  sanctity,  is  old 
Etruscan. 

With  the  original  form  of  a  city,  that  of  a  camp 
bears  a  striking  similarity,  and  both  bear  a  close 
relation  to  the  Templum. 

The  Etruscan  lawgiver  was  also  their  first  camp- 
founder,  and  the  fixing  of  the  Cardo  and  Decumanus 
in  it  was  his  first  care.  These  lines  gave  the  Cardo 
as  the  Via  principalis,  and  the  Decumanus  as  the 
broad  street.  The  camp,  like  the  heavenly  Templum,. 
placed  the  east  in  front  and  the  north  upon  the  left 
hand.  The  Commander,  like  the  Augur,  turned,  his 
face  to  the  rising  sun.     The  front  gate,  called  the 


212 


MANNKKS  AM)  nSTOMS  OF 


PrsDtorian,  was  at  one  end  of  the  Decuman  street ; 
and,  in  later  times,  was  always  towards  the  east. 

The  Porta  Decumana,  which  lay  to  the  west,  was 
used  to  drive  criminals  through,  and  to  carry  out 
the  dead,  as  the  west  was  the  quarter  of  the  Manes. 

Near  to  the  Praotorian  Gate  stood  the  Pi-aetorium, 
originally  an  Etruscan  institution — a  square  of  200 
feet — larger  than  the  Capitoline  temple.  On  the 
right  lay  the  Auguraculum,  with  its  altar ;  on  the 
left  the  Tribunal — the  whole  forming  a  Tempi um. 
Here  were  deposited  the  standards  of  the  Legions, 
always  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  Romans  ;  and  their 
holy  character  was  probably  derived  from  the  earlv 
teaching  and  faith  of  the  Tuscans. 

The  science  of  land-measuring  was  also,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Etruscan  polity,  considered  as  a 
part  of  the  auspices  ;  and  is  here  best  mentioned  as 
connected  with  the  many-sided  character  of  the 
Templum.  It  was  a  noble  thought  of  the  primitive 
Tuscans  that  the  land,  which,  according  to  their 
belief,  Jupiter  had  given  them  to  cultivate,  should 
be  divided  in  a  similar  way  to  the  place  in  which 
they  heard  his  voice  ;  and  thus  they  wished  that 
every  acre  should  stand  in  religious  connexion  with 
his  system  of  the  universe,  and  his  division  of  the 
heavens  over  our  heads. 

Jupiter  himself  was  supposed  to  have  ordained 
the  partition  and  limitation  of  the  lands,  either 
inmiediately  or  through  his  son  the  Genius  Tages, 
and*  it  would  be  a  crime  against  the  decrees  of 
heaven  to  disturb  or  neglect  this  order. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


213 


In  this  also  it  was  the  first  care  to  describe  the 
Cardo  and  Decumanus.  How  the  Etruscans  origin- 
ally effected  this  is  unknown.  Their  gronia  or 
gruma  is  evidently  corrupted  from  the  Greek  y)>2jfiou, 
and  this  gnomon  (dial)  was  not  known  either  to  them 
or  to  the  Romans  for  some  time  afterwards,  as  the 
Greeks  first  received  it  from  the  Babylonians  in  the 
(lavs  of  IMiorocydes  and  Anaximander.  In  previous 
times  the  Tuscans  must  have  had  some  other  method 
for  fixing  the  place  of  the  sun  at  noon-day,  and 
from  that  point  they  reckoned  all  their  time.  Oc- 
casionally they  preferred  to  calculate  from  the  pole- 
star  at  night.  Auspices  could  be  taken  at  night, 
and  it  appears  that  the  Templum  was  drawn  out  at 
sunset.  Later  it  was  common  to  reckon  from  due 
east  and  due  west,  whence  unscientific  Agrimensores, 
instead  of  measuring  from  the  cardinal  points,  took 
the  sunrise  and  sunset  of  the  time  of  year.  Hence 
these  men  usually  made  the  Decumanus  their  lead- 
ing line  from  which  they  measured  off  the  others, 
and  this  led  to  a  change  in  the  meaning  of  the 
terms.  It  is,  however,  hard  to  understand  how 
they  came  to  make  west  the  front  and  south  the 
left.  This  inversion  of  names  obtained  in  Lower 
Italy,  Campania,  and  Bruttium.  In  Rome  Cardo 
continued  to  represent  the  lines  from  north  to  south, 
and  the  expressions  Anticum  and  Posticum  had  the 
same  meaning  in  land-measuring  as  in  the  Templum. 

The  measure  of  a  square  of  100  feet  was  called 
a  t'orsitSy  and  was  rather  less  than  half  a  Roman 
jugerum.     It  was  the  measure  used  in  Umbria,  and 


214 


MANNERS  AND  (  r«;TOMS  OI 


was  continmHl  as  a  vestige  of  the  old  Etruscan  ruU. 
ill  Campania. 

In  conclusion,  wo  find  the  idea  of  the  Teniphnn 
carried  out  in  the  cemeteries  as  we  nii<,^ht  have  ex- 
pected. The  entrance  to  a  tomb  was  from  the  south, 
aiid  in  the  large  stone  coffins  the  corpse  was  laid 
with  the  head  to  the  north,  the  seat  of  the  gods,  and 
the  feet  to  the  south. 


CnAI'TKII    VII. 


ON  PARTICn.AK   IJKAN(  IIKS  OF  KTRl  SCAN   DIVINATION. 

It  is  a  remark  of  the  ancients  that  Italy  is  distin- 
guished   from   other   lands   by    the   frequency  and 
severity  of  its  storms,  and  amongst  the  divisions  of 
Italy  Etruria   in  this  respect   stands   pre-eminent, 
owing  to  its  mountain-chains.      The  Tuscans  who 
marked  the  finger  of  the  gods  even  in  the  smallest 
occurrences  could  not  fail  to  venerate  them,  especially 
in  lightning,  a  phenomenon  through  which  all  the 
nations  of  antiquity  kdievtMl  that   they  spake  with 
man.     The  Fulgatores  (amongst  whom  the  men  of 
Fiesole  were  the  most    cel(4)rated)    were   therefon- 
placed  in  the  highest  class  of  the  Ilanispices.     Th(< 
rules  of  their  science  were  laid  down  in  the  Books 
of  Bygoe  and  other  Fulgural  treatises.     In  the  early 
days  of  Home  they  were  little  inquired  after  out  oV 
their   own  country ;   but   in  the  time  of  Diodorus 
they  were  spread  throughout  Italy,  and  in  the  daAs 


Tin:  ETRUSCANS. 


21o 


of  Julian   they   accompanied   the  Emperor   in   his 
campaigns. 

The  Tuscan  Fulgurator  contemplated  the  light- 
ning under  four  aspects, — to  consult,  to  expiate,  to 
ward  off,  or  to  draw  down. 

To  consult,  he  observed  whence  the  flash  came 
and  whither  it  went.  Its  mission  depended  upon 
which  of  the  sixteen  regicms  it  passed  through,  and 
it  was  of  more  importance  to  observe  its  exit  than 
its  entrance.  The  best  omen  was,  when  the  light- 
ning passed  out  of  the  first  region  into  it  again.  A 
thunderbolt  was  naturally  considered  according  to 
the  spot  on  which  it  fell.  A  flash  in  the  place  of 
common  assembly  or  solemn  magistracy  was  called 
"  Fulmen  Regale,'*  and  was  interpreted  according  to 
ancient  Etruscan  Discipline  when  there  were  kings 
over  all  the  States.  Such  a  flash  betokened  civil 
war,  overthrow  of  the  State,  an  entire  revolution  of 
the  place  and  its  destination.  Next  to  this  comes 
lightning  in  the  l*raDtorium  of  the  camp,  which 
betokened  the  conquest  of  the  same  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  its  commander.  Lightning  in  the  Temple  of 
Juno  concerned  the  matrons,  and  in  the  shrines  of 
other  jjods  was  an  omen  to  those  concerned  with 
them.  We  are  not  told  anything  certain  about 
lightning  upon  walls  and  gates ;  the  question  was 
in  what  region  of  the  Pomocrium  the  stroke  had 
fallen.  Then  came  the  inquiry  which  god  had  sent 
it.  There  were  nine  who  hurled  the  thunderbolt, 
Jupiter,  Juno,  ^linerva,  Vejovis,  Summanus,  Vulcan, 
Saturn,  and  Mars,  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken. 


216 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Each  god  had  his  own  peculiar  flash,  but  Jupiter 
held  three  in  his  hands,  so  that  there  were  eleven 
flashes  for  divination,  according  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  Fulgatores.     Of  the  three  pertaining  to  Jupiter 
one  had  relation  to  himself  alone,  and  was  for  peace 
and  remembrance;    one  was  for  counsel  with   the 
other  gods,  and  bore  with  it  somewhat  of  a  sinister 
import ;  one  was  for  counsel  with  the  veiled  ffods 
and  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  existing  circum.' 
stances.     The  diff'erent  nature  of  these  flashes  was 
discriminated  by  their  efl'ects.     The  first  was  quite 
innocent,  the  second   came   with   great   noise   and 
iorce,  the  third  blasted  and  destroyed  on  all  sides. 
Ihat  any  particular  flash  did  come  from   Jupiter 
was  known  partly  from  the  colour^ his  flashes  beinij 
all  red---partly  from  the  quarter  of  the  sky  out  of 
which  they  proceeded,  viz.,  the  three  first  reijions 
and  partly  by  the  time  at  which  they  were  hurled! 
Ihe  lightning   of  Minerva   was   restricted   to   the 
spnng  of  the  year;  that  of  Saturn,  which  appeared 
to  issue  from  the  ground,  was  limited  to  mid-winter 
and  was  above  all  others  dangerous  and  dreaded! 
Ihe  lightning  of  Mars  scorched  or  burnt.     A  deep 
red  flaming  bolt  of  Mars  in  a.r.  G09  burnt  the  un- 
ucky  eity  of  Yolsinia.     Deadly  or  death-bringing 
lightmng  was  ascribed  to  Vejovis. 

It  was  therefore  a  very  difficult  thing  to  deter- 
mine  to  which  god  any  of  the  various  bolts,  any 
particular  one,  was  to  be  ascribed,  for  the  time,  the 
quarter  of  the  heavens,  the  nature  and  effects  of  the 
stroke,  must  all  be  taken  into  account. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


217 


The  Romans,  who  abbreviated  the  Etruscan  Dis- 
cipline for  the  use  of  their  State,  compressed  the 
nine  Etruscan  thunder- gods  into  two,  inasmuch  as 
they  ascribed  all  the  lightning  which  was  visible  in 
the  day-time  to  Jupiter,  and  all  that  came  by  night 
to  Summanus.  Lightning  which  fell  as  a  shower 
and  passed  over  they  called  "  Provorsa." 

Let  us  now  inquire  what  the  lightning  meant  or 
foreshadowed.  To  determine  this,  the  locality 
whence  the  flash  came,  and  whither  it  went,  and 
the  god  who  sent  it,  must  be  considered ;  also  the 
circumstances  under  which  the  auspices  were  taken, 
and  the  reason  why  they  were  sought.  The  Tuscan 
Lucunio  believed  his  intercourse  with  the  deity  to 
be  80  intimate,  that  the  gods  were  interested  in  all 
that  befell  him,  whether  public  or  private. 

Lightning  which  fell  before  the  execution  of  a 
projected  undertaking  was  called  "  Consiliaria,"  and 
adrised  for  or  against.  After  the  completion  of  the 
work,  lightning  was  called  "  Auctoritatis,"  and 
blamed  or  approved  ;  those,  finally,  which  had  no 
reference  to  any  undertaking  were  called  "  Fulmina 
Status,"  others  were  termed  admonitory  "Monitoria." 

Ileed  was  also  given  to  the  endurance  of  the 
electric  sign,  wliether  it  was  for  life  or  merely  for  a 
period,  or  whether  it  threatened  some  evil  which 
might  be  averted.  Of  the  first  kind  was  a  thimder- 
bolt  at  birth  or  marriage,  or  the  entering  upon  an 
inheritance;  upon  the  founding  of  a  city  or  the 
leading  forth  of  a  colony.  Temporary  signs  of  the 
second  class  might  endure  for  ten  years  with  an 


218 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


individual,  and  thirty  with  a  State.  Lightning,  in 
conjunction  with  otlier  signs,  might  confirm ''and 
strengthen,  or  might  overtop  and  change  them  all. 
Some  flashes  indicated  that  an  offering  was  accepted, 
and  others  that  a  vow  was  absolved. 

Anotlier  point  in  the  doctrine  of  lightning  con- 
(rerned   the   expiation   whicli   it   made.      Whtre  it 
struck  the  ground,  that  spot  was  sacred  through  the 
whole  of  Italy,  and  the  origin  of  tliis  was  Tuscan. 
The  Ilaruspex  erected  such  a  spot  into  a  Templumi 
in  which  two-year-old  animals  might  be  sacrificed! 
He  surrounded  it  by  a  wall,  and  left  it  open  at  the 
top  like  a  well,   or  like  that  kind  of  altar  called 
"Ara."     Stones  and  other  articles  struck  by   the 
bolt  were  called   "Bidental,"  and  such   an   article 
must  never  be  used  nor  even  looked   ui)on.      The 
stone  slabs  which  are  occasionally  found  inscribed 
"fulgur  conditum^'  behmged  to^his  class.      If  a 
second  bolt  fell  in  the  old  place  before  the  first  had 
been  consecrated,  it  was  called  "  fulmen  obrutum." 
If  a  tree  was  struck  it  was  regarded  as  unlucky,  and 
the  sacrificial  cake  was  broken  beside  it.     Men  who 
were  killed  by  lightning  might  not  be  burned,  but 
must  be  buried  by  the  narusi)ex  without  ceremonies. 
The  idea   connected  witli  thunderbolts  always  was 
that  the  angry  gods  required  a  sacrifice  from  men, 
and  thus  warned  them  of  their  needful  duty. 

The  third  point  was  how  to  avert  lightning. 
The  Tuscans  had  precepts  for  turning  away  storms. 
Tarchon,  according  to  Columella,  surrounded  his 
house  with  a  hedge  of  white  grapes ;  and  Tages,  to 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


219 


secure  the  land  against  misfortune,  placed  upon  the 
boundary  stone  the  decapitated  head  of  an  ass. 
Such  a  charm  was  also  used  in  ancient  Rome,  but 
Juvenal  tells  us  that  it  was  fixed  on  the  banqueting 
room  . 

AVe  now  come  to  the  fourth  and  most  enigmatical 
point  touching  the  drawing  down  of  lightning. 
Tliere  is  no  doubt  that  this  was  practised  from  the 
earliest  ages,  and  that  in  the  flash  Jupiter  was  often 
believed  to  descend  out  of  favour  to  the  inquirer.  In 
this  way  King  Porsenna  invoked  the  lightning,  and 
the  Volsinians  destroved  the  horrible  monster  Voltu. 
In  this  way  Numa  consulted  the  supreme  deity,  and 
Tullus  Ilostilius  accomplislied  his  own  destruction. 
The  accustomed  forms  and  ceremonies  were  known 
to  tlie  Tuscan  Ilaruspices  down  to  the  very  latest 
times,  and  by  the  use  of  them  they  believed  that 
they  had  defended  Narnia  against  Alaric,  and  hoped 
to  protect  liome. 

Jupiter  Elicius  continued  to  be  venerated  longer 
than  any  other  form  of  that  god. 

So  much  knowledge  concerning  natural  pheno- 
mena amongst  the  Tuscans  seems  to  imply  much 
more ;  for  instance,  a  considerable  insight  into  the 
causes  of  electricity ;  but  here  we  must  stop.  The 
Etmscan  faith  made  the  priests  keenly  observant  of 
every  outward  circumstance  connected  with  light- 
ning, but  rather  deterred  than  quickened  their  in- 
quiries as  to  hidden  influences. 

The  lightning-diviners  of  the  Etruscans  and  the 
natural  philosophers  in  general  are  classed  together 


220 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


221 


by  Diodorus,  and  we  find  the  Greeks,  especially 
Aristophanes  and  Aristotle,  dividing  the  lightning 
into  three  systems,  answering  to  the  three  bolts  in 
the  hand  of  Jupiter ;  namely,  the  innocent,  and  the 
destructive  from  the  clouds,  and  the  flash  which 
proceeds  from  the  earth.  We  may  well  admire  the 
accurate  observations  of  the  ancients,  but  we  cannot 
give  them  credit  for  having  discovered  the  cause. 

Another    very   important   branch    of  Etruscan 
divination  is  the  inspection  of  entrails,  commonly 
called  the  taking  of  auspices.     The  rules  for  this 
proceeding    are   very   obscure,    though,    doubtless 
something  miglit  be  discovered  by  a  comparison  of 
all  that  we  are   told   respecting   Italian   sacrifices. 
Something  depended  on  anatomical  knowledge,  and 
much  on  the  observant  powers  of  the  divines.  '  The 
Tuscans  were  diligent  sacrificers,  and  therefore  made 
sacrifice   a   part   of  divination.     Thus   priests  and 
Haruspices  divided  the  offerings  into  two  classes, 
atoning  and  consulting. 

By  the  first  only  the  blood  and  life  of  the  animal 
was  sacrificed  to  the  god,  without  the  entrails  being 
exposed  and  burnt.  These  latter  seem  always  to 
have  been  expiatory,  like  the  "  Acheron tischen,"  by 
means  of  which  men's  souls  were  redeemed  from  the 
lower  world,  and  were  turned  into  "  Dii  Animales." 
When  employed  for  this  purpose  men  spoke  of  the 
"  Melior  Anima,"  or  better  life. 

The  other  class  of  sacrifices  comprises  those  by 
which  the  will  or  counsel  of  the  gods  is  consulted 
through   the  entrails,   and  these  entrails  are  then 


offered  to  them  as  a  thank-offering.  Divination  is 
here  the  proper  aim  of  the  offering.  In  this  form  it 
was  common  to  the  twelve  States  and  appears  to  have 
been  peculiar  to  the  Tuscans. 

AVhen  at  a  *'  Consultatorium  sacrificium "  the 
wicrifice  was  slain,  the  first  point  was,  that  the  body 
sliould  be  opened  and  the  sacred  portions  inspected, 
especially  the  lungs,  heart,  and  liver.  The  heart 
was  first  introduced  for  consultation  after  the  war 
with  Pyrrhus.  The  liver  was  originally  held  to  be 
of  the  most  importance,  because  it  was  considered  as 
the  seat  of  animal  life. 

The  different  organs  amongst  the  Tuscans  were 
sacred  to  different  gods,  the  gall,  for  instance,  was 
dedicated  to  Neptune,  and  betokened  luck  or  mis- 
fortune by  water,  other  portions  related  to  fire.  The 
influence  of  the  infernal  gods  was  discerned  through 
the  colour  and  form  of  the  intestines.  Further,  the 
different  sides  of  the  offerings  had  diftbront  meanings. 
The  liver  had  a  friendly  and  a  hostile  side.  The 
appearance  of  the  first  depended  upon  the  fate 
of  the  offerer,  the  other  upon  that  which  awaited 
his  foe ;  strong  sinews  upon  the  hostile  side  be- 
tokened misfortune ;  an  orange-coloured  liver  was  a 
sign  of  scarcity,  and,  according  to  Tages,  it  was  ne- 
cessary in  such  a  case  to  drag  up  and  down  the 
**  manales  lapides,'*  the  stones  which  charmed  down 
rain.  A  deficiency  in  one  portion  of  the  liver  de- 
noted ruin ;  an  exaggerated  increase  of  it,  division ; 
a  slit  in  it  a  revolution  of  the  existing  order  of 
things. 


I 

•I 

II 


222 


MANNERS  AND  CVSTOMS  OF 


That  portion  of  the  inwards  which  was  holy  to 
the  gods  was  sprinkled  over  with  salt  and  flour.  It 
was  then  cut  up,  placed  in  dishes,  and  carried  to  be 
burnt. 

Befoie  dividing  the  liver  and  other  parts,  thev 
were  sodden,  and  if,  during  the  prwess,  any  portioii 
shrank  and  was  absorbed,  this  was  as  bad  a  sign  as 
if  the  whole  had  failed  from  the  bi^ginning.  ThcTe 
elapsed,  therefore,  between  the  slaying  of  the  animal 
and  the  cutting  up  and  off*ering  of  the  sacrifice  a 
considerable  time,  also  there  were  many  davs  of 
(jommon  life  upon  which  no  such  sacrifice  could  Ije 
made,  "Dies  nefasti.'* 

It  is  also  certain  that  the  later  Romans,  especially 
their  commanders  and  magistrates,  troubled  them- 
selves verj'  little  about  the  complicated  rules  of 
Etruscan  divination. 

The  Greeks,  at  the  time  of  the  Persian  war,  had 
many  points  of  divination  agreeing  exactly  with  the 
Etruscan,  and  which  they  appear  to  have  borrowed 
from  them.  It  is  probable,  if  we  had  details  upon 
the  subject,  that  we  should  find  the  whole  of  Asia 
Minor  observing  the  some  rules ;  and  it  would  be  a 
strong  additional  proof  to  us  that  the  Etruscans  were 
originally  of  that  race,  as  their  earlier  traditions 
assert. 

According  to  uEschylus,  Prometheus  showed  to 
mortals  what  must  be  the  colour  and  appearance  of 
the  intestines  in  order  to  please  the  gods,  also  the 
various  forms  of  the  gall  and  the  liver  for  divination 
when  it  was  burnt.     According  to  Euripides,  whvu 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


223 


Egisthcus   offered  before  his   death,  the  liver  had 
no  head. 

Plutarch  tells  us  that  Agesilaus  was  warned  of 
his  death  by  a  similar  sign,  and  so,  long  afterwards, 
was  Alexander  the  Great.  This  agreement  with  the 
Etruscans  cannot  be  fortuitous.  It  was  probably 
taught  by  them  to  the  Sicilians  of  Syracuse  and  passed 
from  the  Sicilians  into  Greece. 

The  Tuscans  also  observed  the  flight  of  birds  in 
( oiiimon  with  the  Italians,  Mysians,  Phrygians,  and 
Carians,  and  many  of  the  Greeks  ;  but,  inasmuch  as 
the  Romans  consulted  them  rarely  upon  this  head, 
and  had  their  own  signs,  which  were  often  of  a  con- 
trary signification,  we  have  less  information  about 
this  ix)int  than  about  most  others.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  Tuscan  doctrine  was  much  fuller  than 
the  Roman.  Instead  of  a  very  few  birds  of  omen 
they  could  draw  omens  from  every  bird,  and  appear 
to  have  held  them  sacred  to  different  gods.  The 
crow,  for  example,  belonged  to  Juno.  Pliny  tells 
us,  that  in  the  books  of  discipline  birds  were  drawn 
unknown  to  the  Romans.  Some  birds  gave  auspices 
by  their  voice  breaking  the  silence  of  augury,  others 
only  by  their  flght,  whether  to  or  from  the  Harus- 
pex.  A  bird  appearing  in  the  zenith  was  a  sign  of 
great  fortune,  and,  according  to  Livy,  was  so  inter- 
preted by  an  Etruscan  priestess. 

Finally,  the  exj^lanation  of  wonders,  prodigies, 
portents,  and  monstrosities,  was  a  chief  part  of 
discipline,  and  the  rules  for  them  must  have  been 
very  numerous.     The  Tuscans  found  auspices  in  the 


904 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


usual  course  of  nature,  and  prodigies  in  whatever 
was  extraordinary.  Horses  gave  auspices.  Trees 
were  divided  into  lucky  and  unlucky.  The  fall  of  a 
tree  had  its  meaning. 

The  Ilaruspices  often  explained  new  prodigies 
upon  the  spur  of  the  moment,  being  assisted  by  native 
wit  or  sagacity. 

Thus  in  A.R.  G26  (b.c),  they  explained  an  erup. 
tion  of  Etna  as  foreshadowing  a  secret  insurrection  ; 
and  before  Cicero*s  consulate  they  advised  the 
making  of  an  image  of  Jupiter,  to  be  placed  in  the 
Forum  looking  eastward  over  the  Curia  as  a  charm 
against  civil  disturbances. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  chief  part  of  divine  worship 
consisted  in  divination  and  in  burnt-offerings  to  tlie 
deity  consulted.  The  ritual  of  prayer  was  taken 
from  the  forms  used  in  the  Templum,  the  sacrifice 
was  partly  ruled  by  the  Ilaruspex  and  partly  by  tho 
belief  in  the  Lares,  and  the  gods  of  the'shades. 
Only  a  small  portion  of  the  animal  was  burnt,  and 
the  rest  was  dividcnl  between  the  offerers.  The 
Etruscans  endeavoured  to  ^ivo  their  worship  every 
possible  splendour,  and  to  unite  in  it  everj^thing 
that  could  gratify  and  charm  the  senses. 

Their  gods  and  goddesses  were  dressed  as  men 
and  women  of  the  highest  rank ;  and  the  wardrobe 
of  Jupiter  and  his  companions  Juno  and  Minerva  in 
the  Capitol  was  of  the  most  costly  and  refined  de- 
scription. This  subject,  however,  leads  to  our  next 
chapter  upon  the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  Etruscans. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


225 


mma 


/ 


BOOK  IV.  \ 


r:.)!,.COLh.  " 

LiriRAllY. 

\.M)RK.     y 


y 


ox  THE  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 


Chapter  I. 
ON  the  sacred  games  and  the  music  of  the 

ETRUSCANS. 

What  we  call  Art  amongst  the  Tuscans,  was  closely 
connected  with  their  religious  worship.  There  must 
have  been  a  time  when  undoubtedly  every  dance  and 
every  tune  were  consecrated  to  worship,  and  when 
every  meal  at  which  flesh  was  eaten  must  have  be- 
tokened a  sacrifice. 

The  pomp,  the  music,  the  rival  games,  all  then 
formed  one  whole  with  the  temple  services.  Gra- 
dually they  became  independent  and  were  made 
useful  in  purely  civil  life. 

We  find  that  the  twelve  States  were  offended 
when  the  nobles  of  Veii  withdrew  their  youths  from 
the  games  because  they  considered  it  an  offence  to 
tlie  gods.  According  to  the  Haruspices,  neglect  of 
the  fitting  games  often  roused  the  anger  of  the  gods 
« J  gainst  Rome,  and  these  games  were  expected  to  be 

Q 


226 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


conducted  with  little  le^s  solemnity  than  sacrifices 
and  auspices.  If  the  dancer  stood  still  at  the  wrong 
moment,  if  the  flute-player  ceased  to  blow,  if  the 
youth  who  conducted  the  procession  car  turned  aside 
or  if  he  took  his  hand  off"  the  reins,  the  games  were 
as  much  disordered  as  if  during  augury  the  silence 
had  been  broken.  The  fiiult  must  be  atoned  for,  and 
very  often  the  games  must  be  commenced  anew. 

Such  a  superstition  brings  with  it  the  conse- 
quence, that  the  arts  subservient  to  them  must  have 
remained  from  age  to  age  the  same. 

Aj^pian,  in  describing  a  triumph,  tells  us  that 
the  generals  went  first,  then  the  lictors  in  purple 
tunics,  and  then,  in  imitation  of  an  Etruscan  pomp, 
a  choir  of  players  on  the  cither  and  the  flute,  with 
girdles  and  golden  diadems,  called  *'Ludicr;" 
amongst  whom  there  was  one  in  a  long  purple 
mantle,  golden  bracelets  and  necklaces,  who  made 
grimaces,  as  if  in  derision  of  the  foe.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  incense-bearers,  and,  finally,  the  triumpher 
himself,  in  his  toga  decked  with  stars;  his  tunic 
embroidered  with  palm -leaves ;  his  wreath  of  golden 
oak-leaves ;  his  ivory  sceptre,  tipped  with  gold,  and 
his  chariot  with  golden  plates,  and  drawn  by  four 
horses. 

All  these  things  the  Romans  •borrowed  from  the 
Etruscans.  The  games  of  the  Circus  bore  a  strong 
resemblance  to  a  triumph. 

In  them  were  young  men  on  foot,  and  men 
riding  in  chariots  and  on  horseback.  The  Athletes ; 
the   choir   of  armed   dancers;    then   the    unarmed 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


227 


dancers,  called  by  Dionysius  "  Satyristen,"  probably 
the  same  as  the  LmUers;  then  the  flute  and  lyre 
players ;  then  the  bearers  of  incense ;  and,  lastly, 
the  images  of  the  gods.  Nothing  is  wanting  to 
make  this  ceremony  identical  with  the  triumph, 
except  that  a  Curule  magistrate  should  close  the 
pomp  in  the  gorgeous  robes  of  triumph,  and  perhaps 
carry  with  him  images  of  his  ancestors,  thus  min- 
gling the  commemoration  of  the  aristocracy  with  the 
worship  of  the  gods.  The  chariots  of  the  latter  were 
of  ivory,  inlaid  with  plates  of  silver. 

All  these  pomps  and  all  religious  ceremonies 
were  accompanied  by  music :  an  art  in  which  the 
Etruscans  attained  so  much  proficiency,  though  they 
were  not  inventors,  that  the  reputation  of  their 
flute-players  long  outlived  the  fame  and  freedom  of 
the  nation. 

Stringed  instiniments  are  never  mentioned  in  the 
descriptions  of  their  entertainments,  though  they 
are  represented  in  paintings ;  but  the  wind  instru- 
ments were  known  throughout  antiquity.  Flute- 
players  attended  at  every  sacrifice,  and  were  present 
at  every  feast  and  ceremony.  The  dancers  danced 
to  the  flute,  the  wrestlers  wrestled  —  the  masters 
scourged  their  slaves,  the  cook  and  the  baker  carried 
on  their  labours  by  its  music.  The  chase  was  also 
accompanied  by  the  flute ;  and  it  was  the  common 
belief  of  the  people,  that  the  boar  and  stag  were 
allured  into  the  toils  by  the  tones  of  this  instrument. 
So  extensive  a  demand  caused  numbers  of  men  to 
devote  themselves  to   this   calKng;    and  amongst 


228 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Numa*s  guilds  we  find  one  of  flute-players.  These 
were,  most  probably,  the  Tuscan  "  Subulones,"  not 
natives  of  Eome;  and  the  subsequent  story  of  their 
withdrawal  from  the  city  upon  an  affront  seems  to 
corroborate  this  view.* 

The  fame  of  the  Tyrrhenian  flute-players  reached 
even  into  Greece  ;  and  Polvstratos,  the  Athenian, 
received  the  name  of  "  Tvrrhenus  '*  because  of  his 
exquisite  playing.  His  love  for  the  art  even  induced 
him  to  wear  the  long  garments  and  the  masks  in 
which  the  Tuscan  performers  walked  the  streets. 
It  seems  to  have  been  as  a  remnant  of  their  Asiatic 
descent  that  thev  continued  to  wear  the  old  costume. 
This  was  a  safl'ron  robe  (the  colour  of  the  Lydian 
Bacchus)  and  ^lilesian  shoes ;  and  Horace  tells  us 
that,  as  the  music  became  more  enervating,  the 
garments  also  grew  longer. 

Virgil  calls  the  instrument  of  the  Subulones 
iroru.  Plinv  savs  that  at  sacrifices  it  was  of  box- 
wood,  and  at  the  games  of  lotus-wood,  or  of  asses* 
bones,  and  silver. 

The  lotus- wood  seems  not  to  have  been  Tuscan, 
but  to  have  been  used  in  similar  games  dedicated  to 
the  great  Phrygian  Mother  Cybele.  The  ancient 
flute  of  the  Circus  was  short  and  small.  The  sculp- 
tures leave  us  no  room  to  doubt  that  the  double 
flute  was  commonly  used  by  the  Etruscans. 

Now  Pliny  ascribes  the  invention  of  this  instru- 
ment to  the  Phrygian  Marsyas,  and  another  author 


Livy,  ix.  30. 


THE  ETRISCANS. 


OOQ 


to  tlie  Phrygian  Ilyagnis,  thus  showing  that  its  use 
was  very  common  in  Asia  Minor  from  remote  times. 
Alyattes  is  said  to  have  set  out  for  war  with  male 
and  female  fluters.  On  the  other  hand,  the  flute- 
players  in  Greece  were  almost  all  Asiatics ;  so  that 
we  must  regard  this  instrument  in  Etruria  as  one  of 
tlie  connecting  links  with  their  real  or  legendary 
cradle  in  Lydia. 

Indeed,  the  Greeks  called  the  instrument  the 
** Lydian  flute;"  and  in  Etruria  it  was  consecrated 
to  Minerva. 

In  that  country  it  had  probably  a  shriller  and 
louder  tone  than  in  Asia,  because  the  use  of  it,  at 
the  solemn  sacrifices,  was  to  drown  every  sound  of 
evil  aiimirv. 

This  instrument  was  usually  accompanied  by  a 
crooked  flute  or  horn,  with  a  bent  mouth  to  deepen 
and  modify  the  tone. 

Varro  tells  us  of  an  ancient  flute  with  only  four 
holes,  which  hung  as  an  ofiering  in  the  temple  of 
^larsyas,  on  the  Lake  Fucinus ;  but  the  Etruscans 
did  not  rest  satisfied  with  anytliing  so  rude  and  im- 
perfect as  this  instrument.  On  a  patera  we  have  a 
flute  with  six  holes ;  but  much  more  remarkable  is 
an  instrument  like  an  organ,  but  called  by  Pollux  a 
Tyrrhenian  flute.  It  was  like  a  coiled-up  syringe. 
The  pipes  were  of  brass,  and  blown  from  below  by 
air,  from  a  bag  or  billows  if  small,  and  by  water  if 
large,  which,  rushing  in,  drove  out  the  air  above, 
and  pro<luced  a  very  powerful  sound. 

Still  more  celebrated  was  the  Tuscan  or  Tyrrhene 


230 


MANNERS  AXU  CTSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRl  SCANS. 


231 


trumpet,  which  was  invented  by  that  people.  The 
existence  of  the  Tuba  or  the  Salpinx,  which  is  the 
same  instrument,  we  can  trace  in  the  verj^  earliest 
annals  of  Greece,  but  always  as  a  foreign  instrument. 
Homer  names  it  in  his  comparisons  as  if  its  use 
were  new.  So,  also,  it  was  not  known  to  all  tlie 
Greeks  at  once. 

The  Spartans  and  the  Cretans  used  to  go  into 
battle  to  the  sound  of  the  lyre  and  the  flute.  Tlie 
tragedians  seem  the  first  to  have  introduced  it, 
though  they  gave  it  no  place  in  their  mytholog3\ 

Eschylus  relates  that  Athene  sounded  the  loud 
and  piercing  Tyrrhenian  trumpet.  Sophocles  com- 
pares the  voice  of  Athene  to  a  brazen  Ti/rrhonian 
trumpet.  Euripides  and  other  authors  call  it  by  the 
same  name,  as  do  also  the  Latin  writers.  One  of 
the  proverbs  in  Greece  was,  that  *' Athene  had  in- 
vented the  trumpet  for  the  Tyrrhenians." 

From  this  it  appears  that  the  Salpinx  became 
known  to  the  irollencs  through  the  Tyrrhenians; 
but  as  we  cannot  trace  any  commerce  between 
Greeks  and  Tuscans  in  such  very  early  times,  to 
make  the  music  of  one  nation  known  to  the  other, 
we  must  suppose  that  these  Tyrrhenians  were  Pelas^i, 
who,  in  the  days  of  the  lleraclida)  and  the  following 
century,  wandering  through  Greece,  spread  there 
the  knowledge  of  the  trumpet ;  and  thence,  settling 
on  the  coasts  of  Italy,  introduced  it  as  their  martial 
music,  and  made  it,  as  it  were,  indigenous. 

This  is  one  of  the  coincidences  between  Athene 
and  3rinerva,  to  both  of  whom  the  trumpet  was 


sacred.  Attached  to  the  temple  of  Athene  Salpinx 
in  Argos,  we  find  the  tradition  that  Hegeleos,  the 
son  of  Tyrsenos,  the  son  of  Hercules  by  the  Lydian 
Oniphale,  had  brought  with  him  the  trumpet,  w^th 
tlie  Dorians,  from  Temenos  to  that  place,  and  hence  the 
goddess  derived  her  name.  Such  a  tradition  is  pro- 
bably based  upon  some  very  ancient  alliance  between 
the  Tyrrhenians  and  the  Heraclidac ;  and  it  is  evi- 
dent how  very  useful  such  a  loud  sounding  call  must 
liave  been  to  the  leader  of  a  miofrating:  host. 

The  invention  is  sometimes  attributed  to  the 
Tyrrhenian  Maleos,  a  pirate,  w^ho  takes  his  name 
from  Malea,  a  hill  in  Laconia,  upon  which  he  had 
built  a  fort.  He  also  is  called  the  son  of  Hercules 
and  Omphale.  Others  refer  back  the  invention  of 
the  trumpet  to  Lydia  as  the  cradle  of  the  Tyrrhene 
race.  Another  proverb  refers  the  invention  of  both 
flute  and  trumpet  to  Lydos  and  Tyrrhenos,  when 
they  endeavoured  to  prolong,  by  amusement,  the 
lives  of  their  starving  people.  Others  say  that  the 
instrument  was  invented  at  sea  by  the  pirates  to 
keep  their  scattered  fleet  together ;  and,  through  the 
visits  of  Tyrrhenian  vessels  to  the  coasts  of  Greece 
and  Italy,  Asia  Minor  and  the  islands,  the  trumpet 
first  became  generally  known.  All  these  sayings 
agree  together  in  the  main. 

To  prove,  however,  that  the  very  same  sound- 
producing  medium  as  the  trumpet  of  Asia  Minor 
was  indigenous  in  Etruria,  we  have  other  evidences. 
The  saying  which  names  Pisajos  as  its  inventor 
refers  it  to  Pisa.     Silius  says  that  it  was  introduced 


I 


232 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


from  Vetulonia  into  the  other  States.  Trumi)ot.s 
are  always  mentioned  along  with  the  Tuscan  armies ; 
in  Rome,  the  blowers  of  the  Tuba  were  generally 
Tuscans,  and  all  the  Latin  writers  agree  in  their 
testimony  that  Etrui-ia  was  the  native  country  of 
that  instrument. 

The  Etruscans  had  another  instrument  of  very 
piercing  tone,  called  the  Litum,  its  name  showing  its 
country.  It  was  of  a  crooked  shape,  like  the  lituus 
of  the  Augur,  and  was  much  used  in  religious  cere- 
monies, at  funerals,  and  to  give  signals  on  the  field 
of  battle.  It,  like  the  trumpet,  was  made  of  metal, 
with  a  mouthpiece  of  bone  for  the  safety  of  the 
musicians,  the  muscles  of  whose  faces  were  gene- 
rally strongly  brought  out  by  the  exertion  which 
these  and  other  great  horns  required. 

The  Tiiscans  have  no  reputation  for  song  or 
poetry  along  with  their  music  ;  the  only  theatrical 
accompaniment  seems  to  have  been  the  dance,  in 
gay  festive  robes,  and  with  much  gesticulation. 
They  were  called  "  Ludi  '*  or  '*  Ludiones,*'  but  their 
native  name  was  "  Ilister  Ilistriones."  Some  of 
their  accessories  of  a  Bacchic  character  may  very 
possibly  have  been  borrowed  from  the  Magna  Gre- 
cians by  the  Southern  Etruscans,  and  through 
them  have  become  disseminated  amongst  the  Cen- 
tral States. 

We  must  also  notice  the  practice  of  war-dances 
amongst  the  Tuscans,  for  it  was  a  part  of  the  pomp 
of  the  Circus,  and  assimilated  the  Etruscan  His- 
triones  with  the  Kuretes.      There  were  dances  in 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


233 


Veil  answering  to  the  Salian,  which  latter  tradition 
was  derived  from  Morrlo,  a  king  of  Yeii,  and  there 
is  a  Tuscan  painting  which  undeniably  represents 
such  a  dance.  The  actors  in  it  are  chiefly  youths, 
wearing  purple  tunics  and  brazen  girdles,  short 
swords  and  lances.  The  men  wear  bronze  helmets 
^ith  high  plumes.  Each  band  had  a  leader,  who 
imitated  the  movements  of  a  fight  in  a  certain 
rhythm.  Hence  we  find  that  song  was  mingled 
with  it,  or  they  would  not  have  observed  the  pre- 
scribed measure,  and  some  fragments  of  the  Salian 
songs  are  yet  preserved  to  us.  The  first  singer  was 
named  Yates,  and  the  first  dancer  Prajsul.  All 
must  bend  or  touch  the  ground  together,  and  there- 
fore they  required  continual  practice  to  keep  in 
time. 

Another  game  of  the  Tuscans  was  wrestling  or 
boxing.  The  Athletes  of  the  Circus  were  derived 
from  Etruria  to  Rome,  but  it  was  the  lower  class  of 
people  only,  the  dependants  of  the  great,  who  took 
part  in  them.  It  was  never  the  nobles,  as  with  the 
Greeks,  for  no  Italian  noble  would  ever  expose  him- 
self naked.  In  Tuscan  representations  we  find 
wrestlers  continually  with  the  flute-players,  and 
they  were  no  doubt  of  the  same  professional  class. 

Another  sport  in  Etruria,  very  similar  to  the 
Greeks,  was  the  chariot-race.  This  formed  the  very 
staple  of  the  Circus,  and  the  qfiadriga  was  the  form 
always  preferred,  although  bigm  and  even  single 
race-horses  were  admitted.  The  Tuscans,  who  in- 
troduced these  sports  into  Rome,  continued  to  take 


234 


MANNERS  AND  Cl'STOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


235 


such  an  interest  in  them,  that,  according  to  one 
legend  preserved  by  Servius,  Porsenna  granted  a 
truce  during  the  siege  of  the  city  that  he  might 
contend  in  the  Circus  races,  and  that  he  was  crowned 
as  victor.  In  later  times  a  Ca)cina  of  Volterra  sent 
his  quadriga  to  the  Roman  games.  Still  later  wo 
find  the  Circus  arranged  to  represent  the  course  of 
the  Sun  and  the  Seasons  of  the  year,  and  then  we 
have  descriptions  of  the  paces  of  the  horses  and  the 
symbolical  colours  of  the  factions.  The  course  round 
the  Spina  and  tlie  Meta  always  led  upon  the  left 
side,  or  inner  circle,  and  was  in  relation  with  the 
religious  usages  of  the  Tuscan  people. 

Amongst  the  Etruscan  sports  we  must  reckon 
the  Gladiatorial  shows.  They  were  foreio-n  to  the 
Greeks,  or  only  used  as  trials  in  feats  of  arms ;  they 
were  never  combats  to  the  death.  Nicholas  of  Da- 
mascus tells  us  that  the  Romans  first  took  them 
from  the  Etruscan  banquets.  We  know  also  that 
the  name  of  the  superintendent  and  trainer,  "  Lan- 
ista,"  was  Tuscan.  They  were  not,  however,  common 
to  the  whole  people,  but  were  introduced  from  Cam- 
pania, where  the  Tuscan  nature  was  influenced  and 
modified  by  the  barbarity  of  the  Samnites  and  the 
enervating  climate  of  the  country.  Capua  was  the 
head-quarters  of  this  cruel  and  debasing  sport,  and 
continued  to  be  so  to  the  last.  It  gradually  extended 
itself  through  Italy,  so  that  at  last  it  was  advertised 
at  all  the  great  fairs  that  gladiatorial  games  were  to 
take  place.  It  became  a  part  of  the  funeral  cere- 
monial for  distinguished  persons,  and  it  was  perhaps 


not  worse  than  the  sacrifice  of  slaves  and  prisoners 
on  such  an  occasion,  which  continued  until  very  late 
in  their  annals,  and  was  regarded  as  a  pious  and 
suitable  ofi'er  to  the  manes  of  the  dead. 


Chapter  II. 

ARCHITECl'URE  OF  THE  TUSCANS. 

The  architecture  of  the  Tuscans  brings  before  us 
most  characteristically  a  people  who  had  a  strong 
sense  of  symmetry  and  order,  as  is  shown  in  their 
doctrines  of  the  Templum ;  a  strong  inclination  for 
pomp  is  evidenced  by  their  triumphs,  their  games, 
and  their  ceremonials ;  and  besides  this,  that  through 
their  aristocratic  and  hierarchical  constitution  they 
had  always  a  superfluity  of  hands  at  their  command 
to  carry  out  grand  designs.  Such  a  nation  must 
naturally  have  cherished  a  taste  for  architectiu-e. 
They  did  not  create  art,  however,  but  only  esteemed 
and  employed  it  to  exalt  the  dignity  of  their  courtly 
and  priestly  nobles,  as  their  music  and  choral  games 
testify.  Yet  they  united  to  the  most  scrupulous 
observation  of  their  all-embracing  and  most  super- 
stitious ritual  the  inward  love  of  a  reckless  luxury 
and  extravagance.  This  is  shown  in  the  gladiatorial 
games,  the  Bacchic  feasts,  and  the  general  corrup- 
tion of  manners  in  later  times,  thus  evincing  that 
even  in  their  most  enduring  works  they  were  defi- 
cient in  the  spirit  and  pure  sense  of  the  beautiful, 


236 


II 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


the  sublime,  and  the  refined,  which  a  lofty  architec- 
ture above  all  other  arts  can  show  forth,  and  through 
the  possession  of  which  alone  it  can  secure  an  im- 
mortality.  With  these  observations  the  remains  of 
the  Etruscans  singularly  agree.  Their  ideas  as  to 
civil  constructions  were  soon  developed. 

Through  the  Atrium  they  gave  space  and  con- 
venience to  their  dwelling-houses ;  they  built  regular 
city  walls  and  tombs  of  unusual  solidity :  it  seems 
indeed  probable,  if  not  proved,  that  the  vault  and 
the  arch  were  known  to  them.  Lut  their  stately 
buildings,  before  they  had  Grecian  models,  seem  to 
have  borne  the  inharmonious  character  (the  some- 
what Chinese  character)  of  Porsenna's  tomb,  accord- 
ing  to  tlie  description  of  it  by  Pliny  and  Varro ; 
and  though  tlieir  words  picture  forth  an  impossible 
building,  yet  it  seems  to  have  been  standing  in 
Varro*s  dav. 

He  says,  as  an  eye-witness  according  to  Pliny, 
that "  Porsenna  lies  burled  under  the  city  of  Clusium,' 
in  a  monument,  which  he  built  for  himself,  of  squared 
stone ;  each  side  300  feet  broad  and  oO  high.  Within 
this  enclosure  there  was  a  labyrinth,  out  of  which 
no  man  could  find  his  way  without  a  clue.  Upon 
this  foundation  stood  five  pyramids— one  at  each 
corner  and  one  in  the  middle —each  170  feet  broad 
at  the  base  and  150  high,  tapering  up  so  finely  that, 
on  the  topmost  point,  only  a  bronze  circle  and  hat 
could  be  laid,  from  which  depended  a  chain  of  bells, 
which  gave  a  loud  sound. 

"  Above  these  stood  four  other  pyramids,  each 


237 


100  feet  high ;  and  a  bo  re*  these,  again,  five  other 
pyramids,  whose  height  Varro  does  not  venture  to 
calculate.  According  to  Tuscan  tradition  they  were 
as  high  as  all  the  rest  of  the  work ;  and  their  author 
sought,  by  their  colossal  size,  to  secure  for  himself  a 
renown  in  the  outer  world,  which  he  lost  by  their 
usolessness.  The  expense  exhausted  the  resources 
of  his  kingdom,  and  the  merit,  such  as  it  was,  surely 
belonged  to  the  architect." 

It  appears  that  Varro  really  saw  some  portion  of 
tlie  building  (fabric),  for  he  would  scarcely  have 
given  such  minute  details  from  mere  hearsay ;  and 
the  upper  and  missing  portions  were  magnified  to 
him  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood.  It 
was  not  all  fancy.  It  had  a  foundation  in  some 
gigantic  work  of  ancient  magnificence;  but  what 
that  was  it  is  impossible  now  to  restore.  Of  the 
five  lower  pyramids  the  centre  one  was  the  larger, 
so  as,  in  form  again,  to  represent  a  pyramid. 

The  bronze  orbis  or  petastfs  appears  to  have  been 
of  wowl,  and  was  probably  covered  over  with  plates 
of  bronze :  a  wonderful  work  for  those  days  from 
the  absence  of  supports.  The  top  of  it  may  have 
borne  another  of  slender  size,  rising  from  the  higher 
pyramid  of  the  centre ;  and  the  four  pyramids  of 
the  second  story  were  perhaps  only  minarets  in  con- 
tmuation  of  the  lower  columns,  and  for  which  the 
scaffolding  of  the  roof  served  for  a  wide  support. 

*  May  not  "  above  "  mean,  higher  up  an  incline?  Pliny, 
^'at.  Hist,  xxxvi.  19,  4. 


238 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


239 


A  portion  of  this  plan  we  still  see  in  the  so-called 
tomb  of  the  Iloratii  at  Albano. 

The  Labyrinth  at  Clusium,  regarded  as  a  colossal 
work,  was  merely  so  for  that  small  city.  The 
Labyrinth  of  Memphis  was  double  its  size. 

These  imitative  worksj  seem  to  imply,  that  in 
the  days  of  l*orsennu  there  was  commerce  between 
Etruria  and  Egypt.  Perhaps  he  himself  had  visited 
Egypt  in  one  of  his  own  merchant-vessels. 

Probably  the  Sardinian  Nuraghe,  which  present 
so  many  affinities  with  the  Etruscan  sepulchral 
mounds,  were  also  the  work  of  that  people. 

Diodorus  ascribes  them,  by  an  ancient  tradition, 
to  Diedalos  and  the  Pelasgi ;  and  some  portion  of 
the  Etruscan  people  appear  to  have  been  Pelasgi — 
those  for  instance,  settled  in  Caore  and  in  Ilulina. 

It  is  a  tradition,  preserved  in  one  of  the  Greek 
poets,  that  l*riam  shut  up  Cassandra  in  a  stone 
building  without  beams,  or  a  proper  ceiling  in  the 
roof;  i.e.f  not  a  square  roof,  but  a  vaulting  of 
stone,  like  the  Nuraghe  and  parts  of  the  tomb  of 
Porsenna. 

In  the  building  of  their  temples  the  Etruscans 
struck  out  an  order  of  their  own  which  still  bears 
their  name.  AVe  find  the  description  of  it  in  Vitru- 
vius,  taken  apparently  from  the  then  existing  temple 
of  Ceres,  Liber,  and  Libera ;  vowed  by  Postumius  in 
A.R.  258,  B.C.  495,  and  dedicated  by  Sp.  Cassius  in 
A.R.  261,  B.C.  492.  He  says,  "  The  ground-plan  of 
an  Etruscan  temple  is  nearly  square  ;  for  instance,  a 
length  of  12  by  a  breadth  of  10.     The  length  is 


divided  Into  one  half  for  the  cellum,  and  one  half  for 
tlio  portico  and  pillars.  If  the  temple  contains  three 
cells  or  shrines  these  will  occupy  the  whole  of  the 
hinder  half.  If  there  is  only  one  shrine  these  pillars 
will  occupy  the  ground  on  either  side  of  it.  The 
distance  from  the  centre  of  one  pillar  to  that  of  the 
other  is  three,  and  so  is  their  distance  from  the 
wall. 

*'  There  are  two  rows  of  pillars  before  the  shrine, 
each  four  in  number ;  and  there  is  a  wider  space  left 
before  the  principal  entrance.  The  centre  shrine 
has  a  breadth  of  four,  the  side  shrines  of  three ;  so 
that  the  outer  and  partition-walls  answer  to  the  site 
of  the  pillars."  According  to  this  simple  and  clear 
description,  the  doors  of  the  great  shrine  close 
exactly  in  the  centre  of  the  building.  The  point  at 
which  the  Cardo  and  Decumanus  cross  each  other, 
and  which  divides  the  building  into  the  Antica  and 
Postica,  already  described. 

The  temple  of  the  Capitol,  which  was  consecrated 
by  Augurs  and  Ilaruspices,  and  built  by  Etruscan 
artificers,  appears  to  agree  entirely  with  this  de- 
scription. We  know  concerning  it,  from  Dionysius, 
that  its  circumference  was  800  feet,  and  its  length 
was  15  feet  in  excess  of  its  breadth ;  i.e.,  207 i  by 
192 J.  There  were  three  rows  of  pillars  in  front, 
and  one  row  at  the  sides  ;  and  from  a  coin  of  Ves- 
pasian's it  appears  that  there  were  six  pillars  in  each 
front  row,  therefore  seven  in  the  length.  These  we 
must  so  divide  as  to  leave  15  feet  between  the 
columns  and  leave  space  for  the  grand  central  en- 


■kh 


240 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


241 


trance,  witliin  which  the  Consul,  or  Imperator,  and 
Augur,  stood  on  the  day  of  dedication. 

Vitruvius  further  instructs  us  concerning  the 
temple,  that  the  pillars  must  measure  one-third  of 
its  breadth,  and  therefore  must  be  3^  in  height; 
also  one-half  in  the  lower  thickness  ;  this  proportion 
gives  one  quarter  the  lower  diameter.  It  would 
appear  that  originally  the  pillars  were  shorter,  but 
the  thickness  remaining  the  same,  when  they  were 
heightened,  the  proportions  became  more  slender. 
The  temple  dedicated  by  Sp.  Cassius  had  certainly 
slenderer  pillars.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
Tuscan  order  was  a  native  imitation  or  development 
of  the  Grc^cian  Doric* 

It  was  a  Tuscan  peculiarity  that  the  beams  in 
the  stone  buildings  were  invariably  of  wood.  They 
seem  to  have  attained  a  perfectibility  in  wood-work 
beyond  other  nations ;  and  hence  we  are  told  that 
the  first  Pons  Sublicius,  at  the  foot  of  the  Tuscan 
settlement,  on  the  Janiculum,  had  no  metal  in  it. 
Vitruvius  describes  to  us  how  artistically  these 
beams  were  placed  to  form  an  architrave  ;  how  they 
crossed  each  other,  and  to  what  a  heijjht  thev  rose. 

It  appears,  also,  that  the  indigenous  buildings  of 
Italy  required  very  deep  and  strong  foundations, 
that  they  might  admit  under  them  the  graves  of 

young  children,  who  w^ere  allowed  to  be  buried  in 

• 

®  May  it  not  rather  have  been  a  development  of  the 
Egyptian  Proto-Doric,  which  it  so  much  more  nearly  re- 
sembles ? 


the  dwellings    of  their  kindred,  whilst  all  adults 
were  required  to  be  carried  forth  beyond  the  city. 

IIow  much  the  Etruscans  prided  themselves  upon 
the  skilful  timbering  of  their  houses  may  be  seen 
bv  the  imitation  of  roofing  beams  in  the  stone- work 
of  their  tombs. 

The  spaces  between  the  beam- ends  appear  to 
have  been  fastened  with  nails,  forming  the  antcpag- 
menta  of  Vitruvius.  Over  these  beams,  at  either 
end  a  light  gable  seems  to  have  been  erected,  either 
of  wood  or  slight  masonry,  one-third  the  height  of 
the  temple — too  high  according  to  Grecian  taste. 

Though  the  exterior  of  such  a  building,  on  ac- 
count of  the  width  between  the  pillars  and  the 
overhanging  thick  beams,  must  have  been  top-heavy, 
too  low  and  too  broad  to  be  compared  in  majesty  or 
grandeur  with  even  the  old  Doric  temple,  yet  it  had 
a  proportion  and  a  charm  of  its  own,  especially  as 
the  Tuscans,  with  their  love  of  pomp,  spared  nothimg 
in  plastic  ornaments  or  painting,  or  even  gilding. 
SJh)  much  the  more  remarkable  is  it,  that  no  traces  of 
these  remain  amongst  their  ruins,  nor  amongst  their 
iununierable  works  of  art,  which  teem  with  every 
variety  of  Grecian  ornament,  triglyphs,  dogs-tooth 
ovals,  beading,  &c.  These  are  used  as  decorations 
without  any  rule,  or  any  respect  to  their  original 
meaning,  yet  they  show  an  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  Doric  and  Ionic  architecture.  They  have 
t'veu  columns  w4th  capitals,  not  unlike  the  Ionic  and 
the  Corinthian. 

We  must  take  this  as  a  proof  that  Etruria,  in 


242 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


243 


later  times,  allowed  free  entrance  to  the  beautiful 
inventions  of  strangers,  embodying  them  in  her  own 
art  and  literature,  without  having  taste  enough  to 
adopt  them,  and  still  less  to  originate  something  yet 
more  new  and  perfect  from  them. 

It  is  quite  certain  that  the  Etruscans  had  other 
public  buildings  besides  the  temples  of  their  gods, 
—  Curia),  circuses,  theatres  for  dancers  and  public 
shows :  the  last-named  probably  imitated  from  the 
Greek.  In  Rome  the  State  erected  the  course  for 
the  races,  levelled  the  ground,  and  constructed  the 
meta.  The  spectators  were  expected  to  provide 
their  ow^i  accommodations.  Of  the  purely  Tuscan 
circuses  we  have  no  separate  descriptions.  In  their 
theatres,  to  judge  from  the  remaining  monuments, 
thov  closely  imitated  the  Greeks.  There  are  ruins 
of  theatres  in  Fiesole,  Adria,  and  Arretium,  and  of 
amphitheatres  in  Luna,  Lucca,  Florence,  and  Arezzo. 


CuArTER  III. 

ON  THE  PLASTIC  AND  DESIGNING  ARTS  AMONGST 

THE  ETRUSCANS. 

In  this  chapter  I  will  endeavour  to  combine  the 
accounts  of  ancient  authors  in  one  view,  casting  a 
glance  here  and  there  upon  the  existing  remains 
which  show  the  progress  of  the  plastic  and  designing 
arts  amongst  the  Etruscans,  without  binding  myself 
to  separate  between  the  arts  and  the  manual  profi- 


ciency in  it.  This  appears  to  me  the  fittest  place  in 
which  to  collect  together  and  pass  in  review  their 
works  in  clay,  metal,  and  stone. 

The  Tuscans  were  skilful  potters  and  workers  in 
clay  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word.  That  potters 
were  expressly  included  amongst  the  guilds  of  Numa 
shows,  as  Pliny  remarks,  that  the  manufactory  had 
very  early  passed  over  to  Eome,  probably  through 
the  Inquilini ;  and  yet  those  same  wares  which  came 
direct  from  Etruria,  whether  for  divine  worship  or 
for  domestic  use,  were  especially  valued.  The  vases, 
or  vessels  from  Arretium  (which  city  Lanzi  rightly 
names  the  Samos  of  Italy),  where  there  were  ancient 
brick-kilns,  were  not  despised  even  under  the  Em- 
pire, and  were  sought  by  the  common  people  for 
domestic  use.*  These  Arretian  vessels  were  red, 
chiefly  of  the  colour  which  usually  marks  the  Eoman 
pottery,  and  they  were  not  painted.  There  is  no 
mention  in  antiquity  of  painting  connected  with 
Etruscan  pottery,  and  this  silence  would  betoken 
little  if  upon  other  grounds  we  could  demonstrate 
that  the  numerous  vases  found  in  the  neighbourhood 
of   Tarquinia  with    black   figures   in    the   archaic 

**  Pliny,  XXXV.  46  :    "  Retinet  banc  nobilitatem  et  Arre- 
tium in  Italia." 

Martial,  xiv.  98 ; 

"  Aretina  nimis  ne  spernas  vasa,  monemus  : 
Lautus  erat  Tuscis  Porsena  fictilibus." 
I.  54  : 

"  Sic  Aretinaj  violant  ciystallina  testaj." 

Aretina  "  sometimes  stands  for  testca  or  arrjillacea. 


\  i 


I'   r 


244 


MANNEUS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


245 


Grecian  style,  or  the  numberless  vases  scattered 
through  Etruria  witli  the  red  figures  of  the  later 
style,  were  of  native  manufacture,  and  need  not  pass 
for  mere  importations.  Apart,  however,  from  the 
results  of  local  investigations,  it  seems  most  probable 
that  the  Lhruscans  ornamented  their  vessels  more 
with  plastic  forms  tlian  with  painting ;  because  in  the 
first  branch  of  art  thev  wore  far  more  esteemed  than 
in  the  latter,  which  l*liny  notices  merely  as  the 
potter's  art.  Tlie  fame  of  the  manufactories  of 
Mutina  and  Ilatria,  for  example,  was  founded  upon 
the  durabilitv  of  their  wares  ;  and  even  the  8ur- 
rentinian  drinking  vessels  frequently  lauded  were 
orifjinated  undoubt(^dlv  at  the  time  when  all  these 
phices  were  Tuscan.*  In  the  days  of  Augustus  the 
Campanian  vessels  stood  in  the  same  estimation  as 
the  Arret ian,  yet  they  were  mere  pottery.  No  one 
in  that  time  looked  for  painted  vases.  However 
such  as  were  made  in  earlier  days  at  Capua  and  Nola 
in  that  secondary  bi'anch  of  art,  merely  copying 
Grecian  models,  must  be  reckoned  as  Tuscan.  The 
•'ommencement  of  tlie  Samnite  domination  in  Cam- 
pania falls  about  i?.r.  421,  and  at  this  date  there  is 
no  doubt  that  a  very  great  amount  of  the  population 
of  Capua  was  Tuscan ;  and  this  is  particularly  evi- 
denced by  the  lively  commerce  in  Tuscan  manu- 
factures. Still,  further,  after  the  Samnite  conquest, 
Capua  continued  to  cherish  and  support  the  Tuscan 
Nola  by  strict  amity  and  by  a  brisk  trade  with  the 
Hellenes  upon  the  coast,  and  also  by  adopting  the 

«*  Plinv,  XXXV.  4G. 


Hellene  manners ;  and  when,  through  the  citizens  of 
Posidon  (Paistum),  the  original  Greek  degenerated  so 
much  into  the  Oscan  and  Etruscan  manner,  that  the 
people  themselves  bewailed  the  loss  of  their  ancient 
language  and  customs,  there  yet  remained  in  Nola 
for  a  long  while  an  orderly  and  industrious  popula- 
tion closely  miited  with  the  Hellenes,  not  indeed  by 
speech  or  nationality,  but  by  commerce  and  the  love 
of  arts ;  and  these,  doubtless,  formed  an  influential 
element  in  th'e  history  of  national  culture. 

That  the  Tuscan  works  in  clav  attained  to  a  hiffh 
eminence  is  proved,  not  only  by  the  accounts  of  the 
ancients,  but  by  their  remaining  statues  and  other 
works  of  high  art.  The  ridge  tile  ornaments  in 
Rome  and  in  other  muuicipiay  which  were  of  the 
very  finest  workmanship,  and  of  very  early  date,  were 
almost  all  Tuscan,  and,  according  to  Pliny,*  must  be 
regarded  as  in  relievo,  and  we  must  remember  that 
the  later  practice  to  adorn  the  gables  with  statues 
was  not  the  early  mode.  Also  the  clay  "  antefixa,'* 
by  which  it  seems  we  are  to  understand  the  orna- 
ments at  the  corners  of  the  gables,  which  stood  over 
the  water-leads  {gurgoylcH)  at  each  side.  These  also 
appear  to  have  been  very  richly  adorned.  Cato 
reproaches  his  generation  for  their  contempt  of  these 
ancestral  temple  ornaments  of  baked  clay. 

Without  doubt  also  statues  of  clay  by  Tuscan 
masters  filled  the  temples  of  ancient  Rome.  We 
need  not  be  surprised  that  little  is  said  of  them,  for 

^  XXXV.  4G. 


i  I 


24G 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETIir SCANS. 


24; 


the  early  Romans  did  not  trouble  themselves  about 
art ;  and  the  later,  surrounded  by  works  of  the  first 
Grecian  artists,  cared  nothing  for  former  native  pro- 
ductions.    Tuscans  adorned  the  Capitol  with  their 
plastic  masterpieces.     The  clay  statue  of  Jupiter  in 
the   central  cellum  was  indeed  manufactured  bv  a 
Volscian,  Turrianus  of  Fregella,  apparently  a  scholar 
of  the  Tuscans,  whom   Tarquinius  Priscus,  or  Su- 
perbus,  employed.     On  high  feast-days  the  face  of 
the  statue  was  painted  vrith  vermilion,  and  in  his 
right  hand  he  bore  a  clay  thunderbolt.     It  was  of 
importance  to  have  a  distinctive  representation  of 
the   character,  attire,  and  position,  of  this   Jovian 
image,  and  Greek  ideas  seem  to  have  influenced  it 
considerably.     But  above  this,  upon  the  very  apex 
of  the  front  gable,  there   stood    a  clay    quadriga, 
which,  according  to  tradition,  was  expressly  manu- 
factured for  that  place  in  Veil,  immediately  after  the 
driving  away  of  the  kings.     It  swelled  instead  of 
shrinkmg    in   the   furnace— a  miracle   concerning 
which  the  Haruspices  predicted  eternal  greatness  for 
the  city  which  should  possess  it.     Upon  this,  the 
Vejentines  refused  to  deliver  it  up  to  the  Romans, 
but  were  constrained  to  do  so  by  the  gods.     We  can 
comprehend  this  quadriga  perfectly  from  old  Grecian 
works,  and  from  examples  upon  coins  and  vases ;  it 
only  seems  strange  that  it  alone  should  have  been 
chosen  for  the  ornament  of  the  Acroterium,  and  that 
where  a  god  might  have  stood,  this  should  have  been 
selected  in  preference. 

Probably  it  was  intended  to  indicate  that  Jupiter 


was  the  first  and  original  triumpher,  more  especially, 
if  it  is  true,  that  they  considered  the  four  white 
horses  to  be  sacred  to  Jupiter.  Then  may  we  believe 
that  the  people  were  pleased  to  see  the  chariot  stand 
empty,  even  as  the  Persians  were  with  that  of 
Onnuzd,  according  to  whom  his  stirrups  sprang  up 
to  his  foot. 

But  there  must  also  have  been  statues  on  the 
roof  of  the  temple,  for  this  was  common  with 
Etruscan  shrines,  and  the  spacious  front  with  its 
broad  overhanging  cornice  would  afford  room  for  a 
whole  Tuscan  Oljinpus.  Apparently  there  was  a 
group,  and  the  statue  of  Summanus,  which  alone  is 
mentioned,  and  that  accidentally,  is  only  one  of  the 
many  which  once  occupied  this  space.  In  later  days 
works  of  a  large  material  (bronze  or  stone  or  marble) 
supplied  the  place  of  these  fertile  images,  here  and 
elsewhere,  and  they  must  bear  the  blame  that  so 
few  of  the  baked  clay  images  of  Etruscan  gods  have 
descended  to  us. 

With  works  in  pottery  we  may  class  also  works 
in  bronze ;  far  more  than  works  in  marble  amongst  a 
people  who  did  not  imitate  their  models  very  exactly, 
and  in  these  metallic  works  the  Tuscans  attained 
pre-eminent  excellence.  Etrurians  most  famous 
cities,  Arretium,  Volsinia,  and  others,  must  for  cen- 
turies have  been  as  fertile  in  these  works  as  ^gina, 
Corinth,  Athens,  and  other  cities  in  Greece.  Me- 
trodorus  of  Skepsis  reproaches  the  Romans,  whom 
he  hated,  that  they  plundered  Volsinia  before  the 
first  Punic  War.  merely  to  obtain  2000  statues ;  and 


Hi 


I 


248 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


249 


from  an  expression  of  Pliny's  it  appears  that  these 
statues  were  fabricated  in  many  parts  of  the  civilized 
and  populous  Etruria.  Hence  we  may  safely  con- 
clude that  all  the  bronzes  in  Rome  of  early  work- 
manship were  Etruscan.  What,  however,  were 
called  Etruscan  statues  in  Pliny's  time,  must  almost 
all  have  been  images  of  the  gods,  for  the  historian 
says,  that  lie  should  have  believed  all  such  statues  to 
have  represented  divinities,  but  for  the  fact  of  the 
Volsinians  having  j^ossessed  such  a  prodigious 
quantity.  Their  size  was  very  various.  Horace 
mentions  Tyrrhenian  statues  as  precious  articles  of 
furniture.  Pliny,  on  the  other  hand,  describes  a 
Tuscan  statue  of  Apollo,  in  the  library  of  the 
Temple  of  Augustus,  whose  height  was  fifty  feet, 
and  the  weight  and  finish  of  which  were  worthy  of 
all  admiration. 

The  Etruscans  were  also  skilful  in  the  mixing 
and  handling  of  metals.  The  native  mines  yielded 
copper,  and  which  they  loved  to  gild.  The  bronze 
statues,  which  in  time  were  substituted  for  the  clay 
ones  upon  the  roofs,  were  generally  gilded.  Stone 
statues  were  not  used,  because  the  wooden  beams 
would  not  have  borne  them.  But  so  far  have  the 
names  of  the  ablest  masters  of  Volsinia,  Arretium, 
and  other  schools,  receded  into  shadow  behind  those 
of  Polycletes  and  Praxiteles,  that  not  the  name  of  a 
single  native  Etruscan  founder  has  reached  us,  un- 
less we  adopt  "  Veturius  Mamurius  "  for  a  Tuscan, 
who  is  commemorated  in  the  Salejan  songs  as  the 
maker  of  the  Ancilia,   and    to   whom  the   brazen 


imao'C  of  Vertumnus  in  the  Yicus  Tuscus  was  as- 
cribed. Now  if  we  believe  him  to  have  been  a  real 
person,  we  must  set  him,  not  in  the  days  of  Romidus, 
but  of  Tarquin,  for  the  tradition  seems  quite  au- 
thentic, that  Rome  during  the  first  170  years  of  her 
existence  was  without  images,  and  it  was  the  Etrus- 
can dominance  which  introduced  them  into  the  Latin 
shrines.  That  Arretium  was  also  a  great  manu- 
factory for  arms  agrees  also  with  its  renown  in 
plastic  fabrications. 

Parallel  with  their  skill  in  casting  metal  was 
their  excellence  in  toreutic  works,  meaning  by  that 
term  works  in  gold,  silver,  and  ivory,  as  applied  to 
statues.  In  this  respect  the  Etruscans  were  so 
eminent,  that  in  one  branch  of  the  art,  the  manu- 
facture of  articles  of  luxury,  they  scarcely  ranked 
behind  the  Greeks,  renowned  as  were  Myron,  and 
Mys,  and  Mentor.  Perhaps  the  Etruscan  inclination 
to  the  grotesque  and  the  fantastic,  with  which  their 
works  were  very  early  impressed,  seemed  most  con- 
gruous to  the  ornamenting  of  a  cup  or  a  candelabrum. 
The  ancient  Attic  comedian,  Pherecratcs,  mentions 
Tyrrhenian  lamps.  No  testimony  as  to  Etruscan 
art  can  surely  be  stronger  than  that  of  the  refined 
Athenian,  the  contemporary  of  Mys,  Kritias  the  son 
of  Kallaschras,  who  asserts  that  the  Tyrrhenian 
cups  in  gold  and  bronze  were  the  very  best  of  their 
kind,  as  well  as  every  other  vessel  which  serves  for 
ornament  in  a  house  ;  of  course  this  includes  can- 
delabra, bowls,  basins,  and  even  arms. 

The  various  vessels  in  metal  of  antique  work- 


250 


MAXXERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


251 


mansliip,  to  obtain  which  the  sepulchres  of  Capua 
were  rifled  in  Caesar's  time,  were  held  to  be  the 
workmanship  of  the  Etruscans  of  Vulturnum. 

We  may  understand  the   constant   exercise  of 
skill  which  was  demanded  from  the  Etruscan  gold- 
smith, when  we  remember  the  garlands  of  ivy  and 
oak  leaves  set  with  gems,  the  gold  earrings,  whose 
use  the  Romans  borrowed  from  the  Tuscans,  and 
which  they  wore  upon  the  fourth  finger  of  the  left 
hand,  the  golden  bullas  of  the  noble  children,  the 
quantities  of  ornaments  worn  by  the  women,  the 
golden  plates  of  the  triumphal  car,  the  sQver  breast- 
plates of  the  horses,  which  appear  to  have  been  in 
common  use,  the  silver  patterns  upon  the  procession 
cars,  the  curule  chairs,  which  were  certainly  adorned 
with  precious  metals,   besides  ivory,  and   amongst 
which  very  probably  we  ought  to  reckon  the  throne 
of  the  Tuscan  Arimnestos,  which  he  dedicated  to 
the  shrine  at  Olympia :  all  these  things  g'lYQ  us  a 
glimpse   of  the  procli\4ty  of  the   nation   towards 
luxury  and  its  proficiency  in  arts.     We  see  hence 
that  the  account  of  a  guild  of  goldsmiths  amongst 
the  nine  instituted  by  Numa  probably  consisted  of 
Etruscan  Inquilini.     It  appears  that  one  reason  why 
the  Tuscans  minted   so  little  gold  or  silver  as  a 
nation,  was  because   they  liked   better  to   employ 
these  metals  upon  objects  of  luxury,  both  in  war 
and  peace.    How  sensitive  they  were  to  the  splendour 
of  gold,  we  see  also  in  the  superabundant  quantity 
of  it  expended  upon  the  sarcophagi,  though  it  may 
be  an  exaggerated  expression  to  say,   with  Gori, 


tliat  the  eyes  of  the  first  beholder  were  sometimes 
blinded  by  it ! 

Amongst  toreutic  works  we  must  reckon  the 
bronze  gates  of  Yeii,  which  Camillus  wished  to  re- 
tain as  his  own  booty.  Many  beautiful  fragments 
still  remain  of  Etruscan  works  in  metal,  such  as  the 
plates  which  in  1812  were  found  at  Perusia  of  bronze 
and  silver,  richly  covered  by  figures  in  the  pure 
Etruscan  style,  which  appear  to  have  belonged  to 
the  apparatus  of  a  chariot,  and  a  whole  class  of 
monuments  called  mirrors,  and  sometimes  "  mystical 
or  sacred  mirrors." 

Sculpture  in  wood  or  stone  appears  to  have  been 
much  less  common  amongst  the  Tuscans,  though  we 
have  some  examples  of  it  in  the  mention  of  wooden 
idols  beside  the  clay  ones  in  the  early  temples  of 
Rome,  all  of  which  were  the  work  of  Italian  artists, 
such  as  the  Jupiter  of  Populonia,  made  from  the 
vine.  We  have  also  antique  work  in  Tarquinian 
stone  at  Ferentinum,  besides  the  funeral  urns  (some- 
times elaborately  carved),  in  tufa  or  alabaster.  Later, 
indeed,  we  find  scarcely  a  trace  of  the  old  Etruscan 
style,  which  we  must  search  out  in  a  few  tablets  or 
cippi  preserved  in  local  museums.  Had  the  art  of 
sculpture  been  more  in  exercise,  and  had  the  Etrus- 
cans possessed  more  skill  in  the  workmanship  of 
hard  stone,  the  marble  of  Luna  would  have  been 
much  sooner  in  request.  We  have  already  stated 
that  the  marble  they  used  was  the  inferior  stratum 
from  Pisa.  We  must  adduce  in  excuse  of  the  Tuscan 
artists  that  even  in  Greece  Dipocnos  and   Skyllis, 


252 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


about  the  50th  Olympiad,  are  the  earliest  marble- 
workers  named,  and  until  the  days  of  Seopas  and 
Praxiteles  scarcely  one-tenth  part  of  the  statues  of 
the  gods  and  heroes  were  in  marble.  Before  the 
sculptor  in  Etruria  the  engraver  seems  to  have 
been  the  favourite  of  that  ornament-loving  people, 
for  there  are  many  precious  scarabei,  gems  of  Etrus- 
can art  in  the  purest  style,  and  some  of  them  with 
letters,  which  can  only  be  ascribed  to  the  earlier  and 
more  flourishing  ages. 

Painting  had  also  its  school  in  Etruria,  not  only 
for  ornamenting  statues  and  vases,  but  as  an  inde- 
pendent art  in  the  form  of  frescoes.  Pliny  saw  in 
Cajre,  in  Ardea,  and  in  Lanuvium,  pictures,  which 
he,  following  the  opinions  of  the  inexperienced 
Cicero,  believed  to  be  older  than  Rome.  Of  the  last 
he  says  that  they  represented  Greek  characters, 
Atalanta  and  Helena.  We  should  i)robably  date 
them  prior  to  the  paintings  in  the  tombs  of  Tar- 
quinia  and  other  neighbouring  cities. 

We  must  concede  to  the  Tuscans  also  as  much  of 
encaustic  painting  as  is  needful  for  the  use  of  ships. 
We  have  an  allusion  to  it  in  the  fitting  out  of 
Scipio's  fleet  from  Volaterra.  It  is  well  kno\\'n  that 
in  Greece  and  Eome  ships  were  covered  over  with  a 
preparation  of  wax,  on  which  coarse  patterns  were 
drawn,  thus  ornamenting  the  vessel  and  preserving- 
the  wood  against  both  the  salt  water  and  the  sun"! 
Probably  Philostratus,  in  speaking  of  the  many 
colours  of  a  Tyrrhenian  pirate  vessel,  had  an  eye  to 
the  usual  brilliancy  of  Tuscan  art. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


253 


In  Greece  the  custom  of  painting  a  ship  was  of 
tlie  highest  antiquity,  and  it  may  have  easily  passed 
througli  the  Tyrrhenians  to  the  Tuscans. 

After  these  notices  of  the  various  branches  of  art 
cultivated  amongst  the  Tuscans,  if  we  wish  for  an 
idea  of  the  perfection  to  which  they  had  attained 
upen  the  whole,  we  must  fix  our  attention  upon  the 
ejioch  when  their  rehitions  were  most  flourishing 
with  the  Greeks,  as  it  was  from  that  people  that  all 
the  higher  developments  of  art  in  Etruria  took  their 
rise. 

The  extensive  national  relations  between  the 
Greeks  and  Tuscans,  as  also  the  intimate  communion 
between  them  through  the  Tyrrhenian  Pelasgi, 
which  at  one  time  obtained,  during  which  time  the 
Grecian  mind  expressed  its  inner  life  very  little  in 
bronze  or  stone,  could  scarcelv  have  introduced  those 
arts  amongst  the  Tuscans,  and  therefore  the  Etruscan 
art  in  comparison  with  the  Greek  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  indigenous,  but  rather  to  have  been  an 
oif<]io(>t  transplanted  to  a  foreign  soil.  Hence  the 
iiiiiiation  of  the  Doric  pillar  in  the  so-called  Tuscan, 
and  tlie  almost  universal  agreement  in  style  of  the 
antique  Greeks  and  Tuscan  statuary,  above  all  things 
tlio  employment  of  Greek  mythology  throughout 
Etniscan  art.  According  to  Pliny  it  was  Corinthian 
artists,  Eucheir  and  Eugramma,  who  brought  their 
skill  to  Demaratus,  in  Etruria ;  and  it  must  be  con- 
ceded that  Corinth,  whose  trade  and  colonies  lay 
to  the  west,  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  Tar- 
quiuia,  the  city  which,   from   the   beginning,   had 


Hi 


r 


254 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


255 


adopted  the  largest  measure  of  Greek  civilisation 
through  the  Tyrseni,  and  which,  by  this  means,  sur- 
passed them  all  in  splendour  and  riches,  exercised, 
if  not  an  active  commerce,  yet  at  least  a  friendly 
and  frequent  intercourse  with  the  powerful  and  in- 
dustrious Corinth.  The  astounding  similarity  of 
the  vases  with  black  figures  found  in  the  Tarquinian 
sepulchres  with  the  works  of  antique  Corinthian 
potters,  give  a  singular  weight  to  the  historical 
legend,  which  might  not  otherwise  have  been  so 
readily  accepted.  Stronger  indeed  and  more  lasting 
was  the  immediate  influence  of  the  Greeks  upon  the 
Tuscans  in  Campania,  which  began  very  early  and 
continued  actively,  until  the  Samnite  conquest  of 
Capua  (a.r.  332)  b.c.  421.  Even  this  conquest  did  not 
soon  destroy  the  arts  in  Capua  and  its  neighbourhood. 
It  is  probable  that  it  lasted  long,  through  the  unin- 
terrupted commerce  between  Grecian  Naples  and 
Tuscan  Nola ;  but  the  connecting  links  of  the  chain, 
through  which,  in  earlier  times,  the  genuine  spirit 
of  Greek  art  was  introduced  into  the  Twelve  States 
of  Central  Etruria,  we  have  now  lost  irrecoverably. 

There  were  Greeks  from  the  mother  country, 
free  Greek  cities  on  the  coast  of  Campania,  and  free 
Tuscan  cities  on  the  same  coast,  besides  the  cities 
of  Tuscany  proper.  Campanians,  Faliscii,  and  Ar- 
retinians,  were  no  longer  the  same  people.  They 
did  not  hang  politically  together ;  and  though  the 
bulk  of  them  might  be  Tuscans,  yet  they  formed 
parts  of  diiierent  nations.  We  may  assume  that 
this  confederation  had  been  broken  up  fifty  years 


earlier,  because  the  Tuscans,  certainly  until  the 
70th  01}Tnpiad,  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  art- 
culture  of  the  Greeks,  and  appear  to  have  advanced 
along  with  them,  and  then  gradually  to  have  become 
stationary.  We  must,  however,  take  into  consider- 
ation, that  it  was  not  all  the  artists  nor  all  tKe 
schools  in  Greek  itself,  to  say  nothing  of  foreign 
offshoots,  which  made  the  giant  strides  of  Athens, 
between  the  Olympiads  75  and  S5y  under  the 
teaching  of  Phidias  and  his  scholars  and  con- 
temporaries ;  and  we  can  even  show  that  many  of 
the  associated  members,  fifteen  years  later,  when 
Phidias  accomplished  his  OljTnpic  Jove,  had  become 
weak  or  degraded,  they  had  evidently  degenerated, 
and  therefore  beauty  of  composition,  and  light,  and 
skilful  execution,  never  were  predominant  in  the 
sculptures  of  Etruria.  That  this  was  the  case  we 
know  with  certainty,  because  "  Tucanica  signa  '*  be- 
tokened a  peculiar  style  in  ancient  art,  which  could 
only  be  compared  with  the  archaic  Greeks. 

Strabo  classes  the  reliefs  upon  the  Egj-ptian 
gateways,  the  TjTrhenian,  and  the  oldest  Grecian 
works  together,  apparently  because  of  their  stiff  and 
hard  outlines.  Quinctilian,  in  his  famous  parallel 
between  the  progress  of  painting  and  eloquence, 
says  that  Kallon  and  Hegesias  had  produced  the 
strongest  and  most  finished  works  in  Tuscan  art,  but 
that  Kalamis  and  Myro  had  enriched  the  art  itself 
with  more  fulness  and  flexibility.  Kallon  flourished, 
according  to  our  most  trustworthy  accounts  of  him, 
from  the  COth  to  the  65th  Olympiad.     The  Attic 


III 


250 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


257 


Ilegesias  first  appeared  in  the  75th.  These  master- 
pieces, which  can  scarcely  be  ranked  after  the 
Eginetan  statues,  were  imitations  of  the  widel}-- 
spread  Tuscan  bronze  works,  but  they  had  less 
freedom  and  vigour.  Very  likely,  at  that  epoch, 
there  might  be  an  emulation  between  the  Tuscan 
and  the  Greek  sculptors,  for  the  temple  of  Ceres, 
in  the  Circus  Maximus,  was  built  in  the  Tuscan 
style  about  a.r.  2G0  (72d  Olympiad,  n.c.  493) ;  and 
its  decoration  with  clay  images  and  frescoes  was, 
for  the  first  time  in  Rome,  entrusted  to  the  Greeks, 
Damophilos  and  Gorgasos,  whose  art  long  after  ex- 
cited admiration. 

Any  man  would  be  much  mistaken  who  would 
limit  the  works  of  Etruscan  artists  to  the  time  be- 
tween tliis  period  and  their  decay ;  for  that  some  of 
them,  belonging  to  an  earlier  age,  were  even  superior 
is  evidenced  by  the  Tuscan  Apollo,  which  PHny 
would  not  have  praised  so  highly  if  it  had  shown 
less  talent  than  the  works  of  Kallon,  and  many 
isolated  remains  testify  to  the  same  effect.  It  is, 
indeed,  probable  that  in  later  times,  the  restricted 
use  of  Tuscan  art,  almost  to  the  funeral  urns  of  Yola- 
terra  and  other  cities,  had  freed  themselves  from 
many  of  the  faults  of  the  old  Tuscans ;  but  there 
can  have  been  no  revived  outburst  of  art  over  the 
whole  of  Etruria,  or  the  term  "  Tuscan  "  would  not 
have  been  appropriated  to  the  more  ancient  pro- 
ductions. When  taste  and  feeling  for  art  had  arisen 
in  Rome,  there  was  little  industry  of  any  importance 
existing  in  Etruria.     Had  there  been  all  traces  of  it 


would  not  so  entirely  have  vanished.  In  fact,  high 
art  always  appears  to  have  been  an  exotic,  which 
the  soil  and  the  climate  did  not  bring  forth,  and 
could  not  sustain.  It  withered  awav  when  the 
foreign  influence  ceased,  without  having  attained  to 
its  full  maturity.  With  all  their  most  carefully 
finished  works,  there  failed  to  the  Tuscans  that  in- 
spiration of  genius,  that  ray  from  heaven,  which 
makes  of  art  a  living  body,  animated  by  a  free  and 
independent  spirit. 

Finally,  these  brief  notices  from  antiquity  can 
serve  to  sink  the  pillars  upon  which' we  may  construct 
a  history  of  art  in  Etruria  by  means  of  the  monu- 
ments which  remain,  and  these  may  teach  us  how 
much  of  Tuscan  proficiency  was  original,  and  how 
much  was  due  to  that  old  Greek  influence  which 
adorned  and  ennobled  it,  and  may  show  us  why  the 
taste  and  inclination  of  the  Tuscans,  in  their  choice 
of  subjects  and  manner  of  representation,  always 
leaned  to  those  Greek  mannerisms  which  had  first 
become  naturalized  in  their  land. 


Chapter  IV. 

ON  THE  HEROIC  MYTHOLOGY  OF  THE  TUSCANS. 

The  art  of  sculpture  leads  us,  through  its  objects, 
into  the  region  of  a  mythology,  which  is  not  strictly 
connected  with  worship,  and  therefore  is  better 
here  treated  as  an  art  or  handicraft,  from  the  style 

s 


<,i 


258 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


259 


of  its  usual  exercise,  than  be  considered  as  a  part  of 
religion.  The  religion  of  the  Tuscans  was  far  less 
mythological  than  that  of  the  Greeks.  It  seems 
that  they  never  allowed  their  Gods  to  appear  upon 
the  earth,  and  only  granted  them  to  show  their 
presence  through  Genii,  or  by  signs.  The  heroic 
legends  appear  to  have  been  limited  to  the  oldest 
cities,  or  to  the  ancestors  of  the  most  illustrious 
families.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Greek  heroic  my- 
thology was  early  naturalized  amongst  them,  and 
universally  known.  This  may  remind  us  how  far 
and  how  early,  through  tradition  and  song,  the 
myths  of  the  Greeks  were  known  to  their  neigh- 
bours ;  so  that  Xerxes  offered  sacrifices  to  the  heroes 
of  Ilion,  the  Egyptian  priests  related  to  Herodotus 
many  of  his  own  stories  in  a  somewhat  different 
version,  and  the  wise  men  amongst  the  I'ersians  and 
the  rha?nicians  had  much  to  tell  of  lo,  Medea,  and 
Helena. 

It  is  even  stronger  language,  and  by  no  means 
vain  boasting,  when  Pindar  affirms  that  there  was 
no  state  or  city  so  barbarous  that  it  did  not  know  the 
divine  ancestors  of  Peleus,  or  the  fame  of  Ajax  of 
Telamou.  All  the  world  known  to  the  Greeks  rang 
with  the  praises  of  their  heroes.  Now  Etruria  was 
surely  earlier  accessible  to  all  these  tales  than  the 
foreign  nations  of  the  Eiist,  for  quite,  independently 
of  their  meaning  and  their  national  interest,  they 
must  have  amused  as  mere  narratives.  AVhat  the 
Tyrrhenian  l*elasgi  brought  over  with  them  could 
only  be  some  few  fundamental  propositions,  for  no- 


body now  believes  that  there  was  any  participation 
in  an  extended  IVdasgian  mythology  which  served 
as  the  groundwork  of  Etruscan  art.     In  what  way, 
however,    Greek    myths     were     transplanted    into 
Etruria  is  not  easy  to  divine.     It  is  not  likely  that 
the  Tuscans  should  have  learnt  Greek  and  read  their 
national  ballads  simply  out  of  a  thirst  for  knowledge. 
It  is  more  credible  that  they  should  have  become 
known  through  those  who  were  settlers  in  Greek 
cities,  and  rive  versd.     It  is  not,  however,  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  song   and  legend  would  be   trans- 
planted and  transmitted  quite  pure,  the  easily  varied 
tale  would  submit  to  many  alterations  in  a  Tuscan 
mouth,  and  some  additions  of  home  imagery.     A 
remarkable  example,  and  one  which  may  serve  as  a 
useful  standard  for  critics  upon  Greco-Italian  legends, 
is  the  following :— Theopompus  tells  us,  that  when 
Ulysses  had  landed  in  Ithaca,  and  had  received  in- 
telligence of  the  situation  of  affairs  with  Penelope, 
he  immediately  took  ship  for  Tyrsenia,  came  ashore 
at  Cortyna,   and  there  died.     Now  in  Aristotle's 
Epigrams  upon  Homer's  heroes,  there  are  two  named 
Ulysses  who  settled  in  Tyrrhenia.     The  grave  of  one 
of  these  was  believed  to  be  upon  Mount  Perga,  near 
Gortyna—Gortyna  is  the  HeUenic  form  of  Kortona, 
"Kurtuu"— and  no  other  city  of  Etruria  can  be 
meant.      But  this  Ulysses   of  Cortona  was  widely 
different  from  the  Ulysses  of  Ithaca.     He  was  in- 
dolent,  surly,   and  morose.      He  must  have   been 
victor  iu  8ome  combat  with  the  Tuscan  fleet.     His 
Tuscan  name  was  Nanos,  which   means  "a  wan- 


2G0 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


261 


derer."  This  shows  that  Cortona  had  traditions 
about  a  hero  of  those  parts  named  Nanos,  who  sailed 
thither  and  settled  himself  in  the  city,  and  whose  ad- 
ventures bore  a  certain  resemblance  to  the  Greek 
Ulysses,  and  therefore  became  confounded  with  them. 
Now  let  us  compare  this  fragment  out  of  the  Greek 
Phoronis,  "Pclasgos,  the  king  of  the  Pelasgians, 
and  Menippe,  the  daughter  of  Peneios,  had  a  son 
Phrastor,  who  w^as  the  father  of  iVmyntor,  the  father 
of  Teutamides,  the  father  of  Nanas.  Under  this 
rule  the  Pelasgians  were  driven  out  by  the  Hellenes, 
and  directed  their  vessels  to  the  river  Spina  in  the 
Ionian  Sea,  and  seized  the  city  of  Kroton  on  the 
mainland ;  sallying  forth  thence  they  conquered 
the  people  called  Tyrrheni."  In  this  legend  and 
genealogy  every  detail  is  Greek  dow^n  to  Nanas — 
for  Teutamides,  or  Teutamias,  the  prince  of  the 
Pelasgi,  came  from  Larissa  in  Thessaly. 

Nanas  is  the  Cortonian  hero,  the  wandering 
chief  who  finally  settled  there.  Ilellenicos,  or  his 
predecessor  in  this  narration,  accepted  the  Tuscan 
tradition,  and  maintains  that  the  Tyrrheni  were 
Pelasgi,  that  they  took  Spina,  a  city  near  to  Greece, 
and  always  friendly  to  it,  and  that  out  of  this  for 
their  starting-point  they  evolved  the  rest  of  the  story. 
So  was  this  same  chief,  whom  he  called  a  prince  of 
the  Pelasgi  in  Larissa,  confounded  with  the  Greek 
hero  Ulysses  as  one  condemned  to  perpetual  wan- 
dering, and  one  who  had  performed  many  wonderful 
voyages  in  their  seas. 

The  result  at  which  we  arrive  from  this  combi- 


h 

K 


nation  is,  that  the  Tuscans  themseves  amplified  the 
Greek  mythology  by  engrafting  upon  it  their  own ; 
and  thus  we  must  consider  many  other  Greek  myths, 
which  extended  themselves  to  Etruscan  cities,  not  as 
arbitrary  inventions  of  the  Hellenes,  but  as  probably 
combined  with  the  local  traditions  of  the  Etruscans. 
However  there  are  great  differences  amongst  them, 
some  of  which  shall  be  noted  here. 

Tarchon,  as  we  have  already  stated,  is  the  hero  of 
Tarquinia  (Tarchuvin)  and  the  representative  of  the 
ancient  Lucumoes  of  the  place,  therefore  it  w^as  he 
who  ploughed  upTages  and  first  received  his  doctrine. 
This  native  aboriginal  Tuscan  legend,  as  well  as  the 
sequence  that  he  founded  the  twelve  States  on  each 
side  of  the  Apennines,  justifies  the  claims  of  Tarquinia 
to  the  highest  antiquity  and  importance  amongst 
the  Etruscan  cities.  The  name  of  Tarchon  was 
widely  renowned.  Lycophron  speaks  of  him  as 
a  prince  of  the  Tyrrheni,  and  he,  as  well  as  Virgil, 
makes  him  a  contemporary  and  ally  of  ^Eneas.  It  is 
with  Tarchon's  name  also  that  the  Lydian  legend  is 
connected,  doubtless  because  those  Tyrrheni  who 
had  really  dwelt  upon  the  coasts  of  Lydia,  after- 
wards established  themselves  by  preference  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Tarquinia.  Tarchon,  from  Tyr- 
rhenes, the  son  of  Atys,  was  esteemed  the  founder  of 
the  twelve  States.  He  is  called  the  son,  or  the 
brother,  of  Tyrrhenes,  and  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely 
that  Tarchon,  gutturally  pronounced,  was  the 
Etruscan  name  of  Tyrrhenes. 

That  the  Etruscans  during  their  period  of  civil- 


262 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


263 


isatioii  recognised  this  connexion  with  the  Lydians 
is  not  to  be  doubted,  and  their  coins  bear  an  allusion 
to  it.  Had  they  denied  the  genealogy  of  their 
Tarchon  from  the  Lydian  gods  and  heroes,  it  would 
scarcely  have  been  so  generally  promulgated. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  Dionysius  im- 
parts to  us  none  of  the  legends  about  the  ancient 
Etruscan  leader  of  the  Rasenas ;  perhaps  they  would 
have  shed  a  gleam  of  light  over  the  perplexing  re- 
lation between  the  aboriginal  Rasena  and  the  Tuscan 
Tarchon. 

Similar  to  Tarchon  and  Tarquinia  is  the  relation 
of  Ilalesus  to  the  city  of  Falerii,  whose  high  walls 
he  is  said  to  have  founded.  But  here,  also,  the 
transformation  of  the  name  by  a  people  not  Tuscan 
brings  confusion  into  the  story.  We  can  perhaps 
better  show  in  another  place  that  the  Tuscan  letter 
8,  which  has  been  derived  from  the  Greek  0,  carries 
with  it  a  strong  aspirate,  a  *  sibilus,'  so  that  it  may 
express  IT  in  other  languages,  though  it  is  trans- 
lated by  the  Latin  F.  A  similar  letter  in  some  other 
Italian  dialects,  the  Sabine  for  instance,  varies  be- 
tween F  and  H,  so  did  also  the  old  Latin.  The  name 
of  the  Tuscan  city  must  have  been  expressed  383  J  A  8, 
or  Phalese,  according  to  the  letters  out  of  which  the 
Romans,  by  their  interchange  of  S  and  R,  have  made 
Falerii  for  the  city  and  Falisci  for  the  people ;  but 
we  can  equally  find  in  the  sounds  of  the  hero  of  the 
city,  Halesus  or  Alesus.  With  this  name  also,  as 
Silius  tells  us,  the  little  port  of  Alsium  stood  in  con- 
nexion. 


m 


Morrius,  one  of  the  kings  of  Veii,  derived  his 
descent  from  Ilalesus,  and  dedicated  a  war-dance 
to  his  memory.  In  the  local  ballads  he  was  styled 
the  son  of  Neptune,  i.e.,  a  maritime  genius. 

Now  the  worship  of  Juno  prevailed  in  Falerii, 
which,  as  we  have  above  remarked,  in  many  re- 
spects was  ordered  after  an  Argive  model.  It  was 
suirirestive,  therefore,  to  connect  Halesus  —  a  hero 
unknown  to  Greek  mythology — out  of  Argos,  and 
to  connect  him  with  the  leader  of  the  Ar gives,  Aga- 
memnon, and  finally  to  assert  that  Falerii  was  a 
colony  from  Argos,  a  statement  which  Cato  appa- 
rentlv  grives  us  from  native  records.  If  this  is  re- 
jected  as  a  later  association,  then  Halesus  stands 
alone  unaccounted  for,  but  more  exact  details  of  any 
Etruscan  hero  we  cannot  expect  to  find  amongst  our 
scantv  extracts  from  their  scattered  annals. 

There  was  an  old  hero  of  Perusia  named  Auc- 
nus,  which  name  is  sometimes  turned  into  Annus, 
and  sometimes  into  Ocnus.  Annus,  the  son  of  Faunus, 
according  to  Silius,  ruled  over  the  plains  of  the 
Lake  ThrasjTnene  until  the  arrival  of  the  Lydian 
Thrasymenus.  This  Perusian  Annus  is  evidently 
the  same  person  with  Ocnus,  or  Aucnus,  who  sepa- 
rated himself  from  his  father  or  brother  Aulestes, 
the  founder  of  Perusia,  that  they  might  not  quarrel, 
and  then  founded  the  ancient  capital  of  the  twelve 
cities  of  the  Po,  namely,  Felsina  or  Bononia,  as  also 
Mantua,  according  to  the  Mantuan  Poet.* 

*  Virg.  ap.  Serv.  ad  ^n.  X.  198.     "  Hunc  Ocnum  alii 


264 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Virgil  calls  liim  "  son  of  the  Tiber,"  which  flows 
by  Perusia,  and  this  seems  taken  from  an  old  tra- 
dition. His  mother,  the  Theban  Manto,  is  a  Greek 
etymological  myth. 

Pisa  and  Caere  were  the  cities  of  Etruria  with 
which  the  Greeks  had  most  intercourse  by  commerce 
and  navigation,  hence  both  are  frequently  mentioned 
by  Lycophron.  The  name  of  I»isa,  very  likely  altered 
from  its  Etruscan  pronunciation,  reminds  us  of  Pisa 
in  Peloponessus.     And  upon  this  is  founded  the  tale 
of  the  Greek  descent  of  the  Pisans,  as  is  witnessed 
by  their  interchanges.     For  sometimes  Pelops,  the 
founder   of  the  Aljiheian  Pisa,    is   the   founder  of 
Etruscan  Pisa  also,  which  thereupon  is  assigned  to 
Alpheios.     At  other  times  the  foundation  was  at- 
tributed to  the  neighbouring  Pyliern,  whose  king- 
dom extended  to  Alpheios,  and  who  is  called  the 
comrade  of  Nestor.     Here  it  is  difficult  to  decide 
whether  this  is  the  invention  of  an  individual  writer, 
or  whether  it  was  a  tradition  current  amongst  the 
Pisans. 

The  most  enigmatical  of  all  the  legends  are 
those  relating  to  Corythus  at  Cortona,  which  plays 
so  important  a  part  in  YirgiFs  iEneid,  and  are 
assigned  as  a  reason  for  ililneas  taking  refuge  in 
Italy.  Corythus,  who  is  regarded  as  the  hero  of 
Cortona  {Corf/t/ii  scdcs),  was  the  father  of  Dardanos 

Aulestis  filium,  alii  fratrem  qui  Perusiam  condidit,  referunt, 
et  ne  cum  fratre  contenderet,  in  agro  Gallico  Felsinam,  qua? 
nunc  Bononia  dicitur,  condidisse." 

Silius  calls  Bononia  *'  Ocni  prisca  domus." 


A 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


265 


and  Jason,  who  quitted  Italy,  the  one  for  Troas  and 
the  other  for  Samothrace.  Most  of  the  learned  are 
now  convinced  that  "Corythos"  was  really  the  old 
Pelasgian  name  for  Cortona,  although  this  city  was 
also  called  Cortona,  Kroton,  and  Gortyn,  and  possibly 
may  originally  have  belonged  to  a  hero  of  Corythos; 
but  to  me  it  is  evident  that  we  have  here  nothing 
but  a  Greek  legend,  which  has  been  transferred  to 
Cortona.  The  Korytheer  was  one  of  the  nine 
ancient  names  of  Tegea,  and  represents  a  mytholo- 
oical  hero  "Korythus."  Now  the  Tegeans  associ- 
ated  him  with  Dardanos,  and  married  the  latter  to 
Chrysa,  the  daughter  of  Pallas,  and  hence  they 
naturally  constructed  the  genealogy  of  Korythus 
and  Dardanos.  That  the  name  of  "  Korythus"  is  to 
be  found  amongst  the  Trojans  is  not  wonderful  con- 
sidering the  ancient  community  of  legends  between 
Troy,  Tegea,  and  Athens.  Cortona  was  doubtless 
united  with  these ;  first,  when  the  Italian  legends 
were  regarded  as  offshoots  of  the  Ilellenic,  and  the 
assertion  that  the  city  in  Pelasgic  times  was  called 
Corythus  agrees  exactly  with  this  idea. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  how  in  the  middle  ages 
down  to  the  re\dval  of  literature  a  similar  working 
of  the  imagination  took  place,  and  new  relations  of 
of  Greek  eponjins  to  the  Italian  cities  were  assumed. 
Who  in  antiquity  even  thought  of  connecting  the 
shining  Phajsole,  one  of  the  Hyades  of  Hesiod,  with 
the  city  of  Fa^sulae  ?  But  in  modern  times  the  simi- 
lar sounds  of  Pha)sole  and  Faosula)  was  thought  to  be 
very  enlightening.    The  Hyades  were  then  changed 


266 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


into  the  daughters  of  Atlas,  the  Pleiades,  and  Atlas 
was  made  to  travel  into  Italy,  and  to  name  the  first 
city  he  founded  after  his  daughter.  The  Italian  poet 
Facio  Uberto  relates  this  modern  fable,  and  adds, 
"  As  an  ancient  historian  informs  us." 

I  have  placed  these  traditions  together  (from 
which  many  others  purely  Italian  have  arisen)  in 
order  to  demonstrate  that  the  Tuscans,  supposing 
that  no  Greek  colony  was  ever  really  settled 
amongst  them,  yet  that  they  took  a  keen  interest 
in  Greek  mythology — that  Ulysses,  the  Argives, 
and  the  Trojan  heroes  were  well  known,  and  almost 
naturalized  amongst  them,  and  so  in  their  artistic 
representations  the  mythological  details  were  not 
the  merely  formal  relation  of  a  legend  which  they 
are  to  us.  In  many  cases  Eome  drew  her  knowledge 
of  Greek  gods  and  heroes  first  from  the  Tuscans. 
At  any  rate  we  find  that  the  ancient  Roman  Ulixes 
comes  from  Uluxe,  the  Tuscan  transfonnation  of 
Odysseus ;  so  also  Alexanter,  Ka^santra,  Pidyxena, 
Culchides,  all  Tuscan  forms,  turning  the  soft  conso- 
nants into  hard,  and  the  o  into  n.  The  Roman 
PoUuces  comes  through  the  Tuscan  Pultuke. 

In  the  native  mythology  of  Etruria  heroic  le- 
gends always  occupied  an  inferior  place.  Their 
faith  was  absorbed  in  the  gods  whose  wearisome 
and  many-branched  8er\4ces  occupied  their  minds. 
What  remained  over  of  religious  thought  formed  to 
itself  vague  and  shadowy  classes  of  beings,  like 
Lares  and  Genii,  and  had  not  the  individuality  and 
the  energy  of  Heroes.     Their  popular  sayings  were 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


267 


doubtless  rich  in  allusions  to  spectral  existences,  such 
as  the  Mania  of  the  Romans,  or  in  imaginary  mon- 
sters, such  as  the  Yolsinian  Volta.  This  is  surely  a 
sufficient  reason  why  the  arts  of  painting  and  sculp- 
ture amongst  the  Tuscans  should  have  found  its 
more  suitable  subjects  amongst  the  heroic  tales 
which  they  learnt  from  the  Greeks. 


Chapter  Y. 


ON  the  poetry,  literature,  AND  LANGUAGE  OF 

THE  TUSCANS. 

The  poetical  faculty  which  we  miss  so  much  in  the 
Tuscan  mythology  appears  to  have  been  deficient  in 
the  national  mind.  The  Tuscan  Histrio  danced  and 
gesticulated,  but  was  mute,  and  the  Tuscan  trage- 
dies of  Volnius  appeared  not  long  before  Yarro  in 
the  literary  age  of  Rome,  and  were  very  likely  com- 
posed to  keep  alive  a  language  which  was  rapidly 
dying  out. 

The  Tuscan  flute-players  played  and  danced  at 
sacrifices — according  to  Greek  ideas  the  universal 
accompaniments  of  worship,  and  had  not  one  soul- 
stirring  or  heart-inspiring  song  to  accompany.  Yet 
there  certainly  were  songs  in  Etruria  which  were 
sung  in  divine  worship,  and  which  were  accompanied 
by  the  flute,  their  sacred  instrument,  and  the  old 
Romans  sang  to  the  tibia.     The  books  of  Tages 


i 


268 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


also  were  appointed  to  be  sung  at  certain  cere- 
monies, and  were  written  in  verse.  At  the  annual 
festival  of  Juno  at  Faleria,  a  choir  of  young 
maidens  praised  the  goddess  in  native  songs.  The 
War-dancers  of  Veii  sang  songs  in  praise  of  Ha- 
lesus,  which  were  c  mpared  to  the  Roman  hjTnns 
of  the  Salii.  The  Tuscans  possessed  also  a  sort  of 
Liturgical  poetry,  which  we  might  imagine  to  our- 
selves, from  some  brief  extracts  out  of  the  SaHan 
H^inns,  a  few  lines  from  the  Arval  Brothers,  and 
some  portions  of  the  Eugubian  tablets,  which  con- 
tain addresses  to  Jove,  or  "  Di  Grabovi,''  and  other 
gods— if  we  could  only  understand  them  better. 

The  last-named  appear  to  be  antiphonal  and 
recurring  forms  —  or  at  least  a  measured  rhythm, 
which  is  characteristic  of  that  style  of  poetrv— 
whether  a  connexional  rhythnms  or  peculiar  simple 
metre  dominated  in  the  ballads  of  the  Tuscans,  we 
do  not  know.  The  Saturnian  measure  may  have 
come  to  the  Latins  through  their  more  civilised 
neighbours,  and  nothing  forbids  us  to  esteem  it  the 
production  of  its  native  soil.  A  more  musical  versi- 
fication, however,  seems  not  to  have  been  possible 
for  the  Tuscans,  owing  to  the  preponderance  of 
consonants  in  their  language.* 

But,  besides  this  Liturgical  poetry,  the  Etruscans 
had  another  kind  to  express  a  joyous  and  somewhat 

*  The  Litany  of  the  Eugubian  tables  is  very  remark- 
able. We  select  as  an  example  the  prayer  in  the  sixth  table 
to  Jove  Grabovi,  on  the  sacrifice  of  the  three  oxen.     It  is 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


269 


boisterous  humour  (^'iz.  the  Fescennine  Yerses),  de- 
rivino-  their  name  from  the  city  of  Fescennium,  in 
South  Etruria.  This  city,  however,  was  probably 
rather  a  seat  of  the  original  Siculi,  or,  according  to 
Dionysius,  of  the  Pelasgi,  than  of  the  pure  Etrus- 
cans —  Etruscan  manners  and  speech,  however,  had 
the  predominance,  and  the  dances  that  we  have 
already  described  show  an  unmistakable  taste  for 

repeated   three  times  ;    only  the  second  time,   instead    of 
"  pihaclu,"  we  have  "  etru,"  and  the  third  time  "  tertiu  :" — 

''  Suboco  Dei  Grabove. 

Di  Grabovie  tiom  esu  bue  peracrei  pihaclu  ocreper  fisiu  to- 
taper  liovina  erer  nomneper  erar  nomneper. 

Di  Grabovie  orer  ose  persei  ocrem  fisiem  pir  oriom  est  toteme 
liovinem  arsmor  derseeor  subator  sent  pusei  neip 
hereitu. 

Di  Grabovie  persei  tuer  perscler  vasetom  est  pesetom  est 
peretom  est  frosetom  est  daetora  est  tuer  perscler 
virseto  avirseto  vas  est. 

Di  Grabovie  persei  mersei  esu  bue  peracrei  pihaclu  pihafei. 

Di  Grabovie  pihatu  ocrem  fisim  pihatu  totam  liovinam. 

Di  Grabovie  pihatu  ocrer  fisier  totar  lovinar  nome  nerf  arsmo 
veiro  pecjuo  castruo  fri  pihatu  futu  fons  pacer  pase 
tua  ocre  fisi  tote  liovine  erer  nomne  erar  nomne. 

Die  Grabovie  salvo  seritu  ocrem  fisim  salvam  seritu  totam 
liovinam. 

Die  Grabovie  salvom  seritu  ocrer  fisier  totar  lovinar  nome 
nerf  arsmo  veiro  pequo  castruo  frif  salva  seritu  futu 
fons  pacer  pase  tua  ocre  fisi  tote  liovine  erer  nomne 
erar  nomne. 

Die  Grabovie  tiom  esu  bue  peracri  pihaclu  ocreper  fisiu  to- 
taper  liovina  erer  nomneper  erar  nomneper. 

Die  Grabovie  tiom  subocau." 


I 


270 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


271 


comic    amusements   amongst  the  people.      Horace 
deduces  the  Fescennine  Verses  from  the  uproarious 
joy  of  tlie  peasants  in  their  harvest  festivals,  and 
describes  them  as  alternate  verses,  bandying  an  in- 
terchange of  taunts  and  satirical  jests.     These  re- 
sponsive    repartees    were    doubtless    essential,    and 
they  were  popular  at  all  festive  meetings,  even  in 
the  songs  upon  a  Roman  triumph.     According  to 
the  testimony  of  the  ancients,  these  Fescennine  satires 
were  quite  foreign  to  the  national  representations  of 
the  Tuscan  Hester.     It  was  the  Roman  youth  who 
first   employed    both   in   the   same   games.      IS'ow, 
though  both  were  naturalised  in  Etruria,  and  their 
suitableness  was  evident,  yet  we  must  believe  that, 
in  their  original  cradle  of  Fescennium,  these  verses 
were  represented    on    the   stage  like   the   SicHian 
Mimos,  and  that  they  were  accompanied  by  dances. 
A  work  of  high  art  could  never  emerge  from  such 
a    narrowly   restricted    measure,   binding    together 
dance,  music,  and   speech;   and  whilst  the  Greek 
avaded  himself  of  these  accompaniments  with  free- 
dom and  taste,  the  Tuscan  seems  to  have  bounded 
his  desires  by  the  coarse  effusions  of  the  Fescennine 
rhythm.     Even  at  bridal  feasts,  they  were  satirical 
and  licentious   (conacia  festa).     In  Rome,  pasqui- 
nades  took  their  place. 

When  regular  books  of  Fescennine  Verses  were 
afterwards  composed  in  Rome,  such  as  those  by 
Annianus,  a  contemporary  of  Gellius,  who  had  an 
estate  at  Falerii,  and  who  wrote  them  in  a  peculiar 
measure,  we  must  not  assume  that  this  was  the  rule 


in  Etruria,  for  we  can  scarcely  attribute  to  that 
nation  a  poetical  literature.  In  the  proper  signifi- 
cation of  the  word,  "  literature  "  of  any  kind  must 
always  have  been  very  scanty,  even  in  the  days  of 
their  independence  and  highest  prosperity.  The 
Tuscan  histories,  quoted  by  Varro,  seem  first  to  have 
been  written  in  tlie  sixth  century  of  Rome,  about  the 
time  the  Roman  Annals  began  —  though,  according 
to  another  calculation,  they  may  be  150  years  older. 

Their  Annals,  kept  by  the  high-priest,  must 
have  been  contemporary,  and  their  religious  bond 
was  not  dissolved  until  it  was  absorbed  in  Christ- 
ianitv.  Amongst  the  earliest  remains  are  those  of 
the  Ilaruspex  Vegoja,  from  his  book  upon  Aruns 
Voltuninus,  of  which  we  have  a  fragment  in  the 
Agrinu'usoral  Ilynin.  The  voluminous  works  upon 
Discipline,  as  we  have  already  shown,  were  chiefly 
composed  or  compiled  in  Roman  times,  though  por- 
tions of  tliem  may  have  existed  in  writing  much 
earlier.  The  songs  of  Tages,  in  so  far  as  they  are 
genuine,  were  apparently  handed  down  verbally  by 
the  Lueiunoes,  and  so  taught  in  their  schools.  Oral 
tradition  is  their  source,  but  when  the  use  of  writing 
became  common,  they  very  much  increased  in  bulk. 
Other  songs  used  in  worship  we  must  consider  in 
the  same  light. 

The  first  writing  was  used,  according  to  all  pro- 
bability, to  register  such  events  as  we  find  in  the 
l*ontifit'al  Annals  of  Rome,  and  which  were  inserted 
in  their  linen  books,  viz.  prodigies,  the  names  of 
magistrates,  and  other  matters  for  the  current  year. 


272 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THe  Etruscans  may  well  have  preceded  the 
Romans  in  these  things  by  a  century,  for  the 
Romans  do  not  appear  to  have  kept  written  annals 
before  the  middle  of  their  third  age ;  but  the  nails 
driven  into  the  temple  of  Nortia  were  a  more 
ancient  mode  of  record  still.  One  mainspring  for  a 
history  of  the  written  documents  amongst  the  Etrus- 
cans must  be  sought  in  the  character  of  the  writing 
itself,  and  I  will  endeavour  to  investigate  this  in  a 
subsequent  section. 

How  far  the  Tuscans  had  cultivated  their  lan- 
guage we  can  only  judge  from  the  miserably  few 
remains  which  have  come  down  to  us.     How  Httle 
can  be  determined  from  these  with  any  certainty  we 
have  already  discussed  in  comparing  the  relation  of 
the  Tuscans  to  the  other  nations  of  Italy.     Hence 
we   shall  merely  add,  that  their  speech,  both  by 
mouth  and  to  the  ear,  appears   to  have  been  far 
removed  from  the  euphony  of  the  Greeks,  and  less 
adapted  to  civilisation  and  refinement.     The  greatest 
of  their  monuments,  the  Perusian  inscription,  com- 
bines consonants  which,  according  to  the  principles 
of  articulation,  cannot  be  sounded   together  —  for 
instance,  we  have  a  vowel,  then  a  mute,  then  an 
aspirate,  then  a  liquid,  and  then  a  mute  and  an 
aspirate  again  —  such  as  amefachr,  lautn,  tesns,  epl, 
epic,  srancxl,  thunchulthl,  a — combination  of  sounds 
which  must  have  pleased  the  Tuscans,  though  we 
know  not  where  to  divide  the  syllables.     On  the 
other  hand,  this  superfluity  of  consonants  does  not 
avoid  the  combination  of  many  vowels.     They  fre- 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


273 


quently  added  an  s  and  an  a  to  the  end  of  their 
words,  and  thereby  actually  destroyed  their  gram- 
matical forms.  When  Greek  influence  began,  they 
dropped  some  of  their  first  sounds;  and  if  the 
patera  painted  with  the  visit  of  Hermes  to  Paris 
be  indeed  Tuscan,  it  was  a  useless  device  to  sub- 
stitute ''  Alixentros  '*  for  the  more  properly  native 
"  Elchsntre.*' 

To  judge  from  the  sepulchral  inscriptions,  the 
language  was  never  so  fixed  that  forms,  which 
admit  a  short  vowel  or  leave  it  out  —  words  which 
call  in  the  aid  of  a  liquid,  and  those  which  reject  it, 
were  not  used  indifferently.  At  any  rate,  we  find 
amongst  them  differences  which  mean  the  same 
thing,  such  as  were  never  admissible  in  the  Greek 
and  Latin  languages. 

From  these  specimens  we  must  place  the  Tuscan 
language  below  the  Latin,  and  conclude  that  it 
never  was  formed  into  a  grammar  with  artistic 
rules,  otherwise  we  should  never  find  such  variations 
in  the  inscriptions  as  actually  exist.  It  cannot, 
however,  be  denied  that  culture  and  taste  had  an 
influence,  even  upon  the  language  of  a  genuine 
Tuscan.  They  were  sensible  to  a  more  agreeable 
accent  and  a  greater  choice  of  expressions,  for  we 
know  that  the  speech  of  a  townsman*  amongst 
them  was  easily  distinguished  from  a  rustic  of  the 
country. 

We  are  not  without  hints  that  the  Perusian 
accent  was  very  harsh. 

*  Livy,  X.  4. 


274 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


275 


Chapter  YI. 

ON  the  writing  AND  NUMERALS  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS. 

As  our  fountain-head  for  a  history  of  Etruscan 
civilisation,  and  in  default  of  other  aids,  we  must 
make  use  of  their  written  characters.  We  will  first 
compare  them  with  the  Greeks,  the  Urabrians,  and 
the  Latins,  and  advance  some  inferences  from  their 
intimate  connexion  with  these  peoide,  and  then, 
combined  witli  otlier  considerations,  we  will  draw 
conclusions  to  the  degree  of  literary  culture  to  which 
this  nation  had  attained. 

As  regards  the  origin  of  the  P]truscan  letters,  it 
is  now  certain,  from  our  wider  acquaintance  with 
the  archaic  monuments  of  Greece  :  1st,  that  thcv 
did  not  come  to  the  Tuscans  immediately  from 
the  Orient,  but  that  they  were  received  through 
the  medium  of  the  Greeks,  for  their  alphabet  con- 
tains few  fonns  which  are  not  also  found  in  early 
Greek  inscriptions;*  2dly,  on  the  other  hand 
many  purely  Pluenician  forms,  which  the  Greeks 
long  retained,  are  missing  in  the  Etruscan  alphabet, 
and  therefore  seem  to  have  become  obsolete  before 
their  transfer ;  and  3dly,  purely  Greek  signs,  which 
the  Greeks  added  to  the  Pha}nician  alphabet,  were 
adopted  by  the  Tuscans.  It  appears,  from  a  com- 
parison  of  the  Syriac-Pha^nician   letters  upon  in- 

*  The  Tuscan  /,  m,  x,  m  and  n,  are  not  found  in  Greek. 


Vi 


scriptions  and  coins  with  the  archaic  Greek  and 
Tuscan,  that  a  conviction  is  forced  upon  us,  that  the 
Tuscan  stands  in  a  nearer  relation  to  the  early 
Greek  than  to  the  Oriental  forms,  and  that  there- 
fore the  introduction  of  alphabetic  signs  into  Italy 
was  not  immediate,  but  came  through  the  Greeks. 
Of  course,  we  must  make  allowance  for  the  changes 
which  the  original  Phoenician  characters  under- 
went in  the  course  of  time,  and  during  their  trans- 
mission into  Europe  through  Ionian  commerce,  as  is 
proved  by  existing  monuments.  This  migration  we 
must  not  regard  as  accomplished  all  at  once,  as  if 
the  Etruscans  had  received  this  writing  at  some  one 
deterniined  date,  and  had  thenceforward  retained 
their  letters  unaltered.  Pather,  we  have  in  them  a 
proof  of  long-continued  alliance  and  sympathy,  for, 
in  manv  cases,  where  the  Greeks  have  older  and 
newer  forms  of  a  letter,  we  find  both  with  the 
Etruscans ;  and  it  surely  follows  that,  for  a  long 
series  of  years,  the  Etruscans  were  observant  of  the 
changes  in  Greek  literature,  and  adopted  them  for 
their  own  benefit. 

I  will  endeavour  briefly  to  give  my  reasons  for 
this  view,  and  to  fix  the  epochs  within  certain  limits 
in  which  the  current  writing  of  Etruscans  took  its 
rise  from  a  somewhat  abnormal,  but  older  form. 
For  though,  from  the  inspection  of  stones  and 
bronzes  with  inscriptions,  we  may  trace  several 
epochs,  yet  they  are  distinctly  divided  into  two 
classes.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  inscriptions, 
especially  upon  the  mortuary  urns,  belong  to  one 


I 


276 


MAXXERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


277 


mode  of  writing  common  to  the  later  Etruscans,  as 
is  testified  by  the  authors  themselves,  and  only  a 
few    monuments,    gems,    cippi,  and   bronzes,   very 
scanty  in  words,  are  distinguishable  from  them  by 
by  their  incontrovertible  archaicisms.     To  the  fol- 
lowing  comparison    of   some    ancient    Greek   and 
Etruscan  letters  we  must  premise  that  tlie  Ilennes 
of  the  Pisistratides  and  the  helmet  of  Iliero  are  se- 
lected, because  they  are  the  only  inscriptions  before 
the  Nointehcheu  (Olymp.  80),  whose  date  we  can  fix- 
the  one  01}Tnp.  63-65 ;  the  other,  Olymp.  76 ;  and 
therefore  they  are  of  inestimable  worth  for  genuine 
palaeography. 

The  first  letter  of  the  alphabet  in  Greece  appa- 
rently  differed  little  from  the  Phoenician,  a  sort  of 
perpendicular  hook  with  a  stroke  through  it,  from 
which,  through  intermediate  forms,  in  some  pkces 
sooner  and  others  later,  was  developed  the  regular 
A,  as  we  find  it  in  the  helmet  of  Hiero.     The  Etrus- 
cans used  at  first  the  old  Greek  A,  like  the  Phoeni- 
cians,  as  several    antique   inscriptions    prove,  but 
more  commonly  they  used  a  letter  very  like  A,  viz., 
A  more  rounded,  of  a  form  also  found  in  Greece, 
but  which  became  dominant  in  Etruria  because  their 
style  of  writing  was   more   rounded.     We  deduce 
from  this  that  the  change  in  Greek  writing  took 
place  between  OljTiip.  60  and  80,  and  from  this  date 
forward  that  it  permanently  influenced  the  Etruscans. 
The  Greek  literals  B,  a,  r,  were  not  used  by  the 
Etruscans,  because  these  sounds  were  not  in  their 
language.     Therefore,  the  two  first  are  never  found 


In  Tuscan  inscriptions.  The  r  was  adopted,  but 
only  as  another  form  for  K.  In  the  old  Greek 
alphabet  T  plays  a  singular  part,  for  sometimes  we 
find  it  as  like  the  Phoenician,  sometimes  as  ^,  or  <, 
or  r,  which  last  is  the  latest.  Sometimes  this  ap- 
pears as  T  turned  to  the  left,  as  on  the  column  of 
Milos,  and  it  is  hard  to  determine  which  of  these 
two  is  the  earliest  or  latest.  A  third  form  is  rounded 
like  C,  and  this  was  adopted  by  the  Etruscans,  but 
H-hy  they  adopted  it,  seeing  that  their  sound  of  it 
was  already  so  fully  expressed  by  K,  would  be  hard 
to  define.  They  could  scarcely  intend  to  mark  by 
it  a  difference  of  accent.  In  the  mass  of  their  in- 
scriptions K  is  very  seldom  used,  but  it  frequently 
appears  in  their  more  ancient  ones,  and  it  seems 
there,  even  as  in  Latin,  to  have  been  gradually  sup- 
planted. 

This  is  a  point  from  the  solution  of  which  we 
may  perhaps  gain  some  light  upon  the  Latin  alpha- 
bet. The  Romans  did  not  take  their  writing  as  a 
whole  from  the  Tuscans,  because  they  could  give 
them  no  B,  or  D,  or  0,  or  Q,  but  the  example  of 
their  more  civilized  neighbours  had  certainly  an  in- 
fluence upon  them.  They,  like  the  Tuscans,  ac- 
cepted C  for  K,  in  its  third  form,  where  it  stands  as 
a  medial  between  B  and  D  very  inconsistently,  when 
they  felt  the  want  of  an  appropriate  sign  for  the  soft 
consonant,  in  the  place  of  which  for  a  long  while 
they  used  the  C.  About  the  time  of  the  second 
Punic  war,  or  perhaps  a  little  earlier,  they  found 
out  of  it  their  G,  and  fitted  it  into  the  vacant  place 


\ 


278 


MANNEKS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


279 


of  Greek  Z,  wliicli  they  did  not  use,  so  that  once 
more  the  alphabet  of  the  ^Eolians,  if  thev  had  not 
by  that  time  lost  their  digamma,  and  that  of  the 
Latin,  were  brought  into  a  certain  hannony  :— 

ABTAEFZH 
ABODE  FGH 

The  Greek  E,  which  underwent  little  change  with 
that  nation,  remained  unaltered  also  by  the^Etrus- 
cans.  In  their  common  writing  it  was  perhaps  some- 
what more  rounded,  and  underwent  slight  modiiica- 
tions  occasionally. 

The  digamma  F  we  find  with  this  form  common 
m  Tuscan  mscriptions,  but  along  with  this  comes 
another  (]),  which  was  in  later  use  with  the  Hel- 
lenes,  and  in  the  family  sepulchres  we  find  the  same 
name  sometimes  spelt  Avith  the  one  form  and  some- 
times  with  the  other.    Besides  these  we  have  a  third 
form,  apparently  derived  from  both.   Sometimes  this 
digamma  is  replaced  by  Y  or  T,  though  it  is  a  letter 
of  qmte  a  different  power,  so  that  we  must  regard 
the  mterchange  as  a  mistake  in  orthography. 
^     The  Etruscans  had  another  literal  much  nearer 
in  sound  to  the  F,  viz.,  8.  This  we  find  in  the  names 
Phlafe,  Phulne,  Caphate,  and  others,  and  it  always 
retains  m  them  the  same  form.     The  feminine  name 
Phastia  or  Phasti  is  also  written  with  the  same  letter, 
but  sometimes  it  is  replaced  by  another,  which  ap- 
pears  to  have  been  an  equivalent,- a  circle  or  square 
dmded  by  a  line  through  the  centre,  the  Greek  *. 
The  famUy  name  Pherini,  which  appears  to  mean 


i 


the  same  under  many  forms,  is  sometimes  written 
with  8  an<l  sometimes  with   the  divided  circle  or 
square      These  two  examples  prove  the  identity  or 
great  similarity  of  the  two  sounds,  and  also  that 
thev  are  derived  from  the   Greek  literal  *.      In 
the   names   Amphiaraas   (Amphtiare)    and   Perseus 
(Pherse)  we  have  the  circle  with  the  stroke  through. 
*  is  a  letter   which  the   Greeks  invented   for 
themselves,  and  did  not  borrow  from  the  Phccnicians. 
In  the  pillar  of  Melos  there  is  an  archaic  PH,  and 
that  this  should  be  so  much  used  by  the  Etruscans 
evidences  that  they  derived  it  from  the  Greeks.  The 
forms  of  <I>  which  we  find  in  ancient  Greek  monu- 
ments are  (>  and  (D,  which  latter  is  sometimes  made 
square,  and  from  these  the  Etruscans  have  taken 
0  and  0.     Out  of  this  last  again  comes  8,  and  the 
square  form  in  like  manner,  although  another  ele- 
ment  seems  here   to    come  into   play.     That    the 
oblique  or  slanting  divided  circle  and  the  diagonal 
square  should  also  express  th  must  be  regarded  as 
a  mistake  in  orthography  or  a  variation  in  speech, 
and  indicates  that  the  pronunciation  of  O  was  never 
regulated  by  any  fixed  rules. 

As  regards  the  signs  F  and  8,  however,  they 
prove  distinctly  that  the  Etruscan  and  the  Latin 
letters  were  formed  from  independent  sources.  F  in 
name  belongs  to  both  languages,  but  it  is  synony- 
mous with  the  Latin  V;  thus  Fipi,  Fulsine,  Menerfa, 
are  written  Vibius,  Volsienus,  Minerva.  Tuscan  F 
retained  the  sound  it  had  with  the  Orientals,  ex- 
pressed in  Latin  by  Y. 


I 


280 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


281 


Latin  F,  on  the  other  hand,  expressed  a  strong 
and  peculiar  aspirate  not  far  removed  from  a  sibi 
lant. 

The  Tuscans,  who  had  the  same  uncouth  sound 
in  their  speech,  chose  to  indicate  it  by  the  Greek 
*,  and  kept  the  digarama  for  its  original  use.     Con- 
sequently  the  Latin  F  is  synonymous  with  8,  as  in 
Phulni-Folnius,     Pherini-Ferinus,     Phlafe-Flavius, 
&c.      With   the   Etruscans  the  vowel  V  is  inter-' 
changed  with  F,  and  is  occasionally  found  between 
F  and  8,  but  that  8  should  ever  have  been  trans- 
lated by  V,  I  never  recollect  to  have  found ;   and 
this  because  the  two  sounds  are  separated  by  ano- 
ther which  comes  between  them.     In  Sabine  and  in 
old    Latin   we    often   find   feus  instead   of  hircus, 
fasem  instead  of  hr/rena,  and /and  h  alternating  in 
many  dialects;  so  in  modem  Eomish/is  sometimes 
a  mere  aspirate,  and  so  also  it  is  often  impossible  in 
Etruscan  to  distinguish   between   the  sounds  of  8 
and  H.     This  does  not  prevent  the  Etruscans  from 
havmg  had  some  other  sign  to  express  the  simple 
aspirate. 

The  old  Greek  H,  a  square  broken  through, 
generally  served  to  express  the  first  sound  in  the 
names  of  Heracles,  Hercle,  Ilercla,  Hercole,  and  in 
the  great  Perusian  inscription  (which  has  a  very 
consistent  orthography)  this  H  recurs  with  the  same 
power,  and  always  as  quite  a  different  letter  from  8 
with  which  nevertheless  in  the  above  and  other  ex- 
amples It  sounds  identical.  The  confusion  of  the 
signs  for  *  and  for  H  is  increased  by  this-that  the 


i. 


horizontally-divided  square  which,  according  to 
Etruscan  custom,  is  somewhat  sounded,  passes  easily 
into  the  *,  and  so  we  find  it  in  the  Eugubian  tables, 
where  8  is  substituted  for  the  Latin  F,  and  the  di- 
gamma  v  and  the  divided  circle  is  used  where  the 

Latin  writing  has  an  A. 

The  Th  was  a  very   common  letter  with  the 
Etruscans.     They  took  0  from  the  Greek  sign,  and 
80  we  find  it,  though  in  an  angular  form,  upon  the 
Cosplan  Patera.     But   as  the  point  in  this  letter 
merely  seems  to  distinguish  it  from  the  0,  and  the 
Etruscans  have  no  0  in  their  language,  they  usually 
expressed  the  th  by  O  without  any  point,  or  in  its 
square  form.     In  common  writing  we  find,  times 
without  number,  Larth,  Arnth,  Thana,  written  with 
O,  but  the  most  ancient  inscriptions  are  all  written 
thus,  © .     Latinized,  the  aspirate  was  omitted,  and 
the  form  of  these  names  is  Lars,   Lartis,  Aruns, 
Aruntis.     Thanchufil  becomes  Tanaquil,  and  some- 
times the  sound  is  expressed  by  D. 

The  I  has  always  this  simple  form  in  Etruscan. 
The  broken  line  common  in  Phoenician  and  old 
Greek  inscriptions  did  not  pass  into  Etruria,— a 
proof  that  the  alphabet  had  undergone  a  certain  de- 
gree of  improvement  in  Greece  before  it  was  trans- 
mitted to  the  Tuscans. 

K  has  always  been  the  same  both  with  the 
Greeks  and  Etruscans,  or  has  been  very  slightly 
modified. 

L,  both  in  the  Etruscan  and  Phoenician  alphabet, 


282 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


has  e.  her  an  acute  angular  form  or  a  line  turned 
back,  the  same  as  that  first  used  by  the  Romans 
and  winch  we  see  on  the  tomb  of  the  Scipios     Thp 
exceptions   to   this   are   insignificant.      The'oldes 
Greek  inscnpt.ons  place  the  oblique  line  sometimes 
on  the  right  s.de,  or  in  the  corner,  sometimes  un.ler 
or  in  the  mid.Ue,  and  sometimes  above,  and  for  this 
we  can  discover  no  rule ;  but  the  Etruscans  could 
not  use  the  last  form,  because  ,vith  them  it  expressed 
i- ;  they  therefore  restricted  themselves  to  the  an- 
gular  corner. 

As  to  the  letter  M,  this  form  with  the  Greeks 
originally  expressed  S,  and  our  M  was  figured  in 
another  shape,  with  an  abbreviated  final  stroke,  and 
this  unequal  figure  had  its  root  in  the  Pha)nician 
alphabet.     It  was  used  in  Athens  in  the  64th  Oh-m- 
p.ad,  but  by  the  76th  Olympiad  they  had  adoptcxl 
the  present  M.  which  we  find  also  in  the  imporLt 
older  Elean  "Rhetra."      The    Etruscans  first  ap- 
propriatcd  to  themselves  this  later  form,  only  they 
added  to  It  a  smaU  stroke  inclining  outwards,"  as  we 
and  It  in  their  earliest  inscriptions. 

Therefore  this  letter  is  not  properly  Etruscan, 
The  pillar  of  Melos  exhibits  it  five  times  in  four 
lines.  But  when  this  irregular  form  was  obsolete 
and  stiU  M  was  used  for  S,  and  could  not  be  changed, 
the  Etruscans  adopted  111  for  their  ordinary  writhig. 
Ihe  same  was  the  case  with  N.  The  Etruscans 
at  first  adopted  the  old  Greek  unsymmetrical  form, 
and  afterwards  replaced  it  with  J|. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


283 


But  sometimes  the  older  form  of  the  M  has  its 
small  stroke  prolonged,  as  is  seen  in  some  very 
ancient  monuments,  and  this  suggests  that  their 
aliiluibct  was  the  ^vork  of  many  bands.  Lanzi  con- 
stantly writes  Nu  or  Nui  for  words  which  we  other- 
wise know  began  Mi.  . 
It  follows  from  this  that  the  Etruscans  took  their 
first  letters  from  the  ancient  Greek,  and  after  the 
lattor  had  changed  that  they  followed  them,  but  un- 
willingly and  only  from  necessity. 

ols  never  formed  as  O  in  the  Etruscan  words. 
The  Etruscans  formed  their  P  from  the  old 
Greek,  although  they  left  out  the  vertical  line  and 
made  the  cross-line  somewhat  more  oblique,  a  mo- 
dification they  could  not  avoid,  although  they  did 
not  require  to  distinguish  it  from  the  gamma. 

The  Latins  appear  to  have  rejected  the  Greek  P 
independently  of  the  Tuscans,  although  it  is  found 
in  some  of  their  inscriptions,  and  they  seem  to  have 
formed  their  own  P  from  it. 

The  Etruscans  did  not  adopt  the  koppa,  although 
the  Romans  used  Q,  which  they  formed  as  Q^  The 
Tuscans  gave  the  sound  as  chf  or  cf. 

R  in  common  writing  has  two  forms,  T  and  Q, 
which  are  also  sometimes  made  angular.  Lanzi 
finds  both  in  early  inscriptions.  The  ancient  Greeks 
also  sometimes  used  one  form  and  sometimes  ano- 
ther, and  we  cannot  determine  that  the  one  belongs 
to  an  older  and  the  other  to  a  later  age. 

R  is  verj'  seldom  found  in  Etruscan  inscriptions. 


284 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOAfS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


285 


The  Romans  took  it  immediately  from  Greece,  where 
It  was  used  at  the  time  of  the  76th  Olympiad 

S.  The  oldest  form  of  the  Sigma  in  Greece  was  il  • 
yet  by  the  G4th  Olympiad  we  find  ^  used  in  Athens' 
which  long  remained  the  reigning  form,  and  which 
when  dashed  off  shortly  and  with  freedom  mi.,ht  be 
compared  to  a  Scythian  bow  with  a  curl  at  the  end. 
VVi  h  the  Tuscans  wo  find  both  forms  in  their  ear- 
liest  inscriptions,  and  sometimes  both  used  in  the 
same  word     Nor  can  we  even  discriminate  between 
the  more  frequent  use  of  one  form  or  the  other  for 
m   the   great  Perusian  monument  we  find  S  used 
three  or  four  times  in  these  words,  slel,  tesns,  tesne 
cemulmlescul,  enesci,  masu.     In  aU  the  other  word^ 
without  exception  the  form  is  M. 

The  names  Aphsi,  Caspre,  Feltsna,  Fcsi,  Senti. 
^  usme.  Leslane  are  written  with  S-  The  final  sa 
m  Canxasa,  Curfesa,  and  so  on,  is  written  S-  The 
iinal  St,  on  the  contrary,  is  written  with  M  ;  and  lU 
IS  more  generally  used  at  the  end  of  a  word  as  when 
Kexma  becomes  Rexm. 

The  Etruscans  appear  to  hare  distinguished  be- 
tween the  two  sounds  of  the  S,  the  buzzing  and  the 
hissing  sound,  but  we  cannot  teU  which  was  which. 

1.  I  cannot  at  all  account  for  the  reason  why  the 
Tuscans  should  have  given  this  letter  the  form  of 

broTen'off      """  *'"''^"'  ^^°''  °''"-^"""  °^  ""^'^  ''« 

V  and  Y  the  Etruscans  took  from  the  Greeks. 

Ihe  former  ,s  very  generally  used;  the  ktter  rarely. 


X  By  the  time  the  Tuscans  adopted  this  letter  it 
had  already  replaced  K  H  with  the  Greeks,  and 
assumed  the  fom  of  ^.  Thus  it  was  transplanted, 
.,ud  wc  never  find  it  in  any  other  shape. 

The  double  consonant  B  was  indeed  not  in  com- 
mon use  in  Greece  until  after  the  days  of  Simonides 
and  Epiehannos,  but  wc  find  it  as  +  in  the  brass 
tablet  of  Tetilia  and  on  the  coins  of  the  Pyxoeis.    It 
appears,  therefore,  to  have  been  used  the  earliest  m 
Itdv     The  Etruscans  used  it  in  the  form  of  4=  (the 
simple  +  being  appropriated  to  T),  for  the  Greek 
name  Uluxe  and  for  the  Tuscan  such  as  Canxna, 
Avnxle,  but,  like  T,  it  was  often  cut  off  upon  the 
right  side.    We  also  find  chs  for  X,  as  in  Elchsntre 

for  Alexander. 

The  Latins  took  their  X  from  a  Greek  form 

rarely  used. 

y  for  Ps  we  scarcely  find  in  any  Etruscan  in- 
scription, but  it  is  also  one  of  the  most  modem 
letters  of  the  Greeks. 

Z,  the  long  vowesl,  H  and  n,  and  the  antique  scMn, 
are  entirely  wanting ;  the  last  because  it  was  already 
obsolete,  the  second  because  it  was  superfluous,  and 
the  Z  because  the  Etrascans  had  not  the  sound  in 
their  language. 

■\Vhen  we  endeavour  out  of  these  notices  to 
construct  a  history  of  the  Etruscan  alphabet,  we 
must  remember  that  writing  from  right  to  left  in 
the  Oriental  manner  prevails  in  all  the  Etruscan 
monuments,  whilst  this  fashion  was  so  early  aban- 


it 


286 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


287 


doned  by  the  Greeks  that  it  is  difficult  to  find  it 
foUowed  out  for  two  lines  togctlicr 

40.,'^  n,  °''^'- \^'"'"^  inscriptions  carry  us  up  to  the 
40th  Olpupuul    and.  theroforo.  wc  must  plL  the 
mtroduct.on    of   writing    into    Etruria    somewhat 
earher;  and  m  this  way  we  come  ver^  nearly  to 
Wy    ho  tradition  which  makes  Cypselos  bri„.   "t 
with  h„n  to  Tarquinia  when  he  Jas  driven  urvay 
from  h.s  country  by  Demaratos,  of  the  family  of  the 
Bacehiato,  about  Olympiad  30  ;  however  the  still 
earher  frequent    and  thriving   commerce  between 
the  Greek  and  Ktruscan  cities  makes  any  such  fixed 
date  unnecessary. 

M  N,  S,  as  we  find  them  in  the  oldest  Italian  „,onu 
ments,  and  yet  those  •no  .wt  „«  . 

fj,„t  ^  T  *  ^"^  ^'^^y  ancient  but 

that  Me  occasionally  meet  with  ^  or  2,  which  were 
ccrtaanly  not  introduced  into  Greece  ;.ntil  mZ 
be  ommg  obsolete.  Then,  as  the  communication 
be  ween  the  States  continued,  the  Etruscan  letters 
followed  the  changes  of  the  Greek.  A,  Jll,  I.  were 
first  invented  when  A    Ar  v  "u  ii,  were 

and  fJ,o7      .  '     '  ^'  '''"'"  common  to  both, 

and  the  two  last  were  changed  when  M  ceased  to 
express  the  sound  S.     I$ut  these  signs  first  became 

single  examples  are  found  of  them  earlier.     It  re- 
quired   however,  that  the  change  sho.dd  be  very 

the  probabihty  that  the  sepulchral  inscriptions  in 
which  these  letters  appear  do  not  date  earlier  than 


<% 

t 

h 


] 


I/&. 


A.R.  280,  i.e.,  473  k.c.  They  may,  however,  have 
replaced'  writing  and  sculpture  of  a  much  older 
date,  as  was  certainly  the  case  with  some  monu- 
ments which  no  longer  show  the  old  Tuscan  style. 
Also  the  inscriptions  found  in  Padus-lund,  which 
helong  to  the  ancient  days  of  the  Tuscan  dominion,  as 
also  those  of  Volsinii,  which  I  am  inclined  to  ascribe 
to  the  year  488  of  Home  (b.c.  265),  when  the  city 
was  destroyed,  and  which  chiefly  exhibit  the  older 


writmg. 


Towards  the  end  of  the  third  century  of  Rome 
the  Roman  letters  took  their  rise,  being  before  that 
time  nearly  the  same  as  the  Tuscan,  as  we  see  on  the 
family  coins  and  on  some  very  ancient  inscriptions. 
In  this  writing  we  generally  find  A,  M,  N,  S,  and 
R,  which   forms  were  used  in  Sicily  in   the  76th 

Olpnpiad. 

The  Romans  could  not  acquire  these  forms 
earlier.  Rut,  on  the  other  hand,  we  must  not 
allow  ourselves  too  great  a  distance  from  the  Per- 
sian war ;  the  D  and  the  ancient  Q^appear  to  have 
been  quite  obsolete  from  that  time,  and  the  V  gra- 
duallv  went  out  of  use,  though  long  retained  in 
Athens. 

The  Roman  alphabet,  as  a  whole,  was  derived 
immediately  from  the  Greeks,  probably  from  Cam- 
pania;  and  the  Tuscans  only  added  a  letter  here 
and  there ;  as,  for  example,  their  <  or  C  had  the 
value  of  Iv. 

In  the  order  of  their  letters  also  the  Romans 
followed  the  Greeks  and  not  the  Tuscans,  a  positive 


288 


MANNKKS  AND  fTTSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETKUSCANS. 


289 


proof  that  m  l.c  a.r.  300  („.c.  453)  the  influence 
of  Grecan  culture  was  much  more  powerful  a 
Eomc  than  the  Etruscan.  Before  this  date  all  tCo 
Eoman  wntmg  was  either  Greek  or  Tuscan;  we  find 
no  earher  Latin,  but  the  necessity  for  a  w;irn!  of 
their  own  must  have  increased  with  the  Pontifical 
Anna  s,  and  the  Twelve  Tables  were  certainlv  w  Uc 
in  a  character  familiar  to  the  people.  " 

Upon  the  other  nations  of  Italy  near  the  Tiber 
especially  the  Umbrians,  the  influence  of  the  T^ 
cans  was  predominant. 

The  coins  and  the  sepulchral  inscriptions  of  Pup- 
lece  are   almost   identical   with   the   Tuscan,     i 
Eugubian  Tables  have  all  their  letters  of  the  saiJ 
form,  excepting  two.     This,  however,  as  little  aT- 
swers  for  any  similarity  of  language  as'  the  eertlin  y 

the  Pbr     "^"r   '""^  ''"*'"""""y  ^'^-'-^  from 

m  J^  TZV  ^^''"^  ^'''''''  "^  ""'^  ^^  the  monu- 
ments of  Abella,  Pompeii  and  others,  evidence  by 

their  form  that  they  are  derived  from  the  Greek 
St  Z"'"  "'^^^  *^^y  ™^^  *•>»*  -un^ry 

no  in  the  speech,  the  absence  of  signs  for  soft  con- 
Tor;'  "t,  *^  '^^^^P*'*'"  ''  ^'  ha«  »>-«  already 
noticed.     The  form  of  the  C  (»,  the  digamma,  Q), 

1      '  r    *'I  ^  ""  ""  ^"--'  PartiLarly  J, 
constantly  used  in  the  Tuscan  form  of  8.     F  ^s 
It   original  value  as  in  Tuscan,  and  in  the  Tables  of 
Abella  changes  with  V  (thesafrei.  for  thesaurum). 


A 


8  in  Oscan  appears  to  express  rather  the  soft  aspi- 
rate hh  than  the  hard ;  ph  is  frequently  exchanged 
for  B  as  in  TRI8ARA  and  Tribara  in  the  same  in- 
scription, and  on  coins,  SA8INIM  for  Sabini. 

Tlic  R  has  both  the  Tuscan  form  of  D  and  the 
Latin  of  R,  with  a  modification  in  sound. 

Other  variations  are  found  in  the  forms  of  A, 
T  and  V,  which  last  comes  nearer  to  the  Greek  11. 
Very  remarkable  is  the  I,  with  a  side-stroke  (h),  re- 
minding one  of  the  Phoenician. 

It  does  not  detract  from  the  truth  of  anything 
we  have  advanced  that  we  should  find  the  Southern 
Tuscans  yielding  in  their  alphabet  to  surrounding 
influences  which  did  not  touch  the  Motherland.     It 
is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  forms  m  and  n,  which 
were  not  adopted  in  Etruria  until  later,  belonged  to 
the  Oscans.     From  them  they  seem  to  have  been 
taken  by  their  neighbours  not  long  before  the  time 
when  Capua  was  conquered  by  the  Samnites    and 
they  show  the  close  connexion  which  obtained  be- 
tween the  literary  culture  of  the  Oscans  and  the 

Tuscans.  .     . 

If  we  glance  over  such  Etruscan  inscriptions 
as  were  engraved  between  the  400  and  the  700  of 
Rome,  and  especially  during  the  last  centuries  of 
the  national  existence  of  the  Tuscans,  we  shall  be 
convince<l  that  they  were  not  a  literary  people,  and 
especially  when  we  compare  them  with  the  regu- 
larity, correctness,  and  beauty,  of  the  Attic  writing 
during  the  period  of  the  Peloponnesian  war. 

A  few  of  the  Tuscan  monuments  are  engraved 

u 


290 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


291 


With  skm  and  care,  but  as  a  rule  we  find  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other.  Different  forms  for  the  same 
letter  are  used  arbitrarily  in  the  same  word ;  ex- 
changeable letters,  such  as  r  and  F,  or  F  and  8 
stand  confusingly  for  each  other.  The  same  name 
18  often  written  differently,  as  Lart  and  Larth,  Amt 
and  Amth,  in  the  same  family  sepulchre. 

There  was  no  system  in  their  abbreviations,  and 
sometimes  the  middle  syllable,  sometimes  the  final, 
IS  omitted  ;  short  vowels  are  abundantly  thrown  out' 
but  without  rule  and  according  to  the  pronunciation 
of  the  place.    The  punctuation  also  is  as  irregular  as 
possible.     In  the  well-written  Perusian  inscription 
the  words  are  sometimes   divided  by  a  point  and 
sometimes  not,  and  on  the  mortuary  urns  words  are 
frequently   torn   asunder   by   points.      They   wrote 
without  skill  or  method,  and  it  is  clear  from  their 
remams  that  up  to  the  destruction  of  their  freedom 
and  nationality  their  chief  concern  was  with  oral 
tradition. 

How  long  the  Tuscan  tongue  and  writing  were  in 
use  is  hard  to  say. 

Latin  inscriptions  gradually  supplanted  them  in 
every  possible  manner. 

Thus  we  find  in  the  sepulchres  Tuscan  words 
written  with  Latin  letters ;  Latin  and  Tuscan  forms 
mixed ;  Latin  and  Tuscan  inscriptions  used  toge- 
ther. The  right  of  citizenship  in  Etruria  and  t'he 
mercOess  desolations  of  Sulla  may  have  driven  out 
the  native  tongue  and  infused  the  Latin.  Yet  the 
Hanispices  continued  to  read   their  "  Etruscos  li- 


bros "  in  Cicero's  time.  Dionysius  speaks  of  the 
Etruscan  as  a  living  language  in  his  day,  and  many 
urns  with  Etruscan  legends  show  us,  from  the  style 
of  their  decorations,  that  they  belong  to  imperial 
times.  At  this  period,  however,  the  language  be- 
came extinct,  and  even  the  Tuscan  seers  used  in 
their  rites  the  Tarquitian  translation  instead  of  their 
ancient  Ritual  and  Fulgural  Books. 

I  have  deferred  until  this  place  reviewing  their 
numerals,  because  it  is  still  a  matter  of  doubt 
whether  they  belong  to  the   same   system   as   the 

letters. 

The  Tuscan  c}T)hers  up  to  100  are  perfectly 
known  from  the  funeral  inscriptions,  where  they 
generally  precede  the  words  aifil  (age)  and  ril  (ap- 
parentlv  vears).  They  are  the  following: — I,  II, 
III,  IIII  or  lA,  A,  AI,  All,  AIII,  IX,  X,  then  XX, 
XXX,  XXXX  or  XT,  T,  TX,  and  so  on.  The  in- 
verted letter  V  is  sometimes,  but  very  rarely  used. 
For  T ,  which  is  sometimes  angular,  T  and  ^  are 
very  common  forms ;  >!  is  doubtful ;  ^  with  ±  is 
often  found  on  Roman  family  coins,  and  out  of  this 
they  have  invented  the  common  L. 

So  far  all  is  well  ascertained;  but  to  discover 
their  system  beyond  99,  I  only  know  of  one  work 
of  art,  a  beautifully  cut  cornelian  in  the  "  Cabinet 
du  Roi,"  marked  with  the  Tuscan  letters  "Alcar."  In 
this  a  man  is  seated  at  a  table  on  which  there  are 
three  little  balls,  one  of  which  he  is  about  to  seize, 
whilst  he  holds  the  table  with  his  other  hand,  upon 
which  a  number  of  signs  are  figured.    There  are  the 


292 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


same  signs  upon  both  tables,  and  they  appear  to  be 
cyphers.  A  stands  for  5,  the  figure  next  it  has  a 
stroke  in  the  middle,  apparently  from  accident. 
X  stands  for  10,  and  if  we  may  decide  further,  a 
cross  in  a  circle  stands  for  a  100,  an  8  for  1000. 
The  whole  seems  to  represent  an  abacus  with  its 
different  variations.  The  interpretation  of  the  laat 
sign  is  corroborated  by  the  Romans  having  often 
expressed  1000  by  cx).  Indeed  the  common  cio  is 
nothing  more  than  this  oo,  as  the  self-same  figure 
placed  vertically  g  frequently  comes  in  place  of  the 
common  Tuscan  8- 

The  Duilian  column  has  a  middle  form  (D,  the 
half  of  which  is  the  customary  sign  for  500,  D.  The 
llomans  used  this  sign  until  they  substituted  M 
to  form  their  Mille,  and  hence  the  Tuscans  formed 
their  sign  for  100  as  they  had  done  for  5,  and  10, 
and  50.  Even  in  the  Latin  C  for  centum  we  can 
detect  the  old  Etruscan  form.  The  first  lines  of  a 
very  archaic  inscription  given  by  Gruter  run  thus ; 

iae  servois  contiil.  H-S.  0.  0.  0.  y.  V. 
raag.  X  ded.  H-S.  S.  S. 
saleiu.  I.  p.  s.  leiber  coeravit. 

This  certainly  does  not  mean,  as  Scaliger  reads 
it,  "  three  thousand  six  hundred  victors,''  but  "  three 
hundred  and  fifty-five  sesterces,"  in  which  we  easily 
perceive  the  Etruscan  cyphers  for  100,  and  for  50, 
slightly  altered  in  form  by  the  transcriber. 

If  this  is  granted  it  follows  that  the  higher 
c)T)hers,  which  are  only  modifications  of  the  fore- 


THE  ETRL' SCANS. 


293 


going,  belong  also  to  the  Tuscan  system.  This  re- 
ktes  to  the  signs  ccioo  for  10,000  and  ccciooo  for 
100,000,  which  signs  in  an  older  form,  as  seen  upon 
the  Duilian  column,  are  expressed  by  an  elliptical, 
somewhat  abbreviated  figure.  A  Latin  inscription 
of  Nepete,  given  us  by  Gruter,  which  contains  the 
number  of  15,000  sesterces,  gives  the  cyphers  in 
an  upri-ht  form,  which  is  probably  the  genuine 
Etruscan  still  lingering  in  the  land,  at  any  rate 
thev  cannot  be  any  different. 

Now  if  we  compare  these  signs  up  to  1000 
(for  the  higher  numbers  are  aU  formed  out  of  the 
1000).  we  shall  trace  their  similarity  to  the  letters 
of  the  alphabet,  and  also  an  endeavour  to  make 
them  somewhat  different.  Thus  the  sign  V  for  5, 
-H  for  10,  ^  for  50,  O  for  100,  8  for  1000,  vary 
very  intentionally,  whilst  the  rarer  forms  for  10  and 
50  are  exactly  the  same  as  the  letters.  From  this  it 
appears  to  me  that  the  cyphers  have  originally  been 
formed  from  the  letters,  and  have  only  been  varied 
to  avoid  confusion. 

Now  there  are  only  two  ways  in  which  letters 
can  be  used  as  cyphers.  We  must  either  let  the 
letters  indicate  the  number,  according  to  their  place 
in  the  alphabet,  or  we  must  take  those  whose  names 
have  the  same  beginning. 

We  cannot  here  assume  the  first,  because  ^^  can- 
not be  so  far  separated  from  O  and  from  8-  We 
are,  therefore,  driven  to  the  second,  which  cannot  at 
present  be  proved,  because  we  do  not  know  a  single 
Etruscan  name  for  a  numeral,  but  perhaps  in  the 


294 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


295 


future,  when  the  mortuary  urns  shall  be  better  read 
we  may  arrive  at  a  greater  certainty. 


Chai»ter  VII. 
ON  the  kalendar  and  computation  of  time  by 

the  TUSCANS. 

This  chapter  shall   contain  what  we  know  of  the 
Tuscan  distribution  of  time,  as  divided  into  days 
months  and  years;  of  their  Civil  Kalendar,  and  of 
their  religious  doctrines  about  men,  nations,  and  the 
universe. 

and  Babylonians  fixed  at  sunrise,  the  Athenians  and 
many  other  people  at  sunset,  the  Roman  Augural 
Discipline  and  eivil  reckoning  at  midnight,  the  I-^rus- 
cans  at  midday,  when  the  sun  was  in  the  zenith 

In  this  the  Umbrians  followed  them,  and  seem 
to  have  remained  more  faithful  to  the  rule  than  the 
Tuscans  themselves.  The  regulation  befits  a  people 
who  strive  after  a  constant  and  stationary  division, 
for  when  the  sun  is  in  the  zenith  the  shadow  is 
always  shortest  and  does  not  vary  with  the  season 
01  the  year. 

That  the  Tuscan  months  were  lunar  months  is 
evadent  from  this,  that  the  calculation  of  the  Ides 
and  of  the  Kalends,  which  was  certainly  made  by 
lunar  months  was  derived  from  them.  Varro  and 
Macrobius  teU  us  that  the  Tuscans  wrote  Itis  or 


(\ 


'^ 


Itus  for  Ides,  which  is  so  much  the  more  credible 
that  the  hard  consonants  lengthen  out  their  words. 
The  word  itself  came  to  bear  different  meanings. 
Some  made  it  imply  trust  in  Jupiter,  because  the 
day  was  sacred  to  Jupiter.  Others  refer  it  to  the 
victim  sheep,  which  in  Etruria  and  Eome  was  on 
that  day  offered  to  the  chief  god,  a  derivation  which 
seems  very  far  fetched;  or  it  may  come  from 
"  iduare,"  to  divide,  which  word  is  also  Tuscan. 

The  last  derivation  is  surely  the  correct  one  — 
it  was  a  Tuscan  or  rather  an  Italian  root,  whence 
come  "dividere,"  "vidua,'' and  many  other  similar 
words.  The  Tuscans  called  the  time  of  full  moon  "the 
division,"  even  as  the  Greeks,  bixofinvia.  But  that 
the  period  of  full  moon  was  in  Etruria  sacred  to 
Jupiter,  i.e.  the  Ides,  we  know  with  certainty,  and 
herein  the  Romans  followed  the  Tuscans.  That 
the  Kalends,  which  were  sacred  to  Juno,  should  agree 
with  this  in  so  serviceable  a  manner,  justifies  us  in 
ascribing  them  to  the  Tuscans  also. 

Equally  certain  is  it  that  the  ordering  of  the 
NundinoD  or  Nona),  or  eight-day  week,  was  Tuscan. 
On  one  day  in  each  such  week  the  kings  of  the  Tus- 
cans were  accessible  to  every  one  for  counsel  and 
justice.  It  was  a  market-day  and  devoted  to  busi- 
ness. Servius  Tullius,  the  Tuscan  prince,  imported 
this  ninth  day,  this  Nundine  into  Rome,  he  having 
been  born  upon  a  nundine  or  none ;  on  the  Ides 
a  ram  was  sacrificed  to  Jupiter.  Now  it  can  ad- 
mit of  no  doubt  that  the  arrangement  of  the  Nun- 
dines  was  made  in  a  fixed  and  thorough  agreement 


296 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


with  the  lunar  months,  although  in  the  later  Ro- 

The"       r'"  '"'^  ''""''•"^^  ^'^'^  -  independent  of 
the  months  as  our  weeks.     Why  was  the  ninth  day 

from  the  Ides  made  a  period  from  which  other  days 
were^^ber^Wd,  unless  to  distinguish  it  as^: 

Numerous    traditions  point   to   this    arffument 
which  was  first  altered  after  the  times  of  thTTiS 

nTv  *^!' J'""^':*  ^^""di"*'  character  to  tlie  Nones. 
The  PontiflF  proclaimed  the  Kalendar,  announcing 

^ZfZ''^    7"-  •'  ''""'*^  *"  '^'  N'"^*'^.  that  thf 
county  population  might  know  when  they  were  to 

assemble  in  the  city.     On  the  Nones  itselflhe  W 

ficing  pr.st  proclaimed  the  festivals  of  the  ensuing 

month.  It  IS  plam  that  on  these  occasions  a  Nundine 

div  ded  by  these  Nones,  so  that  they  not  only  reckoned 
backwards,  but  forwards  from  them.  Henee  we  d- 
duce  that  the  termination  'afrus,  which  signifil  th" 

T^e"^  tfif:L^l";^^^^^^~WuVgt! 

tute  .iL  7\  ^  ^ridicates,  if  we  substi- 
tute a  Latin  for  the  unknown  Tuscan  word  of  num- 
W,  a  pre-Nonatrus.  But  lunar  months,  such  as 
the  Tuscans  had,  if  they  consisted  of  d^ht-day 
weeks,  must  have  been  divided  into  twenty-foLT 

t^e   thl  .  "'"^''  "'"^  "^  '^"^  ^""t'""  «f  this 

time    the    country  people   (who   in   Etruria  were 

tnetly  separated  from   the   townspeople)    reqS 
Nundines  at  the  right  date.    Apparently  this  was  so 


i 

f 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


297 


ordered  that,  after  the  Ides  of  the  full  moon,  two 
regular  Nundines  were  held,  of  which  the  second 
must  fall  on  the  first  or  second  day  of  the  new  moon 
at  the  conjunction  of  the  sun  and  moon.     On  the 
morning  of  this  Nundine  the  Lucumo,  whose  duty 
it  was,  stepped  forth  and  announced  in  how  many 
days  of  the   next  Nundine  the  Nones  would  fall, 
whilst  he  deducted  the  time  which  must  elapse  be- 
fore the  next  full  moon,  judging  from  the  appear- 
ance of  the  lunar  crescent,  or  perhaps  from  the  easily 
ascertained   length   of  the  lunar  month,  and  took 
from   it   eight   days.     Hence,    according  to  Varro, 
sprang  the  Roman  Kalends,  concerning  which  the 
Pontiff  cried,  "  Quinque  or  septem  dies  te  kalo  Juno 
novella,''  and  this  custom  as  to  Juno  I  also  hold  to 
be  Tuscan.     The   Kalends   thus   proclaimed  must, 
when  they  fall  into  the  second  Nundine  after  the 
Ides,  have  occurred  within  sixteen  days  after,  and 
this  appears  to  have  been  a  law  of  the  Annual  Ka- 
lendar.    The  second  half  of  the  month  being  once 
for  all  settled,  the  first  half  must  have  been  specified 
also. 

In  how  far  the  Roman  rule  that  every  month 
should  consist  of  twenty-nine  or  thirty-one  days 
rested  upon  a  Tuscan  foundation,  I  do  not  venture 
to  determine ;  but  whatever  length  the  month  was 
made,  the  number  of  days  over  twenty-four  must 
have  been  repeated  on  every  day  of  proclamation. 
It  appears  to  me  that  this  dividing  of  the  month 
and  arrangement  of  civil  business  together  give  a 
greater  unity  and  purpose  to   the  whole  society, 


/' 


298 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


especially  under  an  aristocracy  like  the  Tuscan  or 
the  Eoman,  where  the  populace  could  do  nothing 
without  the  counsel  and  direction  of  their  superiors. 
Even  the  labours  of  the  field  it  seems  that  Tages 
intrusted  to  the  intelligence  of  his  favoured  disci- 
ples. 

Ides,  Kalends,  and  Nones,  were  religious  insti- 
tutions, although  not  withdrawn  from  the  service 
of  ordinary  life,  and  especially  when  they  became 
partly  Xundines.  The  Kalends  or  Nones  which  fol- 
lowed the  Ides  were  reckoned  unlucky  by  the  Tus- 
cans—" atri  dies  "—at  least  a  Tuscan  Ilaruspex,  L. 
Aquilius,  b.c.  387,  obtained  an  acknowledgment 
from  the  Roman  Senate  that  they  were  such.  The 
Dies,  nefasti,  re/igiosi,  atri,  and  many  others  of  the 
Romans,  must  be  traced  to  this  source  ;  but  how 
many  it  is  difficult  to  say. 

It  was  easy  for  the  Tuscans  to  keep  their 
Kalendar  in  agreement  with  the  moon,  seeing  that 
they  had  the  length  of  the  month  always  in  their 
hands,  but  how  they  solved  the  problem  of  making 
a  lunar  year  agree  with  a  solar  one  no  author  has 
informed  us.  The  acute  h}T)othesi8  which  makes 
their  cycle  of  110  years  consist  of  ten-month  years 
of  304  days  each,  I  dare  not  reject,  because  the  du- 
ration  of  many  Tuscan  and  Roman  truces  agrees 
remarkably  with  it,  and  seems  to  point  to  a  ten- 
months*  year  in  common  use. 

It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  we  have  no 
better  or  more  circumstantial  description  of  the 
driving  of  the  annual  nail  into  the  Temple  at  Yol- 


^ 


>* 


f  V 

6 


J*    ' 


*'i 


i 


'S^ 


**> 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


299 


sinii,  for  this  would  have  explained  to  us  the  Etrus- 
can cycle.  The  annalist  Cinclus  saw  it,  and  he 
says  that  it  marked  the  number  of  the  year.  The 
custom  had  passed  over  into  Rome,  and  was  bound 
up  with  the  service  of  the  Capitol.  Here  was  to  be 
read,  on  the  right-hand  wall  of  the  shrine  of  Jupi- 
ter which  separated  it  from  the  shrine  of  Minerva, 
a  decree,  in  antique  speech  and  character,  that  the 
chief  magistrate  (prcetor  maximus)  should  strike  in 
a  nail  every  year  at  the  Ides  of  September,  and  it 
appears  that  it  was  to  be  in  that  wall.  That  it 
was  to  happen  in  September  seems  to  imply  that 
the  Tuscan  year  either  began  or  concluded  in  this 
month. 

Originally  this  festival  was  annual  in  Rome  as 
well  as  in  Etruria,  but  gradually  a  supreme  magis- 
trate was  only  named  for  great  emergencies. 

For  the  regular  observance  of  such  a  rule  the 
Romans  must  every  year  have  created  a  Dictator, 
but  they  contented  themselves  gradually  with  only 
doing  this  when  startling  prodigies  reminded  them 
that  they  had  neglected  their  religious  duties.  As 
to  the  manner  of  the  thing  we  trace  in  it  a  rude 
kind  of  numeration  which  maintained  itself  many 
centuries  in  the  land,  although  I  believe  that  the 
Tuscans  invested  it  with  a  much  higher  meaning. 
Certainly  the  striking  in  of  a  nail  symbolized 
thoughout  Italy  an  unalterable  law  like  Fate.  Hence 
the  Fortuna  of  Antium  had  a  nail  for  her  attribute. 
Hence  Horace  gives  to  the  Genius  of  Necessity 
large  nails  in  her  hands,  and  tools  to  fasten  them  with. 


1' 


300 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


Hence  we  find  the  Fate  Atropos  (spelt  Athrpa)  upon 
an  Etruscan  patera  foreshadowing  the  inevitable 
death  of  Meleager  (Meliacr)  through  the  piercing 
of  a  nail.  The  pin  which  the  wronged  virgin  holds 
in  her  left  hand  and  is  striking  into  the  wall  is  cer- 
tainly a  nail,  as  is  further  proved  by  the  hammer  in 
her  right  hand.  But  this  "  Athrpa  '*  is  nothing 
more  than  a  IlcUenized  form  of  Nortia,  which  she 
very  fairly  represents ;  and  this  Nortia  was  in  the 
great  festival  of  the  "  clavus  annalis  "  represented 
as  leading  the  irresistible  course  of  the  year,  and 
conducting  one  after  another  into  annihilation. 

But  as  the  year  was  a  circle  of  life  and  de- 
struction to  the  vegetable  world,  the  Etruscans 
sought  for  a  wider  period  which  should  embrace  a 
circle  of  human  life ;  and  this  search,  according  to 
the  Ritual  books,  was  the  origin  of  their  Saeculum. 
The  SaDculum  was  to  equal  the  longest  duration  of 
man's  life,  or  rather  it  was  to  conclude  with  the 
death  of  him  who  had  outlived  all  those  who  were 
bom  at  its  beginning.  Therefore  the  Secular  Games 
in  Rome  were  sacred  to  the  worship  of  Ditis  and 
Proserpina  (alias  Mantus  and  Mania)  celebrated  in 
Mount  Terentus,  and  hence  called  "  Ludi  Teren- 
tini."  They  were  celebrated  when  the  last  man  of 
the  Saeculum  was  laid  in  the  tomb,  and  death  was 
supposed  to  reign  over  the  whole  of  that  generation. 
Now  the  Tuscans  knew  that  it  was  impossible  for 
them  to  ascertain  this  longest  life  by  their  own  ex- 
perience and  observation,  therefore  they  made  it  a 
matter  of  faith  that  the  gods  would  make  known  to 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


301 


their  favoured  votaries  the  termination  of  each  Sa?- 
culum  by  particular  signs.     These  signs  (portents) 
the  Tuscans  recorded  in  their  books  with  religious 
care ;  and  in  the  Tuscan  histories,  which,  according 
to  Varro,  were  written  in  the  eighth  Sajculum,  the 
length  of  the  already  elapsed  seven  Sa)cula  amounted 
to  781  years,  some  of  them  numbering  105  and  some 
123  years :  whence  we  perceive   that   the  original 
idea  of  tlie  Saeculum  was  not  that  of  the  century. 
In  each  of  these  their  peculiar  portents  were  de- 
scribed.    These   Saecula   were   regarded   as   having 
reference  to  the  age  of  the  nation  as  well  as  the  in- 
dividual, and  the  tradition  was  that  the  gods  had 
granted   ten   to    the   "  nomen  Etruscum."      Other 
nations  having  other  appointed  numbers,  the  precise 
commencement  of  this  era  was  naturally  shrouded 
in  myths.     I  believe  it  dates  from  the  appearance  of 
Tages  and  the  founding  of  the  twelve  cities  by  Tar- 
chon.  It  may,  however,  be  that  it  was  counted  from 
the  first  nail  struck  into  the  temple  of  Nortia,  and 
that  ceremony  probably  long  preceded  the  introduc- 
tion of  writing.     It  is  important  to  history  to  ascer- 
tain as  nearly  as  possible  the  beginning  of  the  Tus- 
can era,  even  if  we  do  not  believe  the  Haruspices 
about  the  "  Etruscum  nomen.*'  The  nails  themselves 
merely  evidenced  a  number.  What  more  they  might 
mean  we  can  only  learn  from  popular  sayings  and 
priestly  traditions. 

It  appears  to  me  that  we  possess  another  date 
from  which  to  trace  the  commencement  and  termi- 
tion  of  the  Etruscan  Sajcula.  The  Emperor  Augustus 


302 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


relates*  that,  on  the  appearance  of  the  comet  which 
shone  upon  the  funeral  procession  of  Julius  Caesar 
in  the  a.r.  708  (whose  orbit  Ilallcy  calculates  at 
575  years),  the  Ilaruspex  Vulcatius  proclaimed  in 
the  public  assembly  that  the  star  denoted  the  end 
of  the  ninth  and  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  Secu- 
lum ;  that  he  revealed  this  contrary  to  the  will  of 
the  gods,  and  that  he  must  die  immediately  after. 

Now  the  ITaruspices  concerned  themselves  also 
with  the  Sircula  of  Rome,  and  accorded  to  it  twelve 
of  them,  as  foreshown  by  the  twelve  vultures  of  Ro- 
mulus ;  but  Rome  could  not  according  to  any  reckon- 
ing be  at  the  end  of  its  ninth,  not  even  if,  with 
Ennius,  we  restrict  them  to  seventy  years  {sept'in" 
genti  ntmi).  We  must  hold  it  established  that  the 
Etruscan  Ilaruspex  was  speaking  of  the  chrono- 
logy of  his  own  nation  ;  and  if  we  reckon  the  eighth 
and  ninth  Sajcula  at  the  average  sum  of  220  years, 
the  prophesied  termination  would  fall  about  the  a.r. 
850.  Some  Tuscan  histories  which  WTre  written 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  Sacculum,  coincide 
with  the  A.R.  560  (b.c.  193).  Contemporaneous  also 
we  find  a  fragment  of  a  Tuscan  Ilaruspex  and 
Agrimensor  "Vegoja,"  which  is  preserved  in  a 
collection  of  the  "Auctores  finium  regundorum.*'  He 
says  there  exist  "men  who  through  covetousness 
have  craftily  broken  and  removed  from  their  places 
boundary   stones  which    had  stood    there   for  800 


>> 


years. 

Now  it    is    difficult    to    imagine   how  this   an-* 
•  See  ServiuB,  Eel.  ix.  47. 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


303 


nouncement  of  Vulcatius,  which  is  preserved  to  us 
by  Plutarch,  can   have  been   grounded   upon   any 
other  principle   than    the  Etruscan  computation  of 
time.     Before  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  under 
Sulla  in  B.C.  89,  when  many  prodigies  terrified  the 
Roman  world,  the  Sages  amongst  the  Tuscans  pre- 
dicted  the   advent   of  another  race,  and   that  the 
sign,  the  blast  of  a  trumpet  in  a  still  clear  air,  would 
betoken  an  overthrow  of  the  present  state  of  things. 
For  there  were  eight  races  of  men,  differing  from 
each  other  in  manners  and  customs,  but  to  each  a 
fixed  time  was  given,  which,  "  by  the  will  of  the 
Gods,   would   be   fulfilled   in   their   Cyclical   Year. 
And  when  the  course  of  one  such  was  ended  and 
another  begim,    a    wonderful    sign   would    appear 
either  in  heaven  or  upon  earth.     From  this  it  would 
be  clear  to  those  who  observed  and  could  learn,  that 
a  new  race  was  born  into  the  world,  differing  from 
them  in  their  modes  of  life  and  thought,  and  who 
would  be  more  or  less  dear  to  the  powers  above, 
than  those  who  had  preceded  them.     For,  as  every- 
thing would  change  with   the   change  of  race,  so 
would   their  prophesying  augury,  which  had  been 
held  in  honour,  whilst  the  Gods  sent  clear  and  dis- 
tinct omens;   but  this  art  would  be  despised  by  a 
new  race,  who  trusted  more  to  blind  counsels,  and 
sought  to  penetrate  the  future  by  weak  and  obscure 
means." 

It  is  plain  that  the  whole  of  this  doctrine  is 
derived  from  the  eight-day  week  of  the  Tuscans,  so 
that  each  race  has  its  day ;  but  it  is  more  obscure  in 


304 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


305 


what  relation  these  days  stand  to  the  age  of  eacli 
nation. 

That  the  races  should  typify  Sa}cula  cannot  be 
accepted,  for  one  reason,  that  in  character  they 
cannot  differ  from  each  other,  and  because,  if  the 
announcement  of  Vulcatius,  in  n.v.  45,  was  true,  the 
end  of  a  Sajculum  coidd  not  occur  in  h.c.  81),  and  the 
terms  ysvo;  (race)  is  never  used  for  Sacculum.  Some 
are  of  opinion  that  the  eight  races  apply  to  the  age 
of  nations,  and  to  the  termination  of  the  Etruscan 
period,  more  particularly  because  the  sound  of  the 
trumpet  is  named,  which  was  their  national  instru- 
ment,  and  would  naturally  be  supposed  to  foretell 
their  extinction. 

Against  this  we  have  the  silence  of  Plutarch 
and  the  still  more  significant  declaration  of  Vulca- 
tius, besides  the  great  improbability  that  the  Tus- 
cans should  have  measured  other  nations  and  other 
ages  by  their  existence,  so  as  to  predict  that  one 
should  come  to  an  end  and  another  rise  in  its  place, 
and  yet  not  to  perceive  how  to  bring  it  into  accord- 
ance with  their  experience.  Hence  it  appears  expe- 
dient to  separate  between  the  Stecula  of  a  nation 
and  its  centuries,  so  that  they  should  not  necessarily 
begin  and  end  together.  The  flourishing  times  of 
the  Etruscan  nation  must  be  referred  to  a  much 
earlier  period,  when  the  divination  of  the  Harus- 
pices  was  universally  believed  in,  and  held  in  ho- 
nour. But  in  the  ninth  Sncculum  another  age  of  the 
world  began,  in  which  divination  sank  into  disre- 
pute, even  as  the  nation  dwindled  away.     We  must 


compare  with  this  the  doctrine  of  the  Ritual  books, 
that,  after  a  man's  eighty- fourth  year  (therefore  long 
before  the  dose  of  his  sajculum),  no  more  tokens 
could  be  granted  him,  and  there  was  no  propitiation 
possible  to  turn  away  the  divine  wrath  from  him. 

I  will  conclude  with  the  mention  of  another 
sacred  calculation  of  time,  naturalised  in  Home, 
though  of  a  foreign  origin.  We  know  from  Virgil 
that  the  Sybilline  books  spoke  of  an  d'roKUTd<jra<rig, 
in  which  a  certain  number  of  ages  followed  each 
other,  always  becoming  worse  in  succession,  but 
after  the  currency  of  the  last  and  worst,  the  orders 
began  ov(t  again,  and  Apollo,  who  was  the  god  of 
the  first,  again  resumed  his  sceptre.  These  ages  are 
nine.  The  tenth  begins  the  new  course,  and  it  is 
in  allusion  to  this  that  Juvenal  speaks  of  the  nintli 
age  as  the  worst.  These  ideas  are  foreign  to  the 
Etruscans:  their  world  week  — or  perhaps  even 
some  longer  period— agrees  well  with  the  extinction 
of  those  mortal  divinities,  the  Consentes. 


Chapter  VIII. 

ON  Tin:  KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE  ETRUSCANS  AND  THEIR 

GENERAL  CULTURE. 

The  question  whether  the  Tuscans  were  scientific 
can  be  answered  both  in  the  affirmative  and  in  the 
negative.  Science,  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  is  not 
so  old  in  the  world  as  we  are  inclined  to  believe, 

X 


:J06 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


judging  of  former  centuries  by  our  own  time. 
Whatever  was  practically  useful  we  find  prominent 
in  the  life  of  ancient  nations,  more  compact,  better 
regulated,  and  adapted  to  more  uses  than  with  us. 
It  is  the  same  with  what  regards  the  ideal  —  acts  of 
faith  or  of  divine  worship.  Both  require  a  great 
deal  of  varied  knowledge,  and  yet  all  the  time  the 
essence  of  intellectual  progress.  The  love  of  learn- 
ing for  itself  may  not  be  there.  This  appears  to 
have  been  the  case  with  the  Tu.scans  on  tlie  whole, 
although  much  experience,  observation,  and  know- 
ledge show  themselves  in  their  religious  discipline 
as  well  as  in  their  industrial  and  classical  arts. 

In  all  of  these  the  maxims  of  men  had  more 
weight  than  the  study  of  nature,  but  these  maxims 
were  the  fruit  of  an  acute  jK^netration,  which  stood 
the  test  of  learning. 

Besides  which,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  offices 
were  connected  with  tlifnr  religious  discipline  which 
exacted  the  study  of  nature;  and  one  proof  of  this 
is,  that  the  Romans  endeavoured  to  transplant  from 
ihem  the  "  Aqua^licium,"  or  knowledge  of  the  laws  of 
water. 

But  it  may  appear  that  the  Tuscan  aquaclicium 
was  only  a  superstitious  custom,  like  the  "Elicia 
sacra  "  of  the  Fulguratores,  and  that  the  real  science 
which  improved  the  nature  of  the  soil  by  drainage 
and  irrigation,  had  quite  another  origin. 

That  custom  belongs  to  the  '*manalis  lapis,'*  which 
Nvas  the  name  of  a  stone  drawn  from  the  top  of  the 
Mundus,  and  laid  before  the  Capenian  Gate  of  the 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


307 


Temple  of  Mars,  and  was  afterwards  drawn  towards 
the  city  to  ward  off  drought.  80  called  also  were 
other  cylindrical  stones,  which  were  dragged  to  the 
Granines  to  attract  rain,  a  ceremony  named  "  la- 
pides  manales  verrere,"  which  was  commanded  in 
the  books  of  Tages,  and  also  formed  part  of  their 
discipline. 

These  all  pertained  to  the  Aqua}licium  and  were 
connected  with  sacrifices  to  Jupiter,  the  rain-god. 
Varro's  Tuscan  Aquilex,  therefore,  who  caused  waters 
to  spring  forth,  must  be  regarded  in  the  same  light 
as  a  physician  who  tapped  a  patient  for  the  dropsy, 
and  not  as  a  mere  conjuror ;  and  so  we  must  confess* 
that  here  superstition  and  a  useful  art  worked 
hand  in  hand. 

Whenever  an  Aquilex  is  mentioned  in  Roman 
history,  it  means  a  Tuscan  who  is  a  discoverer  of 
subterranean  waters  (for  which  they  had  many  signs 
and  rules),  and  whenever  the  construction  of  arti- 
ficial wells  is  described,  it  means  the  same. 

It  was  through  this  genuinely  Italian  art  that 
Paulus  Emilius  discovered  the  sources  on  Olympus, 
and  saved  his  perishing  army. 

This  art  was  of  the  greatest  importance  wherever 
the  lands  were  not  well  watered  in  Italy  or  Greece. 
It  was  studied  with  the  utmost  zeal,  and  maintained 
its  reputation  until  late  in  the  Imperial  times, 
during  which  the  Aquilices,  Aquileges,  or  Aquilegi, 
of  inscriptions,  fixed  the  localities  in  which  wells 
were  to  be  excavated  —  this  alone  requiring  a  consi- 
derable knowledge  of  mechanics. 


308 


MANNERS  AM)  (  rSTOMS  OF 


Thoy  formed  a  Guild  apart,  and  were  probably 
connected  with  the  Agriniensores. 

How  far  the  art  of  the  water -finders  was 
indin^enoiis  to  the  Tuscans,  and  how  far  they  were 
influenced  by  Greek  natural  philosophy,  we  can- 
not determine  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  Tuscans 
had  an  art  ])ecullar  to  themselves,  botli  for  attra«t- 
ing  lire  I'rom  above  and  water  from  below.  They 
also  very  early  sought  out  their  mineral  and  warm- 
water  spas,  although  the  land  so  abounds  in  them 
that  tliey  were  scarcely  worth  any  trouble.  In  the 
Roman  times,  Pisa,  Vetulonia,  Populonia,  Volaterra, 
€lusium,  and  especially  Caere,  all  had  baths  (Thermic) 
either  still  or  vapour. 

For  the  rest,  the  Tuscan  seems  to  be  indebted  to 
the  fable  of  the  Kirkes  for  the  medical  fame  in 
which  they  were  held  by  the  Greeks,  whose  sons 
Ilesiod  calls  l*rinces  of  Tyrrhenia.  Kirkes,  in  old 
Greek  traditions,  belonged  to  a  race  who  were  de- 
voted to  the  arts  of  healing  and  to  enchantment. 
Then  out  of  the  remote  part,  in  which  their  era 
took  its  rise,  this  legend  was  transferred  to  the 
Italian  coasts,  and  the  fame  of  their  art  was  also 
attached  to  the  story  of  the  more  ancient  rulers. 
It  is  probably  on  this  account  that  Eschylus  calls 
the  Tyrrhenians  a  nation  addicted  to  the  arts  of 
healing.  It  is  well  known  how  iiir  mythical  ideas 
influenced  their  ethnograpliy,  and  even  sometimes 
their  natural  history.  Amongst  the  Itomnns  I  can- 
not find  a  single  trace  of  an  Etruscan  physician. 
At  least,  we  shall  expect  to  find  in  Etruria  a 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


309 


native  development  of  philosophy,  unless  we  choose 
to  call  their  speculative  and  yet  utilitarian  doctrines 
about  Genii  and  Lares  a  priestly  philosojihy,  and 
with  Seneca  assert  that  even  all  their  maxims  about 
lightning  are  grounded  upon  the  researches  of  the 
Stoics.  It  is  certainly  not  to  be  denied  that,  in  the 
days  when  Pythagoras  flourishwl  in  JMagna  Grecia, 
and  began  to  spread  abroad  his  ideas,  they  extended 
through  the  greater  part  of  Italy—  (in  Pome  he  was 
always  esteemed  the  wisest  of  the  Greeks) — and 
most  particularly  so  in  Tuscany. 

An  Etruscan  Pythagorean,  Nausithoos  (the  name 
indeed  is  suppositious)    ransomed    a    Messenian  of 
the  same  school  (Eubulos),  from  the  pirates :    that 
Pythagoras  should  himself  have  been  called  a  Tyr- 
rhenian does  not  prove  him  to  have  been  a  Tuscan, 
but  it  shows  that  the  authors  of  antiquity  knew  that 
he   came   from    some   island   in   the   north   of  the 
-5^]gean  Sea.      Now,  in  early  times,  these  islands 
were  inhabited  by  Tyrrhene  Pelasgi,  who  may  actu- 
ally have  passed  over  into  Samos ;  and  it  is  most 
likely   that   the   native   inhabitants  of  Samothrace 
contracted  marriages    with  them:    from  one  such 
marriage,  I  suppose,  Pythagoras  to  have  been  de- 
scended.     This  would  best  harmonise   all  our  va- 
rious traditions  as  to   this   enigmatical   man,  even 
the  assertion  that  he  was  descended  from  Phliasiern, 
the  Argonaut,  who  may  actually  have  passed  into 
Samos. 

According    to    the    various    notices    which    we 
have  now  combined,  we  can  form  a  good  idea  of  the 


310 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


education  which  was  given  to  a  young  Etruscan  of 
noble  birth. 

lie  was  not  exercised  in  gymnastics  and  ttiusic, 
like  the  Greeks,  for  these  arts  were  held  to  belong 
to  the  professional  class,  and  were  not  cultivated  as 
parts  of  education.  And  yet  many  Greek  customs 
must  have  passed  over  to  those  schools  of  Etruria 
in  which  the  Roman  youth  of  the  earlier  ages  were 
brought  up.  Writing  and  reading  were  taught. 
Arithmetic  was  necessary  to  a  commercial  people; 
and  with  this  a  system  of  weigfhts  and  coins  stands 
in  near  connexion.  But  their  principal  point  was 
the  knowledge  of  their  religious  ritual  and  disci- 
pline, the  groundwork  of  which  was  laid  in  the 
young  boys*  schools  through  the  songs  and  books 
of  Tages,  wliich  they  were  made  to  repeat.  The 
special  schools  of  the  Ilaruspioes  imparted  to  them 
a  more  exact  knowledge.  That  the  Romans  derived 
from  them  much  acquaintance  with  this  art  is  not 
to  be  doubted,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the 
Roman  cities  required  by  law  that  their  youth  should 
be  instructed  in  the  Etruscan  discipline. 

These  are  the  notices  about  the  indi\4dual 
branches  of  Etruscan  culture  and  mental  activity, 
which  I  have  been  able  to  deduce  from  within  the 
limits  of  information  which  I  have  prescribed  to 
myself.  Perhaps  more  fortunate  discoveries,  and  a 
more  enlightened  decipherment  of  the  monimiental 
inscriptions,  particularly  a  more  comprehensive 
treatment  of  their  existing  works  of  art,  or  perhaps 
merely  a  more  acute  combination  of  the  facts  we 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


311 


possess,  may  considerably  enlarge  this  sphere  of 
knowledge,  and  will  clear  away  many  obscurities 
which,  consciousl}'  or  unconsciously,  I  have  brought 
forward.  But  that  which  up  to  the  present  time 
we  do  know  of  the  Etruscans,  helps  us  very  little  to 
ascertain  their  true  place  in  history.  We  see  in 
them  a  race  apparently  isolated  in  Italy,  which, 
allowing  that  it  did  belong  to  the  Grecian  stock 
(and  this  is  the  opinion  of  Niebuhr),  yet  was  cer- 
tainly a  very  remote  offshoot ;  and  yet  it  undeniably 
preserved  traces  of  its  original  culture. 

The  nation  has  been  from  all  time  an  agricul- 
tural  and  city -building  nation,  full  of  industry  and 
activity,  managing  its  arable  land,  full  of  talent  and 
skill  in  all  the  arts  of  life.  From  their  ordinary 
habits  we  find  reason  for  believing  in  their  external 
power,  and  seldom-disturbed  domestic  polity.  In 
their  maintenance  of  pomp  and  strictness  of  order, 
we  see  admirable  arrangements  for  their  strong 
aristocratic  government.  With  this  practical  sense 
was  combined  a  religious  creed  from  the  earliest 
times,  which,  by  arming  the  nobility  with  the 
prestige  of  the  priesthood,  invested  them  with  a 
solemnity  and  an  earnest  importance,  which  be- 
longed to  the  character  of  the  race,  and  which  they 
continued  to  develope  and  to  propagate. 

Those  primeval  fancies,  out  of  whose  mysterious 
promptings  other  nations  have  formed  their  belief  of 
divine  things,  were  here  forced  to  confine  themselves 
within  narrower  limits.  They  were  formed  into  an 
artificial  and  consistent  system,  in  which  an  account 


312 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 


was  given  of  the  origin  of  man  and  of  his  ultimate 
flestiny.  Gods  and  men  were  united  in  one  polity, 
and  a  covenant  was  established  between  them,  in 
virtue  of  which  the  Gods  were  bound  to  warn  and 
guide  men,  but  the  strongest  desires  of  men  were  to 
be  subject  to  them.  Out  of  the  idea  of  this  inter- 
change, especially  with  the  priestly  aristocracy, 
there  was  formed  a  regulation  of  public  and  daily 
life,  which  penetrated  even  invisible  objects  and 
invested  them  with  important  consequences.  They 
evidence  a  people  striving  after  what  is  positive, 
and  believing  that  on  the  whole  all  things  were 
ordered  for  the  best.  Through  the  strength  which 
order  gives,  this  people  was  mighty,  and  ruled  for 
some  centuries  the  richest  and  fairest  portion  of 
Italy.  They  developed  their  industrial  talents,  and 
carried  on  an  extensive  commerce  in  every  direction, 
by  which  they  heightened  and  increased  the  enjoy- 
ments of  life. 

At  the  same  time,  this  people,  through  the  partial 
degree  of  their  original  culture,  and  because  they 
could  not,  like  the  Egyptians,  exclude  all  others, 
was  always  deeply  under  the  influence  of  those 
nations  which  were  more  advanced  than  themselves, 
especially  the  Greeks.  A  colony  of  Greeks,  in  very 
early  times,  came  swarming  over  to  them  from  the 
coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  through  whom  their  music  for 
war  or  sacrifice,  shipbuilding  and  piracy,  and  pro- 
bably other  arts  and  customs,  soon  became  native. 
The  military  discipline  and  arming  of  the  soldiers, 
as  they  were  practised  in   Greece  in  post-Trojan 


THE  ETRUSCANS. 


313 


times,  were  also  established  in  Etruria.  The  aris- 
tocracy adorned  their  houses  and  persons  with  the 
production  of  Grecian  art,  as  well  as  with  such 
luxuries  of  the  Orient  as  commerce  brought  to 
them  ;  and,  above  all,  they  esteemed  those  arts  which 
they  could  turn  to  the  glorification  of  their  native 
gods.  In  many  w^ays  Grecian  proverbs,  legends, 
arts,  and  sciences,  passed  into  Etruria,  and  were 
often  naturalised  and  combined  with  passing  events, 
without  being  developed,  as  with  a  more  imagina- 
tive race,  into  anything  fresh  and  new.  In  all 
their  arts  it  was  more  the  external  than  the  ideal 
which  they  showed  forth.  They  were  wanting  in 
the  inner  agreement  of  an  object  with  its  repre- 
sentation,  and  again  in  any  unity  of  the  different 
representations  with  each  other,  which  the  creation 
of  any  original  invention  would  certainly  have  pro- 
duced. 

But,  from  naturalising  much  of  foreign  art  cul- 
ture, the  Etruscans  were  early  withheld  by  internal 
decay.  Very  soon  their  superfluity  of  property 
degenerated  into  luxury;  they  required  increasingly 
to  be  ministered  to  by  foreigners,  because  their  arts 
were  not  home-born,  but  imported  from  without; 
and  because,  when  they  were  pressed  on  all  sides  by 
the  Gauls,  the  Samnites,  and  the  Romans,  they 
found  themselves  as  a  nation  weakened  and  broken 
up.  Art  w^ithered  like  a  solitary  cut-off"  branch, 
and  in  the  Roman  times  only  maintained  itself  in 
some  technical  manufactures,  whilst  their  native 
discipline,  on  the  contrary,  continued,  though  dege- 


314 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


nenited,  until  the  time  when  the  national  worship  of 
whole  Roman  world  was  overthrown.  In  so  far, 
however,  as  their  ancient  spirit  imbucfl  the  civil 
polity  of  tlie  Romans,  and  influenced  their  daily 
life,  we  may  say  that,  in  a  remote  and  inductive 
manner,  they  are  influencing  our  own  even  now. 
So  generally  is  the  one  strictly  primeval,  the  ori- 
ginal and  the  national,  also  tlie  most  durable. 

Bolsover  Casth\ 


laiiiiiiiiii  jtufii  i 


I.IRRAUV 

NM)IMv. 


INDEX 

TO 

PARTS  I.  II.  III. 


Abacus,  an,  iii,  291 
Abella,  Tables  of,  iii,  zgg 
Aborigines  of  Ktruria,  i,  1-51 
Acea  Larentia,  iii,  191 
Accont  of  tbe  Etruscans,  iii,  273 
Aeelus,  Marcus,  iii,  39 
AceiTa,  i,  396 
AciiM'an  war,  iii,  54 
Aeherontic  books,  iii,  160,  190 
Adria,  i,  355,  356,  359.     Conf. 

Hatria 
Adriatic  Sea,  i,  58  ;  ii,  387 
iE<,Mnetan  colonies,  iii,  98 
/Eneas,  i,  14,  55,  58,  60,  312- 

319;  »j  36;  iii,  261 
^qui,  iii,  137.     Conf.  Equi 
/Erarii,  i,  244, 245, 251 ,  252,  256  ; 


II. 


50 


iEs  grave,  iii,  97.     Conf.  As 
iEschylus,  iii,  87,  308 
i*lsur,  iii,  184 
African  us,  i,  31,  33,  34 
Agamemnon,  iii,  263 
Agatliocles,  iii,  9 
Ages,  tbe  nine,  iii,  305 
Agger.i,  219,  227;  ii,  11,23,49, 

158,  409 
Agger  of  Servius  Tullius,ii,  174, 

175 
Agrimensoral  books  and  hymns, 

i,  217;  iii,  271 
igrimensores,  i,  221;  iii,  178, 

300,  308 
Agylla,   i,    13,  59,68,  117,   127, 

130.    3»8,  329,  331-333;    ii, 

181.     Conf.  Caere 
Ajax  of  Telamon,  iii,  258 
Alabaster,  iii,  79 
Alba,  i,  314,  372,   373-376;   ii, 

57,  58,  et  passim 


Alba,  Fucine  or  Priscan,  ii,  i,  3 
Alba,  Lake  of,  ii,  357,  365 
Alba  Longa,  ii,  1,  57,  58 
Alban  c(»lonies,  ii,  16.    Leagues, 

ii,  3,  4.     Sacred  Band,  ii,  25. 

Townships,  ii,  64 
Albans,  ii,  154,  et  seqq. 
Albinus,  Lucius,  ii,  411 
*' Alcar,''  iii,  291 
Alexander,  king  of  Epirus,  iii. 


I,  2 


Alexander  the  Great,  i,  35  ;  ii, 

251 ;  iii.  2 
Alexander  Severus,  iii,  155, 156 
Alfred,  king  of  England,  ii,  190 
Allia,  ii,  408 
Allies,  iii,  34,  39,  51,  57.     Conf. 

Socii 
Alphabet  of  the  Etruscans,   i, 

10,  33  ;  ii,  187;  iii,  276-293 
Alps,  i.  58,  et  seqq. 
Alsium,  i,  59,  68,  113,  127 ;  ii,  23 
Altars,  iii,  207 
Ambassadors,  ii,  230,  234,  239. 

Conf.  Feciales 
Amber,  or  electron,  i,  361 ;  iii. 

86,  94 
Ameria,  i,  345 

Ammon,  1,  103.     Conf.  Jupiter 
Amorites,  i,  99 
Amulius,  i,  381 
Anak,  i,  32 
Ancharia,  iii,  177 
Ancilia,  Ancylia,  ii,  47 
Ancus  Martins,  ii,   77-99   'O* » 

iii,  129,  133 
Anius,  or  Anus,  i,  338 
Annianus,  iii,  270 
Annual  fairs,  iii,  95,  150,  179 
Antica,  iii,  202,  239 


316 


INDEX. 


Antium,  i,  388  :  ii,  437  ;  iii,  2 

Antony,  Mark,  iii,  69 

Anxur,  ii,  322,  436.  Conf.  Ter- 
racina 

Apelles,  ii,  307 

Apennines,  i,  58,  et  passim 

Apollo,  i,  97;  ii,  18  ;  iii,  181 

Appian,  i,  14 

Appius.     See  Claudius 

Apuans,  iii,  52 

Aqua^licium,  iii,  306 

Aquileia,  iii,  54 

Aquilex,ii,  360,  370;  iii,  73,  307 

Aquilius,  L.,  haruspex,  iii,  298 

Aquillii,  ii,  236,  239 

Arabs,  i,  47 

Arch,  knowledge  of  the,  possessed 
by  the  Etruscans,  i,  162;  iii, 
82 

Arched  doors  in  private  dwell- 
ings, iii,  82 

Architectural  tombs  and  tem- 
ples, iii,  81 

Architecture  of  the  Etruscans, 
iii,  80 

Ardea,  i,  329;  ii,  385,  412,415, 

434 
Arezzo,  i,  17;  ii,  81,  83.     Conf. 

Arretium 
Argoliau  shields,  or  aspides,  iii, 

'34 
Argonauts,  i,  14,  93,  311,   389, 

391 
Argos,  1,  93  ;  iii,  263 
Alicia,  ii,  199,  235,  262,  264 
Aristides,  i,  14 

Aristodemus,  ii,  208,  262-265 
Aristotle,  i,  5 
Armour,  i,  239-241 ;    iii,   134- 

X36 
Army,  i,  59,  208,  233-250;  iii, 

'34 
Amo,  i,  346  ;  iii,  72 

Arnold,  Dr.,  i,  216  ;  ii,  107 

Arretium  (Arezzo,  Aret),  i,  116, 
117.  121,  127,  130,  177;  ii, 
140;  iii,  2,  6,  II,  13,  16,  40, 
43,  67,  68.     Conf.  Arezzo 

Ars  fulguritorum,  i,  185 

Artena,  ii,  344 


Arts  of  the  Etruscans,  iii,  225,  et 
seqq. 

Aruns  (Arnth),  an  Etruscan 
name  Ibrayoungerson.iii,  141 

Aruns,  one  of  Virgil's  heroes,  i, 
321 

Aruns,  son  of  Tarquinius  Super- 
bus,  ii,  127,  141,  229,  240 

Aruns,  son  of  Porseuna,  ii,  262, 
264 

Aruns,  of  Clusium,  ii,  400-405 

Aruspex.or  Hanis|>ex,  i,  15,  184- 
187  ;  ii,  357,  358,  359,  570 

Aruspices,  or  Haruspices,  i,  174, 
220,  262,  267.  Conf.  Haru- 
spices 

Arvales  Fratres,  i,  219,  220  ;  ii, 
46 ;  iii,  268 

As,  or  ^s,  i,  272;  ii,  161;  iii, 
98.  101.    Conf.  Ms  grave. 

Ascanius,  i,  318 

Aspis,  i,  239  n. ;  iii,  134 

Assyria,  i,  19-21,  40 

Assyrians,  i,  34,  35 

Astur,  of  Ca^re,  i,  32c,  324,  326 

Asylas,  the  augur,  i,  320 

Asylums,  i,  321 

Athenffius,  i,  416 

Athens,  i,  992,  334  ;  iii,  265 

Athletes,  iii,  226 

Atrium,  or  court,  iii,  81,  236 

Attica,  i,  98 

Attic  drachm,  iii,  106,  107 

Attilius,  C,  consul,  iii,  36 

AttiusNa^vius,  augur, ii,  105, 107, 
127-129  ;  iii,  127 

Atys,  king  of  Lydia,  i,  9,  14 

Aucnus,  iii,  263 

Augural  books,  iii,  201.  Conf. 
Libri  Augurales. 

Augurs,  i,  53,  65,  146,  147,  151, 
160,  161,  175,  18C-186,  220, 
224,  248,  262,  267;  ii,  11,41, 
105,  106,  215,  219,  241,  305; 
iii,  149 

Augury,  i,  150,  183-184;  ii.  92, 
145;    iii,  198-200.     Laws  of, 
160 
Augustin,  St.,  i,  369 
Augustus  Ctiisar.    See  Crcsar. 


INDEX. 


317 


Aulestes,  i,  320,  321  ;  iii,  263 
Aulus  Ca'cina.  See  Caicina. 
Aulus  Postumius.     See  Postu- 

mius 
Annus,  iii,  263 
Aurinia,  i,    113,  125,   130;   iii, 

175.     Conf.  Saturnia 
Ausonia,  i,  76 

Auspicium,  Auspices,  iii,  199 
A  vans,  i,  37,  38 
Aventine,   Mount,   ii,  105,  153, 

'55.373 
Avolta,  Cai'lo,  i,  297 

Babel,  Tower  of,  i,  163 
JJabylon,  i,  40,  41,  52 
Kaccbanalian  mysteries,  iii,  53 
Bacchus,  i,  334;*  iii,  182-184 
Bn^bius,  M.  consul,  iii,  58 
Barbula.    See  P:niilius  Barbula 
l^aths  (therma'),  iii,  308 
Beards,  shaven  by  the  Tuscans, 

iii,  84 
Bede,  Venerable,  1,  31 
Beni  Hassan,  tombs  at,  i,  275, 
291 

Biban  El  Mulk,  i,  169 

Bidental,  iii.  218 

%a,  i,  33 

Birds,  omens  derived  from  the 
tiight  of,  iii,  223 

Boats,  Tuscan,  iii,  77 

Bochart,  i,22.  288 

Boctius,  Cn.,  iii,  48 

IJoii,  ii,  385;  iii,  36,48,49 

Boionx,  iii,  49,  50 

Bolsena  (Felsnna).  i,  116,  177 

Bononia.     See  Eelsina 

Bona  ])(a,  ii,  369,  382 

Boxing,  iii,  233 

Brahmin    castes,    i,  268,    269, 
270;  ii,  185 

Brazen  tables,  ii,  187,  188 

Brennus,  ii,  403,  407 

Bricks,!,  136;  iii,  79 

British  railroads,  i.  138 

Britoniari-i,  iii,  24 

IhitouH,  their  coinage,  i,  277 
I'ronzes  i,  ,35;  iii,  94,  95,  247 
Liiutus,  L.  Junius,  ii,  229-239 


Brutus,  D.  consul,  iii,  23 
Bulla,  ii,  24 

Bunsen,  M.,  i,  28,  29,  30,  42 
Burials,  i,  297 
Bumt-otterings,  iii,  224 
Burying- grounds,  i,  132 
liy^oe,  i,  336,  341-343;  iii,  164, 
165 

Cabiri  of  Samothrace,  iii,  181 
Cadmus,  i,  48,  49,  97,  99 
Ca'cilia,(iaia,  ii,  132 
Cascina,  the  author,  i,  71 

Cjvcina  of  Volterra,  i,  10;  iii,  13, 

140 
Ca'cina,  Aulus,  iii,  139,  164 
Caen,  i,  no  n. 
Ca^re,  ii,  31,  224,  229,  243,  411, 

412,431;  iii,  I,  2,  12,  14,43, 
90,  264.     Conf.  Agylla 
Care,  harbour  of,  iii,  92.     Conf. 

Pyrgoi 
'*  Can-ernonies,"  ii,  412 
Cffirites,  ii,  362,  388,  412 
Cavsar,  Augustus,  i,  6 ;  ii,  326 ; 

iii,  301,  302 
Caesar,  Julius,  iii,  69,  104 
Cneso,  Fabius.     See  Fabius 
Cale  Fipi.     See  Celes  Vibenna 
Calendar,  i,  159,  226  ;  iii,  294,  et 

seqq. 
Calmet,  i,  98 
Camers,   i,  114,  1,7,  ,22,   j^^ 

127,  130.     Conf.  Clusium. 
Camerto,  iii,  4.  5,  43 
Camerti,  i,  68,  70 
Camese,     Cainense,     Camsena, 
Cannena,   Cannenta,  i,   336, 
339-340 
Camilla,  queen  of  the  Volsci,  i, 

206,  322 
Camillus,  L.  Furius,  ii,  357,  366, 

380,  382-397,  4f9_427 
f^ampauia,  i,  71,  389-393;  iii., 
Camps,  Etruscan,  i,  59,  247 
Campus   ]\Iartius,   ii,    25,    166  ;* 

iii,  128,  129 
Canals,  iii,  74 
Canaanites,  i,  44,  47,  109 
Canna;,  battle  of,  iii,  37 


318 


INDEX. 


Capena,  i,  130,  131 ;  ii,  353,  354, 

355»  363.  390,  39»;  »>.  * 
Capt'tus,  i,  383 

Capitol,  temple  of  the,  iii.  239, 

240 
Capitoliniis  Mons,  i,  3 1 1,  et  seqq. 

See  Jupiter  Capitoliniis 
Capua  (Voltuniuni),  i,  394;  ii, 

333-336;  iii,  117 
Capys,  ii,  333 
Cardo,  i,  247  ;  iii,  176,  202,  205, 

213,  239 
Oarmentalia,  ii,  25 
Carmentalis  I'nrtu,  ii,  25 
CaiTara  uiarhh'  (|U:«irie>,  i,'ii7 
Carthage,  i,  45.    55,   312,  410; 

ii,  234-236.     Its  Willi-,  i,  164 
Carthaginians,  ii,  179,  191,  234, 

236;  iii,  9,  42 
Carystas,  iii,  63 
(,'assis,  iii,  135 
Castella.  iii,  8 1 
Castelluni  Axia  (Castel  tl'Asso), 

i,  169,  176 
Castrum  Inui,  iii,  177 
Cato,  M.  r<»ivius;  i,  16,  19,  59, 

69,  114,  178,  417 
Cato,  L.  I'tn'c,  iii,  57 
Cavn>(liuni.  iii,  81 
Caralry,  i.  236,  237 
Cauiline  Folks,  iii,  3 
Ceeina  ol'  Vohrira,  i,  71.     Conf. 

Ca>c'inft 
Cecrops,  i,  97,  99 
Oeler,  ii.  13,  29 
Celeres,   i,  236:  ii,  13,  27,  29, 

104,  105;  iii,  125,   130.     Tri- 
bune (»f,  ii,  IC2 
Celes  Viht-nna  (Cale  Fipi).  ii,  26, 

40,  81,  84,  99,  117,  118,  123, 

124-127,    129,    141-144,    156. 

157;  iii,  128,  130 
Cemeteries  of  the  Etruscans,  i, 

169 
Censorinus,  i,  143,  146 
•Censors,  ii,  109,  in  ;  iii,  35 
('ensus.  ii,  160  ;  iii,  124 
(Jenturits,  i,  59,  214,  224,  236  ; 

ii,  105,106,  107,  133,  162,  163, 

406  ;  iii,  ia6 


Ceremonial    entertainments,    i, 

299 
Ceres  (Demeter),  i,  66,  96;  iii, 

^  154.  173».»77 
Chaldrans,  i.  36 

Chuldeim  astronomers,  iii.  155 

Chaiai)olliun,  i,  28 

Charioi-races,   i,  299;   iii,  233, 

^34 
Charon,  iii,  194 
Cheese  of  I. una,  iii,  78 
Chlainys,  iii,  83 
Chiusi,  i,  70.     See  Clusium 
Chronology  of  the  Etruscans,  i, 

21 
Cicero,  M.T.,  i,  15,  16,  19,  59, 

141,  142-144,  146  ;  iii,  67,  68 
Cilnii,  iii,  11,  16 
Cimltii  or  Cymrj',  iii,  65 
Ciminian  forest,  iii,  3,  8 
Ciininu>,  Mount,  ii,  425  ;  iii,  3 
Ciucinnatus,   L.   Quinctius,    ii, 

.»75'3»5.  338 
Cineas,  iii,  27 

Circe,  i,  389 

Circensian  games,  ii,  103,  132  ; 

iii,  326 
Circtiuni,  ii,  437 
Circus   Maximus,  ii,    103,    104, 

112,  132  ;  iii,  226 
Circuses,  iii,  242 
'*  Cista  mysticu,"  iii,  181,  184 
Cities,   ceremonies  observed  in 

the  fouiuUtion  of,  i,  59,  62, 

147.     Si/e  of,  iii,  81.     Etrus 

can,  iii,  113,   117,  132,   169, 

209 
Civil  calendar,  iii,  294 
Civitates  fcederata',  iii,  29 
Clans,  i,  197,201,  256;  ii,  13; 

iii,  122 
Claudius,  Appius,  ii,  233    349- 

35 '♦  366,  372;  iii,  16,  17,  28, 

29,  31 
Claudius,  Cftitis,  iii,  60,  61 
Claudius,  Emperor,   i,    57 ;    ii, 

,  '36.  137 
Clautlius   Tulcher,  Appius,   iii, 

201 
Clausus,  i,  322 


INDEX. 


319 


Clavus  annalis.     See  \ails. 
Clay,  Etruscan  works  in,  iii,  79, 

245 
Cielia,  or  Valeria,  ii,  259,  260 
Chents,  i,  214;  ii,  31  ;  iii,  123 
Cloaca',  i,  133,  287;  ii,  ,,,^  ,^p 

Cloaca  Maxima,  i,  132;  ii,  103, 
1 10 

Cluilius,  i,  384 

Clusium,  ii,  81,  83,  243,  249, 
267,  399»  400;  iii,  14,  16,  19, 
42.    Conf.  Camers  and  Chiusi 

riypeus,  iii,  135 

CiK'ius  3Ian]ius.     See  Manlius 

Codes.     See  Horatius  Codes 

Ccthan,  Mount,  ii,  65,  144,  et 
seqq. 

Coinage,  Etruscan,  i,  271-282; 
iii,  95-112 

Collatia,  ii,  16,  109 

Collatinus,  Egerius,ii,  109,  127, 
141 

Collatinus,  Tarquinius.  See 
Tai'quinius. 

Colleges,  1,  232 

i'oUine  gate,  ii,  318,  319,  327 

Colonies,  i,  254-256  ;  ii,  434 

Comets,  iii,  166 

< 'omitia,  i,  63.    Tributa,  iii,  1 29 

Comitium,  ii,  in  et  seqq. 

Commerce,  Etruscan,  i,  282- 
284;  ii,  88,  192;  iii,  85-95 

(-'ompitalia,  ii,  165 

Conijuered  lands,  ii,  222,  223 
Consentes,  or  Complices,  iii,  185, 

187,  305 
Consus.the  god  of  counsel,  ii,  lo 
Contenebra,  ii,  422,  423 
Copper,  78,  97,  102 
Corcyra  (Corfu),  ii,  35,  36 
Connth,  1,  106.  361 ;  ii,  71 
Corinthian  stater,  iii,  99.   Coins, 

iii,  107 
Coriolanus,  ii,  440 
Cornelia  Gens,  iii,  66 
Coniehus   Cossus,   A.,  ii,    317, 

^  3'8»  3"-338 
Cornehus,  consul,  iii,  46,  58 
Corsica,  ii  181,  307;  iii,  33 
Cortona    (Gortyna,  Kroton),   i. 


'7,  59'  68,  114,  117,  127,  130, 

412;  111,6,  13,  15,29,265 
(  ortuosa,  li,  422,  423 
Cory  thus  (Korythus),  iii,  264 
Cosa,  i,  116,  117,  129,  130,  351  ; 

111,31,32 
Cremera,  ii.  286,  288,  292 
Cremona,  iii,  37,  48 
Cromwell,  ii,  197 
Crust umerium,  i,  383 
Culture   of  the   Etruscans,   iii, 

305,  et  seqq. 
Cuma>,i,  189,363,  391,398;  ii, 

149.  207-209,  262,  265.     Bay 

of,  ii,  181  ^ 

Curia^  i,  59,208,  215,  216,237, 

269;  11,  17,  18,  23,  107,  126, 

13»,225^  226;    iii,  125,   J26 

Cunatii,  i,  61-63 

(^irius  Deiitatus,  pr.ftor,  iii,  24 

Curule   chair,  ii,  231.      Magis 

t rates,  i,  216 
Cushim,  i,  31 

t'ustos  urbis,  ii,  102,  131,  22c, 

350 
('ycles,  i,  259 

Cyclopean  architecture,  i.    i5c_ 

138  ^^ 

Cyrus,  ii,  148 
Cyphers,  use  of,  iii,  293 

Danaides,  i,  103 
Danans,  i,  56,90,  91,  95 
Daniel,  i,  187 
Darius,  i,  35 

Debt, laws  respecting, ii,  3 10,  3  n 
Decalitron,  iii,  105 
Decern  Primi,  ii,  102,  259 
Decern  Viri,  ii.  134 
Dedus  Mus,  1>.,  iii,  7,  9,  3, 
Decumanus,  i,  247;  iii,  176,  202, 

205,  213,  239 
Decuria?,  i,  208,  239 
Decuriones,  i.  209,  210,  216,  268, 

269,  270;  ii,  18,  27,  104 
Decussis,  iii,  99 
**Deditio,"  ii,  109,258 
Deities  of  Etrnria,  iii,  153 
Delphi,  oracles    of,   i,    96;    ii, 

i8i,  219,  303,  361 


320 


INDEX. 


Demaratus,  ii,  72,  89 

DemettT,  i,  94.     Conf.  Isis 

Demigods,  i,  5 

Dempster  de  Etr.  Reg.  i,  130 

Denarius,  iii,  83 

*•  Di  Grabovi,"  iii,  268,  269 

Diana,  ii,  3,  154 

Dianus,  a  god  of  the  Latins,  ii,  3 

Dicjearchia.  i,  363  ;  iii,  93 

Dictator,  ii,  318,  319,  328,  330 

Dido,  i,  312,411 

Dies,  iii,  298 

Diet,  Etruscan,  ii,  364 

Dii  Animales,  iii,  190.  Con- 
sentes,  iii,  185,  186.  Inferi, 
iii,  193.  Majores,  iii,  382. 
Manes,  i,  227;  iii,  191,  205, 
Novensiles,  iii,  203.  IVnates, 
iii,  187.  Conf.  Left  hand, 
Thunder,  Veiled  Gods 

Diodonis  Siculus,  i,  42,  164 
178,  292,  390,  416 

Dionysian  mysteries,  iii,  53 

Dionysius  of  Haliearnassus,  i, 
6,  7,  8,  10,  II,  12,  33,  35,  57, 
59,  66,  71,  77,  8S,  104,  107, 
108,  et  passim 

Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  ii,  387 

Dionysius  the  Khler,  iii,  91 

Disciphne,  iii,  151.  Of  Tages, 
iii,  aoo.  Of  the  Etruscans, 
iii,  198-214 

Dispater,  Dis,  ii,  303  ;  iii,  180 

Divination,  i,  145;  iii,  149,  159, 
214-224 

Divisions  of  time,  iii,  294-300 

Dodona,  i,  96 

Dodwell  vase,  ii,  73 

Dolabella,  1\,  iii,  24 

Domestic  life  of  tlie  Etruscans, 
i,  60;  iii,  II 3-1 1 7 

Domestic  luxuries,  3S8 

Drachma,  iii,  99 

Drainage,  Etruscan,  iii,  306 

Dream,  ii,  218 

Dress  of  the  Etruscans,  iii,  82 

Duilian  column,  iii,  292,  293 

Duodecimal  system,  iii,  97 

Duumviri,  ii,  216 

Dwellings,  Etruscan,  iii,  80 


Edomitea,  i,  37 

Education  of  Etruscans,  i,  262- 
266,  310 

Egeria,  ii,  49 

Egerius  (Collatinus),  ii,  109. 
Conf.  Collatinus. 

Egypt,  i,  26,  27,  28-32 

Egyptian  gods,  i,  102, 103.  Navy, 
i,  56.  Papyri,  i,  34,40.  Mo- 
numents, i,  99.  Relics,  i,  50, 
51.     Rings,  i,  277 

Egyptians,  i,  23,  28,  33.35  ;  ii, 
191 

l>ll>a  (.Ethnlia),  ii,  307 

Eiloa,  or  Velea,  i,  399 

Electmm,  i,  361.    Conf.  Amber 

Eleusis,  i,  96 

Eleusinian  mysteries,  iii,  192 

Elicius.     See  Jupiter 

Elitiivius,  ii,  206 

Elythya,  Eileithya,  Eileithyia, 
Elulhya,  temple  of,  i,  33,  334, 
421.  423;  ii,  37,  369.  388, 
389;  iii,  174.     Conf.  Juno 

Enibratur  (Imperator),  i,  171; 
ii,  39,  120,  201,  251  ;  iii,  116 

Emilius  Rarhula,  iii,  3 

Emilius  Taulus,  iii,  36,  56,  57, 
307 

Emilius  Scaurus,  iii,  75 

Emissarium,  i,  290;  ii,  360,  369 

Encaustic  painting  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, iii,  252 

Entrails,  inspection  of,  iii,  210 
222 

Eridanus,  iii,  74.     Conf.  Vadus 

Efpii,  ii,  93.     Conf.  .Equi. 

Eratosthenes,  i,  28 

Erkle,  6r  Archies,  i,  33 

Esar,  i,  34.  424,  425 

Eschylus,  i,  5.     See  /Eschylus 

Esquiline,  Mount,  ii,  167 

Etruri,  I'Urusci,  Etniscaus,  i,  6, 
7,  22,  58,  et  passim 

Etniria,  Etruscia,  i,  22;  ii,  14, 
81 ;  iii,  313,  314,  et  passim 

Etruria  Nova,  ii,  307,  331,  385, 

387 
Etiuria,  Central.  South,  North, 

ii,  331,  ct  pa  ssim 


INDEX. 


321 


Etruscan  Accent,  iii,  273.    Agri- 
culture, iii,  76,  et  seqq.     Al- 
phabet, ii,   186.     Annual  as- 
fiembiies,  i,  173.   Annualfairs, 
iii,  95,  150,  179.    Architecture, 
i,  131  ;  iii,  235-242.     Artists, 
ii,  30.    Astronomy  and  chro- 
nology, i,  21.     Boats,  iii,  77. 
Bronzes,iii,94,247.   Burying, 
grounds,  i,  132.     Calendar,  i, 
159,226;  iii,  294.  Camps,  i,  59, 
247.    Canals,  iii,  74.    Cavalry, 
i,  236,   237.      Cemeteries,  i, 
169,       Ceremonies,    i,     158. 
Cities,   i,  132,  167;   iii,  209. 
Clans,  i,  197,  201.      Cloacse, 
i,  133.    Commerce, ii,  88,  192. 
Culture,iii,  305,  et  seqq.   Dei- 
ties, iii,  153.      Diet,  ii,  364. 
Discipline,  iii,  198-214.     Di- 
vination,    iii,    214-224.      Di- 
visions    of    time,    iii,     294. 
Domestic    life,   iii,    11 3-1 17. 
Dress,  iii,  82.     Dwellings,  iii, 
80.      Education,   i,  262-266  ; 
iii,  310.    Encaustic  paintings, 
iii,  252.      Jisheries,    iii,    78. 
Fleet,  ii,  268.     Foo«l,  iii,  84, 
85.     Forests,  iii,   77.     Fort- 
resses, i,  161,  162.     Founda- 
tion of  cities,  i,  62-64.    Foun- 
ders'  feasts,   i,    164.     (iems, 
iii,  252.      Gladiatorial  shows, 
iii,  234.    Glass,  iii,  95.    Gods, 
111,   178.      Goldsmiths'  work, 
iii,  250.     Guilds,  ii,  51,   105. 
Harbours,    iii,    91.      Head- 
dresses, iii,  84.     Helmets,  iii, 
135.    Hemp,  iii,  77.    Heroes, 
|»  319.  344;  iii,  261.    History, 
11,  136,  etseqq.    Histories,  iii, 
271.      Horse-races,    i,    291. 
Horses,   iii,   78.     Houses,    i, 
163.     Hydraulic  operations,  i, 
286-291.      Incense,    iii,    94. 
Infantry,  i,  235,  236.     Inven 
tions,  i,  425.     Irrigation,  iii, 
306.       Ivorj'-work,     iii,     94. 
Land-measurement,    i,    224. 
Language,  i,  20;  iii,  272, 273. 


Laws,  i,  141,257;  ii,309,  3,0. 
League,  1,  177;  ii,  ,20,  179; 
iii,  2.     Letters,  iii,  274-291. 
Literature,  iii,  271.    Manners 
and  customs,  iii,  7 1-3 16.    Ma- 
ritime attairs,  ii,  301.     Meals, 
iii,   85.      Measures,  iii,   213, 
214.    Merchants,  i,  173.    Me- 
tallurgy, ii,  48.     Mines   and 
tunnels,   ii,    113,  ,49,     mjij. 
tary  organization,  iii,  133-138, 
212.     Minerals,  iii,  78.     Mu- 
nicipia,i,  130,  253;  iii,  i.    My- 
tholngy,  iii,  257-267.    Names 
of  families,  i,  33,  34;  iii,  ,42. 
Names  of  towns,  i,  125.     Na- 
vigation, iii,  268.      Nobles,  i, 
189, 196,  262-264.   Numerals, 
i,  20,  21,  224-226;    iii,  291- 
293.     Origin,!,  20,  21.     Pha- 
lanx, i,  238-240.    Plastic  arts, 
111,  242-258.     Poetry,  iii,  267. 
Pomariun), iii,  126, 128.    Pot- 
tery,  iii,  95,  243.    Priests,  iii, 
158.      Prophecies,     ii,     308. 
Purple  dye,  iii,  82.    Races,  iii, 
78.     Religious  belief,  iii,  196, 
197.     Religion,  iii,  258.     Ri- 
tual  books,  iii,  163.     Roads, 
111,  87.     Sacred  games,  iii,  78, 
225-235-     Sacrifices,  iii,  221. 
Sailors,  iii,   2.     Sandals,  iii, 
83.     Scientific  knowledge,  iii, 
305.     Sea-trade,  iii,  90.     Se- 
pulchres, i,  170,  424;  iii,  68. 
Shields,  iii,  134.     Ship-build- 
ing,   iii,    93.      Soil,   iii,    71. 
Soldiers,  iii,  103,104.      Sove- 
reigns, i,  171.     Statuary,  iii, 
79-       Stone-work,     iii,     241. 
Tables,   i,  271.     Temples,  i, 
149;  iii.  i7o»228,  239.    Thea- 
tres, iii,  242.     Tombs,  i,  297, 
298      Toreutic  works,  iii,  249. 
Traditions,     iii,     257,     266. 
Tribes,  iii,  126.    Triumph,  ii, 
108;  iii,  121.     Trumpets,  iii, 
229.     Vases,    iii,    243,    244. 
Vessels,  111,  9.    Vine-cultiva- 
tion,i,  291,292,  329.     Walls, 


'i22 


INDEX. 


i.  129,139,  140.  Wiir-tl.iihe^, 
iii,  80.  VVatiTworks,  i,  36c. 
Wt  lights  iiii'l  !nerts»iiv>,  i,  271. 
VVintl  iiistniriients,  iii,  172- 
W()iiu'n,  i,  206,  207;  iii,  301. 
Wood- work,  iii,  240.  Works, 
i,  257.  Wrt'stliii^'-nmU-iie?^, 
iii,  233.  WritUn  chiiraftors, 
iii,  274.  Wriiteii  dociiuients, 
iii,  271. 

Etnisci  Libri,  iii,  i<;9,  164 

Eu^'uliinn  tiihlo3,i,  69,  77  ;  i''  54- 
186;  iii,  268,  269,  281,  288 

Euripides,  i,  5,  103  ;  iii,  87 

Kuniolpus,  i,  96 

Kusel>ius,  i,  31,  33.  34,  46,  47 

I'vainU'r,  i,  310,  3^^.., 

KxtTcilus  Urlmims,  iii,  128 

F  tliKrtininii,  iii,  278 

Fiibii,  ii,  282-292,  406 

Fahiiis,  ii,  429 

Fal.ius  Ojuso,  ii,  275,  282,  283 

FjiUins  Dorso,  ii,  294 

Filiins  t.furi»es,  iii,.  31 

I'Hltiiis  K.-vso,  iii.  4,  5 

Fiil)iii<=;  Miin-us,  ii,  278-281 

Fubius  Miixiiuus  lluUiaiuu,  ii, 

279,   2S0,  404;    iii,   3,  6,   14, 

17 
Fal.ins  I'ictor,  ii,  3^  =  "'»  35 
Fairs,  ii,  201  ;  iii,  184 
Fa'suUn  ( IMue^ole).  iii,  205 
Faloiiu,  i.  59,  68,  113,  117.  124.- 

127,  130;  ii,  391-397 ;  »'.  I- 

Coitf.  Falerii 
Frtlerii,  iii,  137,262.     Conf.  Fa- 

leria 
Faliscia,  i.  124.  125  ;  ii.  353-3  55' 

356,    363-36S,  39^'   399»  430. 

433;  iii,  2,  13,  14.  »^.  *^ 
Falisoi,  ii,  3»6;  iii,  262 
Family  iiamos,  iii,  138 
Famines,     sovore,  in  Rome,  ii, 

2:5.  3»-'  3»3.  339 
Fanuin,  i,  176 
FascoH,  ii.  31 ;  ii,  226 

l';j-ii,  ii,  40 

Frbia!>iius,  ii,  44 

Fi'.-i'le-,  i,  !-5,2c:-2c6;  ii,3i, 


45,  51,  93,    202,  314,  315.  326, 

340,  402-406  ;  iii,  24,  137 
Folatri,  i,  354 
Folsiiia  (Uonouia),  ii,    385;  m, 

5»»*67 
Forcntinum,  i,  275  ;  m.  251 

Fo ri.T,  ii,  10 1 
Ferotiia,  ii,  155,  198 
Feronia,  the  •,'fKlcloss,  iii,  179 
Fesremiine  versos,  ii,  310,  411  ; 

iii,  269,  270 
F.v^cciiniiim  (Falerii),  i,  59,  68, 

113,     165  r  iii,    260.      (.'out'. 

Faloria 
Festus,  i,  53,  248 
Fides,  teinpU'  to,  ii,  44 
Fidone,  i,  3<;o  ;  ii,  24.  2^,  30,  31, 

56,  59,  66,  67,  69,  87,  96,120, 

313.  3'5,  3-7.  3-^'  33«»  353 
Fiesole    (F.lsole),  i,    116.    117, 

118,130,346.    ("".onl".  Fiusiihii 
l^irs  for  buildin?,  iii,  77 
Fi-iherios,  iii,  78 
Flacous,   Etruscan  historian,  i, 

71 
Flaoeus,  proconsul,  in,  49 

Flaccus,  (i.  F.,  iii,  57 
Flaccus,  M.  Fulvius,  iii,  64 
Flaniens,  ii,  45,  411  ;  iii,  i33 
Flaminins,  0.,  consul,  iii,  38 
Flax,  iii,  77 
Florentia,  iii,  67 
Fiuti's,  iii,  227 
Flute-players,  iii,  267 
I'd-dLuatai  civitales,  iii,  38 
Fontus,  i,  338 
Food  of  the  Etruscans,  iii,  84, 

85  .     ... 

For.'sts  of  Etruria,  in,  77 

Forluna,  iii,  147 

Forum,  i,  248  ;  ii,  104,  iii,  m, 

129 
Fossa  Cluilia,  ii,  23,  26,  61,  75, 

F".»s-.a  Emilia,  iii,  76 
Fossa  I'liilisitinu,  iii,  75 
Fossa  Quirilum,  ii.  88 
Fratros  Arviiies,  i,  219.     C^nf. 

Arvrtle-^ 
Fructu--,  1,232 


Fiicinus.  Lake,  ii,  3 

F'ulgural  books,  iii,  163,  291 

Ful^'urator,  iii,  215 

F'ul^'uratores,  iii,  184 

F'ull  moons,  iii,  295 

Fulsinia.  i,  355.   Conf.  Vulsinia 

Fulvius,  Cn.,  iii,  18,  21,  39 

Fundus,  i,  215,  21 8 

Funeral  sonjjs,  ii.  296 

Furl  us,  Lucius,  prsetor,  iii,  47 

Furius,  Spurius,  ii,  275 

r.abii,   i,    377-379;    ii,  2,    195, 

200,  225 
(iaetus,  iii,  62 
(ialenis,  iii,  84 
<ialli<'  war,  iii,  44-53 
Gates,  i,  147.     Of  liome,  ii,  17, 

18.    Of  cities,  iii,  210 
Gauls,  invasions  of,  ii,  145-148, 

106,  et  se«pj.    331,   38s,  400, 

418;  ni,  12,  13,  18,  19,  64 
(Jell,  Sir  W.,  i,  109,  382 
Gellius,    Ej,nm!ius,  iii,   n,    16. 

See  E'rnatius 
(iems,  iii,  252 

G.'nia,  Genius,  Genii,  iii,  189 
Genii,  iii,  258,  267 
Gjcns,  i,  197 

(ient.s,   .Majores   and    Minores, 
ii,  26  ;  iii,  138 

Gladiatorial  shows,  iii,  2^4 
»lass.  111.  95 

Gods  of  Etruria,  iii,  169 
Gods,  iii,  258.     (.'onf.  Dii. 
G«dd,  iii,  I02 

Golden  bulla,  iii,  119,  121 
Goldsmith's  work,  iii,  250 
<;oshen,land  of,  i,  37.  38 
(iracchus,  Tiberius,  iii,  34,  44, 

,.  54.  55,  153 

Graviscn,  1,  54,  113;  iji,  57 

(«recia  i.roper,  ii,  307 

Greco. Italian   legends,  iii,  259. 

Towns,  ii,  307 
Greeks,  the,  i.  5,  et  passim 
Gjeek  alphabet,  i,  91;  ii,  186; 

iii,  274,  275.     Annals,  i,  ico. 

Artists,  ii,  72.    Civilisation,  ii, 

150.     Chronology,   i,   40.   41.  j 


INDEX.  ^03 

Colonies,  i,  8,  1 11,  160,  310, 
316,  362.  Commerce,  ii,  88. 
Gods,i,  100  ;  iii,  182.  Heroes, 
iii,  258.  iMythology,  iii,  258. 
JMialanx,   iii,   133.     Verse,  i, 


100 


Gulddo  tables  of,  i,    175,  267. 

Sec  Eugubian  Tables 
Guilds,  ii,  51,  105 
Giovanni,  S.,  i,  177 
Gruter,  i,  164;  iii,  292,  293 
Gymnosophists,  ii,  185 

Halesus,  i,  319;  iii,  262 
Hamilcar,  iii,  46,  47 
Hannibal,  iii,  33,  37,  39 
Harbours,  iii,  91 
Haruspex.     See  Aruspex. 
Harusitices,  iii,  41,  69, 150-156, 

218,219.     Gonf.  Aruspices. 
Hastati,  i,  235 
Hasdrubid,  iii,  40,  41 
Hatria,  iii,  9.     Conf.  Adria. 
Ht  ad-dresses,  iii,  84 
Heaven,  its  regions,  iii,  203 
Hebrews  in  F^gypt,  i,  31-33 
Hebrews,     <lerivation    of   their 

name,  i,  6,  7 
Helen,  wife  of  Menelaus,  1,  101 
Hellanicus  of  Lesbos,  i,  13  ;  iii, 

260 
Hellenes,  i,  90 
Helm,  invention  of,  iii,  393 
Helmets,  iii,  135 
Hemp,  iii,  77 
Heraclea,  i,  398  ;  iii,  26 
Herculaneum,  i,  393,  397 
Hercules,  i,  47,  59,  268,  301-303, 
310.     Temple  of,  at  Tyre,  i. 
411 
Herdonia,  iii,  39 
Herdonius,  Turnus,  ii,  198-200, 

272 
Hermes,  i,  94 
Hermodorus,  ii,  308,  309 
Hernicans,  ii,  369 
Herodotus,  i,  5,  9,   10,   12,  16, 
23,  28,  32,47,  53,70,  88,  89, 
90,  95,  103,  105,  291  ;  ii,  iJi, 
33^'  i"»  ^^ 


324 


INDEX. 


Heroes,  iii,  261 

Heroic  mythology  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, iii,  257,  et  seqq. 
Hersilia,  ii,  19 
Hosiod,  i,  5,  14;  iii,  88,  89 
Hiero,  helmet  of,  iii,  276 
TIi{?h-priest,  i,  171.  1?^ 
Hij^hliind  tlans,  i,  i9;-i98 
Highlanders,  Scottish,  i,  6 

Himera,  ii.  77 

Hindus,  i,  39 

Hippodrome  at  Thohes,  i,  299 

Hippomedon,  ii,  212 

Hirpinus,  iii,  180 

Histriones,  iii,  234 

Holy  Scriptures,    i,    55.     Conf. 

Scriptures 
Homer,  i,  5,  14.  io»»  >o^»  H4> 

280,  31 S,  3>7»  405-4»o>4»7; 

iii,  88,  89 
Hoplites,  iii,  135 
Horace,  i,  1 1 
Horus,  i,  97 
Horatius  Codes,  255 
Horatius  Alarms,  ii,  233 
Horatius,  consul,  ii,  238,  242 
Honitii,  ii,  61-63.     Tomb  of,  iii, 

238 
Horseraces,  i,  299 
Horses,  iii,  78 

Horta,  iii,  I77 

Hostilius,  Tullus,  ii,  55-76 

Hoatilius,  Consul,  iii,  41 
Houses,  government  of,  i,  96 
Hydraulic    operations,  i,   286- 

291 
Hyksos,  or  Shepherd  race,  i,  26^- 
51,  61,  102,  u,  103 

Ides,  i,  269;  iii,  294-298 
Idols,  ii,  I35»  183 
Images,  1,  167 
Imperator.    See  Embratur 
Impluvium,  iii,  82 
Incense,  iii,  94 
Insubri,  ii,  385;  iii,  48 
Tnteramna,  i,  165 
Interrex,  ii,  225 
Ionia,  colonies  of,  i,  399 
Iron,  iii,  78,  92,  93 


Irrigation,  iii,  306 

Isopidites,  i,  2^2,  256 

Isopoiitan  leiigue,  ii,  42 

Isopolite,  ii,  200 

Israelites,  i,  37,  4* 

Italy,  i,  I,  et  seqq. 

Ivory,   Etruscan  works  in,   iii, 

94 

Jackson,  Mr.  Grey,  i,  45 

.lanirulum,  i,  307,  311,  337;  "» 
53,  60,  78,  298 

Januiirius,  ii,  44 

Janus,  i,  33,  305-309.  311,  33^' 
42,  43:  iii,  I7S'  >76.  Head 
of,  i.  272,  273-275.  Temple 
of,  ii,  26,  75 

Jehovah,  i,  98 

Jesuits'  museum  at  Rome,  i, 
272 

Jewish  coins  and  weights,  i, 
278 

John  of  T-ydia,  iii,  166,  167 

Jones,  Sir  W.,  i,  39,  270 

Joseph,  i,  86 

Joseidius,  i,  29,  30,  31,  34 

Joshua,  i,  44 

Jugera,  i,  215,  234 

Junii,  sons  of  Brutus,  ii,  236 

Junius  iJrutus.     See  Brutus 

Juno  (Talna),  i,  268,  355*356; 
iii,  169,  363.     Kupra,  ii,  417. 
I       421.    Veientinn,  ii,  373.    Qui- 
ritis,  iii,  180.  182,  184 

Jupiter  (Tina,  liana ),i,  99,278, 
279;  ii,  200;  iii,  153,  169. 
Capitolinus,  i,  159;  ii,  213- 
215,  241,  242,  382.  Elicius, 
iii,  219.  Liitialis,  i,  373  ;  ii, 
360.  Optimus  Maximus,  iii, 
121.    Victor,  iii,  20.     Stater, 

ii.  135 
Jus  Ceriti,  i,  254 
Jus  ItaliiMim,  iii,  32,  44 
Jus  Latinum,  ii,  396  ;  iii,  i 
Jus  Papyrii,  ii,  227 
Juvenal,  iii,  305 

Kalends,  i,  260:  iii,  294-298 
Kalendar,i,  259 ;  iii,294,et8eqq. 


INDEX. 


325 


Kamak,  i,  135 

Kirjgs.i,  180,  i90,et  seqq.  Elec- 
tion of,  209.  Of  Ktruria,  iii, 
119,  120 

Kniglits,  i,  246;  ii,  13,  105,  106, 

157 
Kupra,  i,  355,  356.     See  Juno 

Laheo,  Cornelitis,  iii,  165 

Labyrinth  at  Cliisium,  iii,  238 

Lagidm,  i,  35 

"  La  Incisa,"  iii,  73 

Lances,  iii,  J35 

Lan<l,  its  apporiionment,  i,  208, 

229 
Land-mensuring,  iii,  212-213 
Lands,  division  of,  i,  60 
Language  of  the  Etruscans,  iii, 

272,  273 
Lanuvium,  or  Laniviimi,  i,  372. 
Lapis  manalia,  iii,  306,  307 
Lar,  i,  191,  271 
Lara,  Larunda.  iii,  196 
Lares,  i,  167,  i68,  172  ;  iii,  189- 

191,  267 
Larissa,  in  Greece,   i,  23 
Larissa  (Capua;,  ii,  335 
Lars,    Larth,    iii,    141.      Conf. 
Porsenna,  Titus  Lartius,  To- 
lumnius 
Lartius,  Spuriuy     See  Spurius 
Latia,  ii,  201 

Latin    alphabet,    iii,    277-287. 
Confederation,  ii,  2.    l)iet,  ii, 
201.      Kings,  i,    382.      Lan- 
guage,   iii,   59.      Towns,    ii, 
201 
Latins,  i,  5,  217, 371 ;  ii,  101,  369 
Latinus,  i,  386;  ii,  23 
Latiuni,  ii,  i,  et  seqq. 
Lauren talia,  ii,  8 
Lauretanus  portus,  iii, 
Laurentum,  ii,  27,  233 
Laviniura,  i,  314;  ii,  4,  33 
Laws  ofNuma,  ii,  52      OfTages, 
i,  143.     Of  the  Etruscans,  i, 

HI.  157 
League  of  the  Etruscans,  i,  177 ; 

ii,  120,  179;  iii,  2 
Lecne,  licinius,  iii,  145 


Legends  ii,  394,  395  :  iii,  78,  127, 

130,  135'  '73'  iSo 
Leges  lit^giini,  ii,  227 
"  Lemur,"  iii,  191 
Leucothea,  iii,  175 
Liberti,  ii,  165;  iii,  17,  30 
Libert ini,  i,  238 
Libra,  iii,  97 

Libri  Achcruntii,  iii,  160.     Au- 
guralcs,  iii,  201.     Earales,   i, 

144.  215;    ii»  305.    360,  362; 

111,34,39,157.158,164.     Ful- 

gurales, iii,  163.    Haruspicini, 

iii,   162.      Peconditi,  iii,  201. 

liitunles,  iii,  113,  163.     Tage- 

tici,  i,  144 
Licinian  law,  ii,  227 
Lictors,  i,  179;  ii,  31,  ,20,  226, 

237  ;  iii.  133 
Lightning,  ii,  54;  iii,  215-217 
Ligurian  Ciauls,  iii,  33 
Ligiirians,  iii,  35,  45,  46,  51,  53 

56.  58,  60,64 
Lindsay,  Lord,  i,  38 
Lipara,  iii,  93 

Litra.  iii,  97,  108.     Conf.  Libra. 
Lituus,  i,  65,  151 ;  iii,  232 
Liver  of  animals,  iii,  221,  222 
Livy,  i,  17,  19,  27.  68,  71,  113, 

?7^'  '7.^'  178,  191,  197,  416; 
ii.  15  ;  iii,  69,  et  passim 

Livius  Salinator,  M.,  iii,  42,  46 

Lotus-wood,  iii,  228 

"  Lower  class,"  iii,  123 

Lucania,  iii,  23 

Lucca,  i,  130 

Luceres,  ii,  9,  12,  14  n.,  18,  23, 
25,41,  101,  103,  105,133,168, 
173;  111,125 

Luctrum,  iii,  11 

Lucius.  See  Lucumo,  Tarqui- 
nius,  Emilius,  Ac 

Lucretia,  wife  of  Collatinus,  ii, 
221,  222 

Lucretius,  ii,  222-226,  240,  241 

Lucumo,  or  Lucius  (an  Etrus- 
can unrae  given  to  the  elder 
son),  ii,   141,    168,    342-344, 

345.  363.  364.  365,  400,  404  ; 
iii,  118,  120,  124-130,  141 


326 


INDEX. 


Liieumoes  (kinpjs  And  priests ), 
i,  142,  181, 182,  194,  268, 191- 
201,  2C9,  234,  237,  256,  262- 
264;    ii,    112,  115,   116,  120; 

iii,  8,  9,  i4».i5»  i5o-»5'»  >99 
Liicumoiiies,  ii,  9,  23,  39,   244, 

249,    320,     344,     353,     397, 

429 
Ludi  Circenses.    Seo  Circensian 

Ganu's,      Terentiui    (secular 

f,'ames),  ill,  300 
I.udin,  i,  23,  27,  28.     Colonies, 

i,  425 
Luna,  i,  114,  117,   130;  iii,  60. 

Its  niiirlde,  iii,  391 
Lunar  niontht?,  iii,  294 
Lustrum,  i,  159,  259;  ii,  24,  166 
Lutatius,  Q.  iii,  32 
Luxor,  i,  135 
Luxury,  manufacture  of  articles 

of,  iii,  249 
Lybians,  i,  47 
I-.yeophr<.n,  iii,  261 
Lycoplirons  Cassandra,  i,  315 
Lydia,i,  23 
Lydian  liuie,  iii,  229.     Legends, 

iii,  261 
Lydian s,  i,  9-11 

Macaulay's     Lays    of    Ancient 

Rom*',  ii,  147,  251-255 
Macer,  i.  77.     Se«;  Licinius 
Machiavelli,  ii,  239 
Maicenas,  C.  Cilnius,  iii,  69 
Magna  (rrircia,  i,  364 
Mago,  brother  of  Hannibal,  iii, 

45»  46 
Maize,  iii,  77 

Mala^otus,  i,  343,  344 
Malcolm,  Sir  John,  ii,  257 
Malcus,  ii,  179 
Mamercus  Emiiius,  ii,  315 
Mamertine  prisons,  ii,  88 
Mamilius,  ii,  261,  271 
Manalis  lapis,  iii,  306,  307 
Manes,  Mania,  iii,  191,  261 
Manetlio,  i,  36,  41 
Manius  Acilius,  iii,  55 
jManlius,  M.,  ii,  280 
Manlius  Tonjuatus,  iii,  32 


Manlius,  Titus,  iii,  13 
Mantua,    i,  355,  356,    357;    iii, 

126,  263 
Mantus  (Dispater),  iii,  177,  19 r, 

193 
Marble-quames,  iii,  79.     Conf. 

Carrara,  Luna 
Marcellus,  consul,  iii,  39,  48 
^larcian  oracle«i,  iii,  163.     l*ass, 

iii,  52 
Marcii,    ii,   105,  116,   128,   130, 

13' 
^larcius.     Sec  Ancus 

Mareius,  tlie  Sabini',  ii,  43 

^Marcius,  Quintus,  iii,  52 

Marius,  C,  iii,  65 

Market-days,  i,  219 

Mars,  or  Mavors,  i,  166;  ii,  8; 

iii,  175 
^larst'illts,  Massilia,  ii,  148 
Marsi,  i,  76 
JNIarsian  league,  iii,  65 
Massicus  of  Vulci,  i,  319 
Mastarna    (Etruscan    name    of 

Scrvius  Tnllius),  ii,  99,   1 14, 

117,  127,128.     Conf.  Servius 

Tullius 
Mater  ^latuta,  temple  of,  ii,  369, 

394;  iii,  175 
Mattrnalia,  ii,  25 
Meals  of  the  Tuscans,  iii.  85 
Mediolanum  (^Iilan),i,355, 147; 

ii,4Ci;  iii,  37,  39 
Medical  knowledge  possessed  by 

the  Ktrusoans,  iii,  308 
Meleus  of  IMsa,  1,  344 
Melpum,  i,  355  ;  ii,  386 
Menavia,  iii,  8 
3Icnecratt's,  i,  90 
Menenius,  ii,  292,  293,  296 
Menu,  laws  of,  i,  39 
Merchants,  i,  173 
Mercury,  iii,  181 
Messala,  the  augur,  iii,  201 
Messapi,  i,  413 
Messapus  of  Faliscii,  i,  319,  325, 

335 
Metallurgy,  Etruscan,  ii,  48 
Metaurus,  battle  at,  iii,  42 
Metelius,  iii,  23,  67 


INDEX. 


327 


Mettins  Fuffetius,  ii,  61,  63 

.Mexicans,  i,  21 

Mezentius,  i,  321,  324-331 

Micali,  i,  16,  120 

Milan.     See  Meiiiolanum 

Military  organisation  of  the  Et- 
ruscans, iii,  133-138,  312 

Minerals,  iii,  78 

Minerva,    Minerfa,    Mem-fa,    i, 
135,  294;  iii,  171 

Mines,  i,  291 

Minutius,  iii,  51 

Modius  of  wheat,  iii,  103 

^hducius,  iii,  35 

Mons  Ciminus.     See  Ciminus 

Mjrrio,  king  of  Veii,  i,  348,  349 

Morrius,  iii,  263 

Moses,  i.  21,  22,  23,  42 

Miilbr,  Karl,  i,  8,  ic,  16,  52,  76, 
119,  123,  128,  177,  183,  214, 
215,  et  passim 

Mundus,  iii,  192 

Municipia,  i,  1 30,  253,  254 ;  iii,  i 

Municipium,  ii,  432 

Mutius  Scavola,  ii,  256-258 

Nails  annually  driven  into  the 

teniple-walls,  i,  159;  li,   167; 

iii,  272,  298 
Names,  iii,  141-148 
Nanos,  iii,  260 
Navigation,  iii,  268 
Napoleon,  ii,  255 
Narnia,  iii,  10.    Conf.  Nequinum 
Nebuchadnezzar,  i,  35 
Necessity,  genius  of,  iii,  295 
i>;epete,  i,  125  ;  ii,  370,  391,  423- 

425;    iii,   I,    15.     Conf.   Su- 

trium 
Nepos,  Corancanius,  iii,  26 
Neptune,  iii,  153,  174 
Nequinum,  iii,  10.   Conf.  Naraia 
Nero,  Claudius,  iii,  42 
Newton,  Sir  I.,  i,  14 
Nica?a,  iii,  33 
Niebuhr,  i,  7,  8,  10,  16,  20,  23, 

4».  65,  75,  77,  89,  130,  161, 

i73»  '83,  192,  212,  215,  217, 

221,  222,  et  passim 
Nigidius  Figulus,  iii,  164 


Nile,  the,  i,  52 

Nineveh,  i,  40.     Its  walls,  i,  164 

Nitocris,  i,  62 

Nobles,    iii,  1 19.     The  priests, 

iii,  311 
Nocera,  i,  396 
Noctes  Atticju,  i,  413 
Nola,  i,  404 

Nones,  i,  260  ;  iii,  296-29S 
Norchia  (Erkle),  i,  169,  179 
Normans,  i,  102  n. 
Nf)rtia,   temple  of,  i,  159,    22?, 

382,  389;  ii,  139,  167;  iii,  174, 

272 
Numa  Mareius,  ii,  102 
Numal*oiupiIius,i,  34i;ii,  33-54 
Numitor,  i,  385  ;  ii,  5,  7 
Nundinai,    Nona?,   or  eight-day 

week,  iii,  295 

Obolus,  iii,  96 

Ocnus,  i,  320  ;  iii,  263 

Uctavianus,  iii,  69.  Conf.  Au- 
gustus Ciesar 

Oil,  iii,  77 

OlenusCalenus,  ii,  213  ;  iii,  152, 
206 

Olive,  culture  of,  i,  292 

Olympiads,  i,  160 

Omens,  ii,  417  ;  iii,  13,  jq 

Opica,  ii,  205,  207,  336 

Oracles,  ii,  8,  153;  iii,  iSo 

Orestes,  king  of  Argos,  i,  14 

Orpheus,  iii,  195 

Oscans,  i,  76  ;  ii,  335 

Oscan  letters,  iii,  288,  289 

Osinius  of  Clusium,  i,  319 

Ostentalia,  iii,  163 

Ostia,  ii,  23,  87,  121,  262 

Otricoli,  iii,  9,  18 

Ovid,  i,  145,  273,  307    308,  311 

Oxen  of  Falerii,  iii,  78 

Padus  country,  i,  351 ;  ii,  147 
Padus  or  Eridanus,  iii,  86,  87 
Pajstum,  i,  401 
Paganalia,  ii,  165 
Pagi,  ii,  264,  258 
Paintings  in  Etruria,  ii,  73 
Paintings,  iii,  252 


328 


INDEX. 


Pales,  i,  164;  ii,   12;    iii,   177, 

1S8 
Palilia,  i,  164;  ii,  12;  iii,  18S 
Piilladiiiin,  ii,  36 
Pan,  i,  97  ;  iii,  177 
Pandects,  i,  217 
Papjiius,  code  of,  ii,  227 
Pareiitalia,  iii,  195 
Pater  Patratus,  262 
Patricians,  i,  217;    ii,   13,   18; 

31.  96,   133,    134,    149,    155. 

156,   159,   165,  168,  195,  270, 

310.   311  ;    iii,   123,    131,   et 

passim 
Patrons,  i,   214,    251;    ii,   31; 

iii.  34 
1*atron-},'ods,  i,  166 

Patronymics,  iii,  142 

Pausanifts,   i,   107,  108,  136;  ii, 

181  ;  iii,  62 
Pay  of  tlje  soldiers.     See  Sol- 
diers 
Peace  and  war,  ceremonies  of, 

i,  60 
F*easants,  i,  259 
Pecunia,  i,  277 
Peers,  i,  219 
Pelasgi,  i,  6,   13,  14,  17,  54,  59, 

67,    71,  86,    104,    112,    211, 

212,  3s8,   359,  415  ;  iii,  258, 

259,  260 
Pdusgic  architecture,  1,87,109, 

131.     Onxcles,  i,  96 
Pelaski,  i,  98 
Pelasto,  i,  98 
Peleus,  iii,  258 
Peloponnesiiin  war,  iii,  2 
Penates,  iii,  187 
Persius,  iii,  54,  62,  1 39 
Perugia,  i,  17,  59,  68,  117,  122, 

127,  130;  ii,  83,  139;  iii,  6,  7, 

15,  19,  30,  42,  69 
Perusia,  iii,  263 
P«rusian   inscription,  iii,    272, 

280,  284,  290 
Phalanx,  i,  238,  240 
Pharaohs,   i,    24,    26,    27,    35, 

loi  n. 
Pha}llos,  ii,  307 
Philippus,  M.  consul,  iii,  26 


Philosophy  of  the  Etruscans,  iii, 

309 
Phistu.     See  Prestum. 
Phlegrtt?an  fields,  i,  397 
Phocians,  ii,  148,  180 
Phoenician    alphabet,    iii,   275. 

Colonies,  i,  45.    I^etters,  i.  48, 

105 
Phd'nicians,  i,  37,  43,  45  ;    ii, 

191 
Piacen/a,  iii,  37 
Piceni,  i,  177 

Pictor.     See  Fahius  Pictor 
Pirus,  i,  386 
Pillars  of  temple,  i,  156 
l*ilum,  iii,  136 
I'inarii,  ii,  10 
Pindtir,  iii,  258 
Piracy    tolerated    by  the  Tus 

cans,  iii,  86 
Pirates,  iii,  2 
Pisa,  i,  J 3,  59,  68.  113, 117,  118, 

130;    iii,    14,    51,  60,  61,  62. 

264.     HarluMir  of,  iii,  391 
Placentia,  iii,  48,  50 
Plato,  i,  7 

Plautus,  the  dramatist,  iii,  43 
Plel»s,  i,  214,  215,  230,  238,  251, 

256;  ii,  31,41,  105,  151,  156, 

163,  225,  226,  272,  276,  277  ; 

iii,  30,  123,  131 
Plebeians,  ii,  39,  40,  82,  95,  96, 

127,  129,  130,  144,   149,  159, 

]6o,  166 ;  iii,  i 
Plebeian  soldiers,  ii,  162,  165 
Plebeians  at  Veil,  ii,  353 
Pliny,  i,  59,  75,   100,  121,416. 

His  villa,  iii,  74 
Pbmgh  honoured,  iii,  77 
Plutarch,  i,   11,   63,    151,    197, 

291,  417;  ii,  7,  12 
Poetry   of   the    Etruscans,  iii. 

267 
Poll-tax,  i,  243,  244 
Poly  bins,  i,  248  ;   ii,   121 ;    iii, 

13,  35,  62 
Pomoerium,  i,  64,  65 ;  ii,  u,  12, 

174;  iii,  126,  128,  211 
Pomona,  iii,  173 
Pompeia,  i,  392,  396 


INDEX. 


329 


Pompeii,  iii,  288 

Pompey,  On.  iii,  69 

Pons  Sublicius,  ii,  42  ;  iii,  240 

Pontifex  Maximus.  i.  152,  172, 

192,271 ;  ii,  129,410 
Pontifex,  iii,  117 
Pontifices,  ii.  43 
Pontine  Marshes,  i,  388 
Pontius  Cominius.  ii,  409 
Popilius,  Marcus,  iii,  62 
Populonia,  Pupulunia,    i,    116, 

117,  119.  >3o;  iii,  i4»  25.45- 
Ilarboiu-  of,  391 

Populus,  or  Curite,  ii,  128,  151 

Porsenna,  Lai's,king  ofChisium, 

ii,  243,  269,  283.      His  lomb, 

iii,  236 
l*orta  Decumana,  iii.  212 
Postica.  iii,  202,  239 
Postumius,  Consul,  iii,  21,  22. 
Potitii,  ii,  10 
Potter)'  of  the  Etruscans,  iii,  95 ; 

243 

Praeneste,  or  Palestrina,  i,  iSi: 

n,  2 
Praitexta,  ii,  24 
Pr«?torium,  iii,  2,  12 
Prajtors,  i,  177;  ii,   226,  235; 

237,269,  275;  iii,  117 
Prefects,  iii,  34 
Precious  metals,  iii,  94 
Priests,  college  of, iii,  158.     See 

Lucuraoes 
Primogeniture,  right  of,  iii,  139 
Principes,  i,  235;  iii,  118 
Priscan  Latins,  ii,  no,  119 
Propertius,  iii,  69 
Prow,i,  56,  272,  279 
Proxenus,  iii,  34 
Ptolemy,  i,  14 
Puldic  inscriptions,  ii,  137 
Punic  War,  iii,  37,  64 
Purple  dye,  iii,  82 
Puteoli.  i,  397 
Pygmalion,  1,410,411 
Pyramids,  i,  103,  257 
Pyrgi,  Pyrgoi,  i,  33,  117,    ,30, 

334;   iii,  92.     Conf.  Agylla, 

CVre 
I'yrgos,  ii,  389 


Pyrrhus,   king  of    Epinis,   iii, 

26 
Pythagoras,  ii,  36,  184;  iii,  309, 

310 
Pythia,  ii,  219,  220 

QuflBstors,  ii,  134,  393 
Quinctius.     See  Cincinnatus 
Quindecimviri,  iii,  158 
Quinquatrus,  iii,  171 
Quirinal  Hill,  ii,  9 
Quirites,  ii,  22,  105,  339.  408 
Quiritis.     See  Juno 
Quirium,  ii,  18,  20,  53 

Races,  iii,  78.  The  Eight,  iii, 
304 

Ramnes  (Romans),  ii,  22,  25, 
41.  45,  102.  105,  107,  173  : 
iii,  125 

Ramses  III.,  i,  56 

Ramses  IV.,  i,  102  n. 

Rape  of  the  Sabines,  ii,  20 

Rasena,  i,  5,  16,  17,  23,  25,  28, 

46,  53»  77,  208,  209,  311,  312, 

353,  391,  393,415,421  ;ii,  3; 
111,  262 

Rasenan   League,    i,  244,  248, 

249 
Rasne,  i,  6,  11 
Ratumena.  ii,  242 
Ravenna,  i,  358 
Regillus,  i,  77;  11,271 
Religious    discipline,    iii,    158. 

Education,  1,  266.     Worship, 

1,  60 
Remus,  1,  386;  ii,  10,  12,  13 
Resen,  in  Assyria,  1,  21,  23,  24. 

50 
Rex  and  Regina,  11,  256 
Rhretian  colonies,  1,  359 
Rhamnes,  1,  321 
Rhea  Sylvia   (Ilia),  mother   of 

Romulus,  1,  38 
Rhodanus  (Rhone),  iii,  88 
Ritual  books.  Hi,  113,  163 
Roads,  i,  284-286  ;  ill,  87 
Roman    ambassadors,    11,    402, 
403.     Arms,  11,  164.      Calen- 
dar, 11,  24.     Code  of  Laws,  ii, 


330 


INDEX, 


308.     Oofls,  ii.  25.     L'sions, 
i.  234,  238.     Niivy,  tlistril.u 
tion  of,  ii,  258.     S:vculnMi,  ii, 
33.     Senate,  ii,  17.  3-^'  34^ 

Roini',  i,  414,  415  ;  h,  229,  381. 

Founihitioii  of,  ii,  11 
Romulus,  i,  14,   63,   209,   386; 

iii,  70.     I'eiiuil  o[\  ii,  7-32 
Uoselliiii,  i,  27,  28,  30.  31,  33, 

34i  35-3S' 4^94.97.  162,255, 

245,  247,  275 
RSN,  i,  22,  55.  Ill,  288 
Rufus.     See  Citlius 
Rusella  (Kusoil.li),  i,   117,  123, 

127,130;  ii,  139;  iii,  II,  21,45 

Sabellinn  suered  Mtinil»er,  i,  226 

Saiiint's,  i,  76,  367;  ii,  18.  19, 
53,  loi,  105,  154.  159,  300 

Sacra  Ktrurin'.  i,  177 

Sacred  book^,  iii.  159-163. 
Fire,  i,  78,  155.  (iaines,  iii, 
225-235.  Le^'ion,  iii,  137* 
Road,  i,  361.  Silling',  i,  53, 
255;  ii,  8, 1411.  17.  Y.ar,  ii,  24 

Sacritices,  i,  266;  iii,  119,  153, 
170,  221 

Sn'cula,  i,  53,  1S9.  160;  iii, 
300-305 

Salernuin,  i,  394;  Temple  of 
Juno  at,  i,  394 

Salian  iivruiis,  iii,  268 

Salines,  ii,  430 

Salpina,  ii,  398,  399 

Salitinx,  iii,  230 

Samnites,   i,   76,   370,    371  ;  ii, 

333 

Samnite    War   (b.c.    299-293), 

iii,  12 
Samnium,  iii,  16 
Sandals,  iii,  83 
Sancus(.Iupiter.  Fides),  ii,  205. 

His    temple,     iii,     78.       See 

Fides 
Sardinia,  ii,  34,  35,  179;  »"»  *3 
Sarsinati,  i,  68,  70,  177 
Sarsinatum,  iii,  32 
Saturn,  i,  303-308.  311 
Saturnalia,  i,  303-305 


Salumalian  songs,  ii,  310 
Saturnia,   i,   59,    125.    127;    iii, 

29,  31,  114.     Temple  at,  225. 

Triune  teniple  at,  ii,  108,  116, 

127.     Conf.  Aurinia. 
Saturnus,  iii,  175 
Scivvola.     See  Mutius 
Siali'^'er,  i,  164;  iii,  292 
ScjiraltaM,  i,  298  ;  iii,  94,  252 
Seipin,  iii,   18 
Scipio  Nasiea,  iii,  51 
Seipio  l'ul)lius,  iii,  42 
Seipio  Puld.  Com.,  ii,  369 
Set>tcli  measures  and  monies,  i, 

225;  Proplieeies.  ii.  359 
Scott,   Sir   Waltt'V,   *'  Ivanlioe," 

ii,  6 
Sen]»turcs,  references  to,  i,  213, 

2 §8,  219,  227.  228,  231,  235- 

2'?7.  240^  245'  247,  249,  250, 

263,  267,  276,  279,   281,  291, 

296.336,  338,  404;  "»*»  189* 
191 
Sculpture,  iii,  251 
Scultcnna,  iii,  60 
S(  ylax,  Teriplus,  ii,  386 
Sea-tiglit  otf  Cuma',  ii,  302,  363 
Sea-trade,  iii,  89,  90 
Seeulum,  ii,  341 
Semiramis,  i,  62 
Sempronius,  iii,  52 
Senate,  i.  209.  210,  256  ;  ii,  39, 
225;    iii,    122.      Roman,    ii, 
256,  258 
Senates,  i,  194  ;  iii,  35 
Senatctrs,  i,  21 ;  iii,  41,  63 
Senatores  Pedarii,  ii,  107 
Seneca,  iii,  164 

Senones,  ii,  385,  401 ;  iii,  24,  25 
Sentinuin,  iii,  18 
Sephtha,  i,  48 
Seplem  Montani,  ii,  13,  17 
Septem  I'agi,  i,  350 
Septuagint,  i,  30 
Sepulchral  inscriptions,  iii,  141- 

148,  273,  275,  286,  288,  290 
Sergius,  ii,  3  5  3-3  5  5 
Servilius,  ii,  298,  299 
I   Servius    Tullius,    i,    143,    145, 
'       146,  417  ;  ii,  138-178;  iii,  128 


INDEX. 


331 


Sesitstns,  1,  27,  41,  96 
Sethlans    (Vulcan),   i,    166;  ii, 

108 
Sptlius,  i,  27 
Seven,    the   sacred   number  of 

the  Romans,  ii,  13 
Sextus,  son  of  Tarquin,  ii,  203- 

205,  221 
Sheep's  wool,  iii,  78 
Shelluhs,  i,  44.  99 

Sliepherds,  Etruscan  god  of,  i, 

164 
Shields,  iii,  134 
Ship-building,  iii,  93 
Shoe,  the,  iii,  83,  94 
Sjinnes  in  Rome,  iii,  207 
Sibylline    books,    ii,    356;    iii, 

.33-  34.  15 »»  152,  157.  305 
Sibyls,  ii,  216 

Siculi,i, 210,212,  358,392.  Conf. 


Sicilians,  ii,  307 
Sienna,  iii,  73 
Signia,  ii,  258 

Sikeli   (native    Italians),   i,  67, 

79-85,  105,  106.    C\»nf.  Sictili 

Silius  Italicus,i,  59,  121  ;  ii,  37  ; 

iii,  262 
Silver  coins,  iii,   100.     Medals 
of  Syracuse,  iii,  107.     Mines, 
iii,  78 
Slaves,  i,  256-258 
Social  War,  iii,  35,  65,  67 
S<K!ii,  iii,  34,  38,  65,  67 
Sodales  Titii,  i,  221 
Soil,  cultivation  of,  i,  60 
Soldiers,  pay  of,  iii,  103,  104 
S(»lomon,  i,    157.     His  temi»le, 

i,  386 
Solon,  laws  of,  ii,  188 
Songs  of  Tages,  iii,  271 
Soothsayers,  iii,  165 
Sophocles,  i,  315 
Soranus,  iii,  179,  180 
Sorrento,  i,  398 
Spears,  iii,  35 
Spices,  iii,  94 

Spina,  i,  355,  356,359;  iii,  75 
Spineto,  i,  30 
Spolia  opima,  i,  325  ;  ii,  21 


Spondophoi-i,  iii,  138 

Spurius  Vettius,  ii,  41,  42 

Siabia^,  i,  393 

States  of  i^truria,  constitution 
of  the,  iii,   117 

Statonia,  iii,  115 

Statuary,  iii,  79 

St.iMies,  iii.  246,  247 

Stone- work  of  Etruscan  tombs, 

iii,  241 
Storms,  averting  of,  iii,  218 
Strabo,  i,   4,  6,  11,   13,  14,  59, 

71,  72,  107,  108;  iii,  44 
Strangers,  rights  of,  i,  60 
Subjects,  duties  of,  i,  60 
Sulla,  i,  118  ;  iii,  66-68 
Siilpitius,  consul,  ii,  270 
Summanus,  iii,  176 
Suovetaurilia,  ii,  166 
Sutrium,  ii,  391,  419,  421 
Swine,  iii,  78 
Sybaris,  i,  412 
Sybarites,  i,  401,  403 
Sylla.     See  Sulla 
Sylvainis,  iii.  178 
Sylvii,  ii,  4 
Sylvius,  i,  383 
Syracuse,  ii,  334 
Syracusan  coins,  iii,  105 

Tables  of  brass,  ii,  155,  Of 
Abella,  iii,  288.  Oftiubbio, 
iii,  2S8 

Tacitus,    i,    11,     15,    134,    136, 

Tages,  i,  196,  141-168,240,  241, 
249,  2co;  ii,  15,  305;  iii,  261. 
271 ,  ei  pa  sim.  Books  of,  iii, 
i59-i6z,  164.  Laws  and 
constitutions  of,  i,  59,  208, 
211,  222,  264,  265 

Tagetic  institutions,  i,  19 

Tain  a,  i,  294 

Tana(piil,  i,  185;  ii,  80,  86,  116, 
117,  131,  172,  194 

Tarchetius,  king  of  Alba,  i,  384 ; 

».  5 
Tarchun,  Tarchon,  i,  14,  16,  17, 
34,  54,  56,  60,  61-73,  "4, 1 1 5, 
141,  et  seqq. ;  ii.  305  ;  iii,  70, 


3 


32 


INDEX. 


261,  262,  et  passim.     Deftth 

of,  i,  293.      Institutions  of,  i, 

180-291 
Tarchunia  Tarquinia.Tiircliina, 

i.  54.  67,  70,  ii7»  ia5»  1*7. 
248.    See  Tarqiiinia,  Etruria 
Tarentiira  (Taianto),  i,  413  ;  iii. 

i.aS'  39 
Tarpeia,  ii,  19,  20,  25 

Tarquinia  or  Turchina,  i,   54; 

ii,  I,  72,  78,  81,  142,225,  233, 

a39'  *43.  362,  399>  4J9»  4*4» 

428,  430,  432;  iii,  6,  7,  9,  13. 

15,  261.  See  Taivliunia,  Ktni- 

ria.     Tombs  of,  i.  36 
Tarquinian  dynasty,  ii,  101-150 
Taiqumii,  l»irtliplaoo  of 'I'lirqui- 

nius  rrisciis,  ii,  116,  363  ;  iii, 

129 
Tarquinins  rnllatinus,  ii,  221 
Tarquinius  riiscus,  ii,  101-150, 

271;  iii,   127,   129.     See  l.u- 

cius,  Luciuno 
Tarquinius   Superbus,    ii,  193- 

273  ;  iii,  127 
Tarquinius   Soxtus.     See  Sex- 

tus 
'latins,  a  Sabine  king,  ii,  9,  27, 

126 
Togea,  iii.  265 
Telamon,  iii,  36 
Temples,  iii,  170,  228,  239.     Of 

Augury,  iii,  208.    At  Pa\stuni, 

1,402 
Templum,  i,  247  ;  iii,  202,  285 
Terentius,  Cains,  iii,  40 
Terminus,  ii,  51  ;  iii.  133 
Terracina,  ii,  342.   Conf.  Anxur 
Theatres,  iii,  242 
Thebes,  i,  164,  403 
Themistocles,  iii,  86 
Theophrastus,  i,  5 
Theopompus,  iii,  259 
Thirty  a  sacred  number  among 

the  Etruscans,  ii,  2,  17 
Thoth,  i,  94 

Thrasyniene,  battle  of,  iii,  38 
Thucydides,  ii,  164,  334 
Thunder- gods,    iii,     133,    215. 

Conf.  Dii 


Tiana,  temple  of.  on  the  Aven- 

tine,  ii,  153.     Ci>nf.  Tina 
Tiber,  i,  59,  69;  ii,  9,  330,  338 
Fibiir,  i,  379  ;  ii,  2 
Tigris,  i,  21 
Timoleon,  iii,  88 
Tin  from  Britain,  iii,  87 
Tina,   Tiana   (.lupiter),  i.    150, 

152,  160,  203,  228,  240,  297  ; 

ii,  3.  18.     Conf.  Jupiter 
Tirhakah,  i,  44 
Tithes,  i,  231,  245 
Titits  (Sabines),  ii,  22,  41,  45. 

102,    105  ;    iii,    125.      <.'onf. 

Sabines 
Titus,  son   of  Tarquinius    Su- 
perbus, ii,  229 
Tims   Lartius  (Lar  Titus),  ii, 

269,  270 
T(.-a,  the,  iii,  83.       IMwtexta, 

iii,  119 
Tolnmnius,  Lar,  ii,  314-3*5 
Tombs,  Lars  Porsenna,  ii,  266, 

267.    Tarquinia,  i,  36.     Beni 

Hassan,!,  275,  291 
Toreutic  works  of  the  Etruscans, 

iii,  249 
Town  parishes,  i,  215 
Tradition,  ii,  6 
Traitor,  ii,  394.  395 
Travestine,  iii,  79 
Triarii,  i,  255;  iii,  8 
Tribes,!,  59,  208-213,238;  ii, 


105 


111,  126 


Triliunes,  military,  ii,  342,  366, 
367.     Roman,  ii,  355 

Tribunus  Celerum,  ii,  310;  iii, 
125,  131 

Trirtmes,  ii,  307 

Triumph,  ii,  382  ;  iii,  21,  226 

Triumpher,  iii,  121 

Trojan  War,  i,  14,  315 

Trossulum,  iii,  22 

Troy,  i,  10 1,  407;  ii,  36;  iii, 
265 

Trumpet,  iii,  229-232.  Conf. 
Salpinx,  Tuba 

Tuba,  iii,  136,  230 

TuUia  (wife  of  Tarquinius  Su- 
perbus;, ii,  169-172,  194,  224 


INDEX. 


333 


Tullius,  Senius.  See  Ser- 
vius  Tullius 

TiiUus  Hostilius,  ii,  129 ;  iii, 
55,  76,  128 

Tunics,  embroidered,  iii,  120 

Tunnels,  i,  290,  291 

Turrhen»3  Latins,  ii,  1 5 

Turrheni,  Turseni,  Tusci,  Tyr- 
rheni,  Tyrseni,  i,  5,  8,  15,  16, 
17,  III,  392;  ii,  3,  14,  103, 
154,  300,  413  ;  iii,  260 

Turrhenia  (Tuscany),  Tuscia, 
Tyrrhenia,  i,  8, 22,  23;  ii,  15. 
See  Etruria 

Tvppei,  1,  6 

Tuscan.     See  Etruscan 

Tuscan  Sea,  i,  58 

Tuscans  of  tlie  To,  ii,  146 

Tusculum,  i,  312,  382,  437 

Tusciis  Vicus,  ii,  272 

Tututus,  iii,  84 

Twelve    States  of  Etruria,  iii, 

254 
Typhon,  i,  37 
Tyrrheni.     See  Turrheni 
Tyrrhenia.        See     Turrhenia, 

Etruria 
Tyrrhenian  shoes,  iii,  94 
Tyrrhenos,  iii,  261 
Tyrseni.     See  TuiThoui 
Tyrsenus,  or  Tursenus,  i,  9,  13, 

16,  18 

Ulysses,  of  Ithaca,  iii,  259 
Ulysses,  of  Cortonn,  iii,  259 
Umbri,  i,  17,  55,  67,  71,  74--'9. 

104,  210,  211,  212,  214,  358  ; 

iii,  2,  7 
Umbria,  i,  17,   59,69,71,345- 

365;  iii,  43 
Umbricius,  haruspex,  iii.  165 
Umbro-Pelasgian  towns,  i,  113 
Uncia,  iii,  97 

Vadimon,  Lake,  iii,  7,  8,  26 
Val  de  Cliiana,  iii,  36 
Valerius  Marcus,  iii,  11,  13 
Valerius  Maximus,  i,  37 
Valerius     Publicola,     ii,     216, 
230-236,  240,  242,  260 


Varro,  i,  129,  145,  197 ;  ii,  1 
Vases,  Etruscan,  iii,  243,  244 
Vaticanus,  Mons,  ii,  9 
Veientes,  i,  116,  et  seqq. 
Vectigal,  i,  232 
Veii,  i,  116,   117,  127,  130,  174, 

175.  347;  ii,  30.  3i>  56,  59» 
66,  67,  70,81,83,  87,  96,  152, 
239-243,  275-301,  315,  327, 
331.  338-380,  381,  413,416 

Veiled  gods,  iii,  184,  187 

Vejovis  or  Vedius,  iii,  176 

Velabrum,  ii,  175 

Velea.     See  Elea 

Velites,  i,  236,  239;  ii,  164; 
iii,  136 

Vehtri,  ii,  48 

Velleius   Paterculus,  i,  10,   11, 

,  '5'  394 
^  enetiaus,  i,  58 

Venice,  iii,  37 

Venus,  i,    166;  iii,   181.      Ery- 

cina,  iii,  37 
Venusia,  battle  of,  iii,  39 
Verona,  i,  355 

Vertumnus,  Vortumnus,  iii,  172 
Vestals,  i,  253,  154,  232  ;  ii,  46, 

104,  129,  411;  iii,  133 
Vetulonia  (lUt-olium,  Fetluna), 

i,   117,    127   130;  ii,   37,   81, 

83,  140,  141, 142 
Vettius  Spurius.     See  Spurius 
VeHirius  Alamurius,  ii,  48 
Via  Sacra,  i,  286;  ii,  25 
Victory,  eml)]em  of,  i,  33 
Vicus  Cyprius,  ii,  171.    Tuscus, 

ii,  32 
Vine,  cultivation  of  the,  i,  291, 

292,  329 
Virgil,  i,  II,  55,60,71,115,121, 

167,  197,  203,  206,  312,  320, 

356,    357»  4";   iii,  69,  261, 
263,  264 

Virginius,    ii,    298,    299,    353, 

.355 
Vitellia,  ii,  196 

V^itellii,  ii,  236,  239 

Vitruvius,  i,  121,  403 

Volaterra.     See  Vol  terra 

Volnius,  his  tragedies,  i,  297 


334 


INDEX. 


Volsci,  Vulci,  Vulci,  1,386;    ii, 

ao2,  203,  341,  388 
Volscian  cities,  i,  388 
Volsii.ia,  Volcinii(Bolsonii,  Fol- 
suuak,  i,  117,  123,    127.  130  ; 
ii,  265,398,  399^4^5;  i*i.  6,7, 
16,  21,  22,  30 

Volsinian  dynasty,  ii,  114 

Volta,  ii,  265 

VolteiTa,  VolateiTa  (Felatri, 
F.l.tiir,  Felatliri),  i,  113,  116, 
118,  127,  130,  347;  ii,  81,  83, 
139;  iii,  14,43.  Conf.  Fela- 
tri 

Volturana,  i,  169-171;  ii,  120, 
251,292,318,  320,  321,  418, 
432:  iii,  14,  15,  95.  (.'->iiM«Ml 
at,  i,  219 

Vultinnna,  ^odtle^s,  iii,  177 

Volumnius,  iii,  16,  17 

Vorsi,  i,  215,  223.  234 

Vulcan  (Sethlaus),  ii,  26;   iii, 

»75 
Viilcatius,   haruspex,    111,    302, 

Vulci,  i,  117,  127,  130  ;  111,  115. 

(y(»nf.  Volci 
Vulturnum  i('apua\  i,  394  ;    ii, 

33^.  333.  343'  363.  3S4 

Walletl  cities  sacred,  iii.  Si. 
Wails  of  cities,  iii,  180,  211.    Of 
Uome,  i,  173,  174 


War-dances,  iii,  232 
War-dancers  of  Veii,  iii,  269 
War,  tleclarationsof,by  Feciales. 

Feci  ales 
Wheat,  iii,  77 

Wilkinson,  Mr.  i,  11,  2S,  36 
Wind  instnuneut!*  of  the  Ktrus- 

cans,  iii,  172 
Wine,  iii,  77,  94 
Winters,  severe, in  Rome, ii,  335r 

336 
Wolf  and  hind,  iii,  19 

Wolves,  iii,  180 

Women,  respect  shown    to,    hy 
tlie  Etruscans,  i,  15,  61 ;    iii, 

85 

Wooil-work  in  Etruscan    stone 

buildin«*s,  iii,  240 
Wresilin«?-uiatches,  iii,  233 
Written  docuiients,  iii,  271,  272 

Xanthus,  i,  10.  12 
Xenophon,  i,  22 
Xerxes,  iii,  258 

Yeast:  minor  and  solar,  i,  259 
Young,  M  r.  i,  54 

Zama,  hattle  of,  iii,  43 

Zancle,  i,  4»4 

Zend,  or  arrow-headed  eharac 

ters,  i,  20,  21 
ZeuM.     S  e  Jupiter 


LONDON: 

StRAH'JKWAYSAND  WaLDEN.  PRlNTklU, 

Ca>;tlc  i>t.,  I,cicc6tfcr  S^. 


B^  the  same  Author. 
History  of  Rome   for  Young  Persons.     By 

Mrs.  Hamtlton  Gray.    With  numerous  Wood  Engravings. 
Second  Edition,  corrected.     1  vol.  12mo.  cloth,  Os. 

"A  very  iujTenioas  attempt  to  bring  tho  recent  discoveries  of  the  critical 
ewhool  iiit<j  WMrkin^f  compttition  with  the  miserable  Goldsmiths  and  Pinnocks 
of  our  youth." — ChrUtian  Remembrana.r. 

"The  clear,  lively,  and  ploasin;?  style  of  narration  is  admirably  calculated 
to  awaken  and  sustain  tho  atteutiuu." — Athtnaum. 

Emperors  of  Rome  from  Augustus  to  Con- 

stantine :  bein<?  a  Continuation  of  the  History  of  Rome.     1  vol. 
Ivimo.  with  Illustrations,  lis. 

*'f<o  many  applications  are  made  to  us  for  histories  sinted  to  a  period  of 
life  when  tlie  niind  is  berrinning  to  tlevelope  its  power,  and  t*j  find  sitisfaction 
in  connoeting  tho  past  with  tho  pnaent  and  tho  future  in  human  affairs,  that 
we  are  imhiccd  to  reciminend  these  volumes,  which,  however  widely  circu- 
lated, have  not  half  tlic  circulation  which  they  deserve.  They  are  clearly 
written.  They  neither  minister  to  ehildish  imbeciliry,  not  take  for  granted  a 
measure  of  knowledge  which  cannot  be  lawfully  expected  of  the  young.  They 
present  the  page  of  1  istory  as  it  really  is — not  a  .-cries  of  dry  details,  nor  of 
g'lrgeous  8i>eet.iclei^.  but  wit'h  enough  of  plain  fact  t^j  instruct  the  understand- 
ing, and  of  romantic  incident  to  kindle  the  sympathies  and  affections." — 

"  Wc  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  this  is  one  of  the  best  histories  of 
the  Roman  Empire  for  children  and  young  people  which  has  come  under  otu: 
notice.     Mrs.  IJaiiiil ton  Gray  has  made  herself  ac<}uainted  with  at  Iciist  some 


of  the  more  imjxtrtant  ancient  writers  on  the  subject  of  which  she  treats,  and 
also  with  the  criticisms  of  Niobuhr  and  other  modem  investigators  of  Roman 
h\s\A^r\\"—A(hfini  am. 

"  It  may  be  rc-ommcntled  as  a  clear,  rapid,  and  wcll-arranecd  summary  of 
facts,  pointed  by  fre<iucnt  but  brief  reflections.  .  .  .  The  bo^k  is  ji  very  good 
coiniKjndium  o:  the  impori:il  History,  primarily  designed  for  children,  but 
u.-eful  for  A\l."—>i>a:tnto): 

'*  It,  would  be  an  eiToneous  impression  to  convey  of  this  volume,  that  it  is 
written  solely  fur  .schools  and  children.  lu  reality  it  is  an  abridgn)ent  far 
niure  likely  to  bo  iiselul  to  jrrown-iip  persons,  who  can  reflect  upon  the  work- 
ing of  irciienil  laws,  and  make  their  own  observations  upon  men  and  things. 
A  striking  ehanietcristie  of  the  book  is  the  impartiality  of  its  poUtical  tone  and 
its  higii  moral  feeling." — Exumintr. 

The  History  of  Etruria.     Part  I.     Tarchun 

and  liis  Times.  From  the  Foundntion  of  Tarr|ninia  to  the 
Foundation  of  Rome.  Pnrt  11.  I'rom  tlie  Foundation  of 
Ri>me  to  the  Cienentl  Tea-e  of  Anno  Tarquiuiensis,  839,  B.C. 
.'UH.     2  vols,  post  Hvo.  clotli,  each  I'^.s. 

"A  work  which  we  strongly  recommend  as  certain  to  afford  pleasure  and 
profit  to  every  reader."— ./If/te/utu*/*. 

Tour  to  the  Sepulchres  of  Etruria  in  1839. 

Thml  Edition.  With  numerous  Illustrations,  post  8vo,  cloth, 
1/.  U. 

"  Mrs.  Cray  has  won  an  honourable  place  in  the  lar^c  a.s.sembly  of  modem 
female  writers."— C««Wtr///  Rfritir. 

"  We  warmly  recommend  Mrs  Gray's  uj<st  useful  and  interesting  volv.me." 
— Editiburyh  Ktcicw. 


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